Beidha in Jordan: A Dionysian Hall in a Nabataean Landscape

8/10/2019 Beidha in Jordan: A Dionysian Hall in a Nabataean Landscape

1/44

Beidha in Jordan: A Dionysian Hall in a Nabataean LandscapeAuthor(s): Patricia Maynor Bikai, Chrysanthos Kanellopoulos and Shari Lee SaundersSource: American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 112, No. 3 (Jul., 2008), pp. 465-507Published by: Archaeological Institute of AmericaStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20627485.

Accessed: 22/11/2014 14:26

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at.

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of

content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms

of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

Archaeological Institute of Americais collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to

American Journal of Archaeology.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 62.204.192.85 on Sat, 22 Nov 2014 14:26:32 PMAll bj JSTOR T d C di i
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=aiahttp://www.jstor.org/stable/20627485?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/stable/20627485?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=aia


2/44

Beidha

in

Jordan:

A

Dionysian

Hall

in

a

Nabataean

Landscape

PATRICIA

MAYNOR

BIKAI,

CHRYSANTHOS

KANELLOPOULOS,

AND

SHARI

LEE

SAUNDERS

Abstract

In

2005,

at

Beidha,

a

northern

suburb

of the

Nabataean

capital

of

Petra,

the

remains

of

an

elaborately

decorated

freestanding

building

were

uncovered.

Although

little of

the

structure

remains,

architectural

elements

found

at

the

site

make it

possible

to

propose

a

tentative reconstruction

of the

building,

the main

part

of which

was

a

colonnaded

hall or oecus approached through a courtyard. The oecus

may

have been

a

triclinium

of the

Nabataean

ruler

Mali

chos

I

(59/58-30

B.C.E.).

The

elements

uncovered

display

a

wealth

of

imported

Greek,

Roman,

Egyptian,

and

Eastern

architectural

and

artistic ideas

adapted

to

local

use.

The

building

is located

in

an area

that

was

a

wine-production

center in

the

Nabataean

era,

and

the decorative

program

of the

oecus

is

Dionysian.

This

article

argues

that the

com

plex,

which

was

abandoned

shortly

after it

went

into

use,

was

built

to

extol

tryphe (living

in

luxury)

and

to

link

the

Nabataean

royal

house

to

Dionysos

and

Alexander.*

INTRODUCTION

Historical Background

In times

when

goods

moving

between

Asia

and

Eu

rope

went

through

the

Red

Sea

and lands

adjacent

to

it,

Nabataea thrived.

The late first

millennium

B.C.E.

was one

of the

periods

when

that

route

was

important,

and the

prosperity

and cross-cultural

exchange

that

the traffic

brought

benefited

the

Nabataeans.

The

building

at

Beidha,

near

theNabataean

capital

of

Pe

tra,

is

one

of

the

products

of

that

phenomenon:

it is

a

manifestation

of wealth

and

of the

importation

of

elements

from

other cultures.

The Nabataeans

were

a

Semitic

people

whose

ori

gin

is

uncertain.1

They

were

definitely

settled

at

Petra

by

themid

second

century

B.C.E.,

but

they

may

have

been

in

the

region

before;2

however,

Schmid demon

strates thatonly in the firstcenturyB.C.E. is itpossible

to

recognize

a

distinctly

Nabataean

material culture.3

As

the Nabataean nomads

settled,

"[t]hey

oriented

their

new

culture

according

to

the

mainstreams

of

the

contemporary

Hellenistic world

in

its

Near Eastern

variant

as

it

was

on

display

in

major

Hellenistic

cities,

such

as

Alexandria."4

Most

of what

we

do

know

of the

history

of this

peo

ple

comes

from

limited

written

sources

that allow

us

to reconstruct

a

tentative

king

list for the

Nabataeans,

beginning

in 168 B.C.E.5

The first

king

who interests

us

is

Malichos

I

(59/58-30

B.C.E.),

who,

in

his

career,

"had to confront a choice between Caesar and Pompey,

between

Caesar's murderers

and

Anthony,

between

Anthony

and

Octavian,

and

through

all

this

period

be

tween

the claimants

to

the

throne

in

Jerusalem,"6

and

then,

in 40

B.C.E.,

between Herod

the Great

and

the

Parthians.

His

reign

marks the

beginning

of

Roman

influence

on

the

culture of the

Nabataeans.7

Malichos

was

succeeded

by

Obodas III

(30-9

B.C.E.)

and then

by

Aretas

IV

(9

B.C.E.-40

C.E.),

who

is

the

best known

of

*

All

work

was

undertaken

in

cooperation

with

the

Depart

ment

of

Antiquities

of

Jordan.

We

are

grateful

to

Fawwaz

al

Khraysheh,

director

general,

Suleiman

Farajat,

director of the

Petra

Archaeological

Park,

and Tahani

al-Salhi,

who served

as

the

department

representative

at

the site

in

2005.

Thank

you

also

to

the

directors,

Pierre M.

Bikai and Barbara

Porter,

and the staff of the American

Center of

Oriental

Research.

Staff

in

2005

included

Patricia

Maynor

Bikai,

director,

Chry

santhos

Kanellopoulos,

architect,

Shari

Saunders,

assistant

director and

archaeologist, Julia

Costello,

archaeologist,

Faw

waz

Isaqat,

surveyor,

Fraser

Parsons,

site

engineer

and

pho

tographer,

and Naif

Zaban,

foreman and

conservator.

The

project

was

made

possible

by

generous

grants

from the

Khalid

Shoman

Foundation

(Suha Shoman),

the

Dick and

Betsy

De

Vos

Foundation,

the

American Center of

Oriental

Research's

USAID

Endowment,

and the Council

of American

Overseas

Research Centers.

1

Zayadine

2000;

Parr

2003.

2

Bowersock

(1983)

is the

most

complete

history. Zaya

dine

(2000),

Healey

(2001,

25-32),

and

Bedal

(2003, 1-18)

are

useful

summaries. For

an

analysis

of Nabataean

cultural

trends,

see

Schmid

2001b.

3Schmid

001b,

367,371;

2001c.

4

Schmid

2001b,

371.

5

Diodorus

Siculus,

Josephus,

Strabo,

and

the

two

Books

of

Maccabees

are

the main

sources;

see

also

Meshorer

1975,

5-9.

6Bowersockl983,37-8.

7Schmid

2001c.

465

American

Journal of

rchaeology

12

(2008)

465-507

This content downloaded from 62.204.192.85 on Sat, 22 Nov 2014 14:26:32 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp


3/44

466

P.M. BIKAI ET

AL.

[AJA

112

the

Nabataean

kings

and is

widely

credited

with

much

of

the

building

activity

in

Petra

and

elsewhere.

Aretas

IV

was

succeeded

by

his

son

Malichos

II

(40-70

C.E.)

and

grandson

Rabbel

II

(70-106

C.E.).

Rabbel

II trans

ferred

the

capital

to

Bostra

(south

Syria)

and

was

the

last

Nabataean

king,

as

Trajan's

annexation

in

106 C.E.

turned

Nabataea into the Roman

province

of Arabia.

Petra

is best

known

for monuments cut

into the soft

sandstone

of

the

Jordanian

highlands.

Because

of

the

geology

of

their

territory,

he

Nabataeans

developed

their

own

unique style

of

architecture.

It

was a

two

dimensional

expression

of

the

common

architectural

vocabulary

of the

times and

was

marked

by

a

verticality

that

construction into

sandstone

cliffs

allowed.

Thus,

the

limits f

artistic

imagination

were

broadened,

and

bold,

multistoried

compositions

thatwould

not

have

been

possible

in

freestanding

buildings,

particularly

in

an

earthquake

zone,

were

created.

Only

a

limited

number of

freestanding

buildings

of

Nabataean Petra

have been

uncovered

or

analyzed

in

any

detail.8 What

evidence

we

have

shows

that

the

architectural

language

used

was an

exuberant

amalgam

that

borrowed

and

joined

elements from

other

cultures,

including

Egyp

tian,

Hellenistic,

Roman,

and

Eastern

elements.

The

same

mixture

of

elements is

found

in

Naba

taean

religious

and ritual

practices,

although

these

are

only

partly

understood

because

of

the lack

of textual

evidence.

Among

Nabataean

practices,

undoubtedly

colored

by

cultural

borrowings,

was

ritual

dining.

Ac

cording

to Strabo

(16.4.26):

The

Nabataeans

.

. .

prepare

common

meals

togeth

er

in

groups

of

thirteen

persons;

and

they

have

two

girl-singers

for

each

banquet.

The

king

holds

many

drinking-bouts

in

magnificent

style,

but

no one

drinks

more

than

eleven

cupfuls,

each time

using

a

different

golden

cup.

The

king

is

so

democratic

that,

in addi

tion

to

serving

himself,

he sometimes

even

serves

the

rest

himself

in

his turn.9

While

ritual

dining

is

found in

classical

lands

as

well

as

in

Persia,10

it does

not

make

the

Nabataeans

into

Greeks

or

Persians.We know

nothing

of

what the

Naba

taeans

understood

of

this

cultural

expression.

Beidha

Documentation

Project

Beidha lies

7

km

north

of

Petra;

it is

best

known

as

a

type-site

for theNeolithic

period11

and

for

the

Siq

al-Barid,

a

narrow

gorge

with

a

number of

rock-cut

structures.

Some

of

the

buildings

in

the

gorge

served

as

residences

and

dining

halls.

Almost

no

archaeological

work had

taken

place

at

Beidha

before

2003,12

when

a

project

began

under the

aegis

of

the

American

Cen

ter

ofOriental Research in

Amman

to

document

the

archaeological

remains in

an

area

east

of

the

Siq

al

Barid

in

five

three-week

seasons.13 Work

began

in

the

northern

canyon,

Siq

al-Amti,

where

a

large

(24

m

on

a

side)

unroofed

enclosure

approached by

elaborate

walkways

was

uncovered.

As this

was

surrounded

by

vineyards,

to

judge

from

two

wine

presses,

the

build

ing

may

have had

some

function,

perhaps

a

ritual

one,

related to

wine.

In

a

small

side

canyon

off

Siq

al-Amti,

there

are a

rock-cut

triclinium

and

numerous

Naba

taean

inscriptions,

one

of

which

refers

to

a

leader

of

a

religious

association

who

is

called

the

equivalent

of

the Greek

symposiarch.14

The

project

also

documented

numerous

cisterns,15

water

channels,

three

additional wine

presses,

several

Nabataean rock-cut

monuments

(including

tombs

and

rock-cut

halls),

a

Nabataean

house,

a

Byzantine

church,

Islamic-era

housing,

and

two

mosques.

As

of

May

2005,

only

one

section of the

study

area,

a

long,

narrow

sand

stone

promontory,

remained

undocumented

(fig.

1).

Given the

nature

of

previous

finds,

it

was a

surprise

when

that

site

began

to

produce

material

that

belonged

to

a

freestanding,

high-status

installation.

THE

IN

SITU

REMAINS

The

top

of

the

promontory

is

at

an

absolute elevation

of 1095.44

masl

and

rises 16

m

from the

surrounding

ground.

The

promontory

is

180

m

long

with

a

maxi

mum

width of 30

m.

The structures

identified

on

the

promontory

are

(from

west

to

east)

a

cistern

(5.5

x

9.5

?Joukowsky

998a;

Hammond

2003;

Kolb

2003;

Zayadine

et

al.

2003;

Kanellopoulos

2004.

9Jones

1930,367-69.

10

Zayadine

(1986a)

gives

an

overview of what is

known

about ritual

dining

at

Petra. On

the Persians and ritual

dining,

see

Duchesne-Guillemin 1988.

On

the

Persian

king's private

symposion

with

12

guests,

see

Ath.

4.145b-e,

14.652b-c.

nByrd

2005.

12

There has been limited

work

on

documentation

(see

Nehme

1994,

229-36

[with

references]).

A

few installations

in

Beidha

were

cleared

by

the

Department

of

Antiquities

of

Jordan in 1983 and 1990-1991 (seeZayadine 1986b,267-68;

Zayadine

and

Farajat

1991,

278-82).

13

A

map

of

the

study

area

can

be

found in

Bikai

et

al.

2007,

370,

fig.

1.

Preliminary

reports

on

the

project

include

Bikai

2004,2005;

Bikai

et

al.

2005,2006,2007.

14

Zayadine

1986a.

15

These included

two

large

ones

near

our

monument:

an

open

cistern with

a

capacity

of

1,360

m3

and

a

rock-cut

cistern

with

a

capacity

of

1,075

m3

(see

Br?nnow and

von

Domasze

wski

1904,

nos.

836,

841).

Another smaller

cistern

adjacent

to

the

entrance

ramp

of

our

monument

(see

fig.

2),

which has

no

catchment

area,

may

have

relied

on

transfers

of

water

from

the

large

cisterns.



4/44

2008]

BEIDHA IN

JORDAN:

A

DIONYSIAN HALL IN A

NABATAEAN LANDSCAPE

467

Fig.

1.

Aerial view of the

promontory

at

Beidha

(A.

Joukowsky).

x

6.5

m),

a

ramp,

an

entrance

room

(from

which

rises

a

staircase),

a

bath

area,

a

substructure

for

a

courtyard,

and

a

cryptoporticus (fig.

2).

Debris in

the

cryptoporti

cus

contained

most

of

the architectural

material found

at

the site. This

fill

consisted

primarily

of

Corinthian

and Ionic

capitals,

some

with heads

as

bosses,

as

well

as

column

drums,

column

bases,

a

few

ashlar

blocks,

and

other elements. This

material

belongs

to

a

structure

with

a

large

hall

or

oecus

that

rose

above the flattened

bedrock of the

promontory.

Though

not

a

single

stone

of the

upper

level

of

the

building

remains

in

situ,

it is

possible

to

propose

a

reconstruction of

this

building.

The

Gateway

and Bath

Between

two

large

walls

on

the

western

side

of

the

complex

rises

a

ramp

with

a

partially preserved

lime

stone

pavement.

This forms

the

gateway

to

the

com

plex.

The

ramp

leads

east

to

a

door

(wdth.

1.55

m)

and

thence

to

a room

(5.65

x

4.35

m).

The

floor

of

the

room

has fine

rectangular

pavers

of

limestone.

A

bench

leg

in

the form of

a

stylized

lion

paw

was

found in situ

against

the south wall

of

the

room.

A

staircase

in

the

northeast

section

of

this

room

leads

up

to

the

top

of

the

promontory;

six

steps

were

excavated,

rising

1.18

m.

The

staircase is

3.10

m

wide,

and the

inclination

is

2.2:1

m

(lgth.:ht.).

Because

there

is

an

8

m

difference

in

level

between the

gateway

and

the

top

of the

prom

ontory,

the overall

length

of

the

staircase would have

been

about

17.6

m

with

a

total

of

about

50

steps

(fig.

3).

A

series of

landings

could

have eased

ascent;16

how

ever,

the

areas

where these

may

have existed

are

poorly

preserved.

To

the north

of

the

gateway

and staircase

is

an area

with several

smaller

rooms,

some

of

which

may

have

functioned

as

a

bath.

Elevated

Courtyard

nd

Peristyle

We

identify

the

substructure of

an

elevated

court

yard

in

the

area

directly

west

of the

cryptoporticus,

where there

are a

number of

walls 0.90-1.07

m

and

1.25

m

thick and

densely spaced

at

intervals of

1.80

1.87

m

and,

in

ne

instance,

2.10m

(see

figs.

2,4).

The

exterior

dimensions of this

area are

15.40

(east-west)

x

14.80

m

(north-south).

The floor

of

the

substructure

(as

evidenced

by

thresholds and

a

single

in

situ

paver)

is

about 4.50

m

below the

elevated

rectangular

area

that

was once

above the

cryptoporticus

(as

evidenced

by

arch

springers

still

in

situ).

The close

spacing

of

the walls

suggests

that

they

supported

substantial el

ements

such

as

columns

on an

upper

level. On that

upper

level, therefore,

we

reconstruct

a

square

court

yard

with

peristyle

in

front

of

and

at

the

same

level

as

the

colonnaded

oecus,

some

5

m

above the floor of the

substructure

(fig.

5).

Within this

courtyard

it is

possible

to reconstruct a

covered

colonnade

on

all

four

sides.17 The columns

of

the

colonnade

would have been

supported

by

the

walls,

forming

a

smaller,

inner

square

at

the

lower el

evation. To

this colonnade

we

would

restore

either

a

set

of Corinthian

columns found

at

the

site

(diam.

0.47

m)

(fig.

6;

appx.

1,

cat.

no.

10)

or

the

Ionic columns

l6The

staircase of

the

Upper

Market

in

Petra is

11

m

tall,

with

a

steeper

and therefore less

comfortable inclination

(1.4:1),

and has

no

landings

(Kanellopoulos

2002,

296).

In

Herod's

palace

atMasada, the middle terrace on the north

edge

of the

cliff is

12

m

below

the

top,

and the lower

terrace

isanother 18

m

farther down

(Netzer 2001,90).

17

As is the

peristyle

house

layout

at

Mustafa Pasha Tomb 1

(see Grimm 1998,41,

fig.

39).



5/44

468

P.M. BIKAI ET AL.

[AJA

12

Fig.

2.

Plan

of the

promontory

at

Beidha

(drawing

by

C.

Kanellopoulos).

(diam.

0.68

m)

(figs.

7,

8;

appx.

1,

cat.

no.

18).

Either

of these

elements, however,

would

produce

a

colon

nade that

was

shorter than the

doorway

of the

oecus.

Because

the

roofing

of

such

a

colonnade would have

obscured the lintel of that

door,

we

prefer

to

omit the

colonnade

on

the

east

side of the

courtyard.18

The colonnade

in

the

courtyard

could have been in

two

stories;

if

o,

we

would combine the

pseudo-Ionic

capital

with the

elephant

heads with the

Ionic

column

drums

(figs.

,10;

appx.

1,

cat.

nos.

11,18)

and

restore

them

to

this

upper

story.

Alternately,

we

restore

the

colonnettes with the

elephant-headed

capitals (appx.

1,

cat.

no.

11)

to

a

window

on

thewall behind the Ionic

colonnade.19

It

is

possible

that the small architrave

(fig.

lie;

appx.

1,

cat.

no.

19)

and cornice

(ht.

0.23

m) (see

figs.

10, IIa,

g; appx.

1,

cat.

nos.

15,16)

belong

to

either

the

large

Ionic

or

the smaller

pseudo-Ionic

order.

It

is also

possible

that the Ionic columns

with

screen

walls between them

(see

fig.

8;

appx.

1,

cat.

no.

18)

could have

belonged

to

one

or

more

exedrae?

square

in

plan

and

distyle?facing

the

court,

as

in

the

Governor's

Palace

at

Ptolemais.20

Such exedrae with

balustrades between the

columns also

occur

in the

residential

complex

of Ez Zantur in

Petra.21

Such

a re

construction would accommodate the two-faced Ionic

capitals (appx.

1,

cat.

no.

18)

found

at

the site.

Cryptoporticus

nd Colonnaded Oecus

The

cryptoporticus

is

3.63-3.75

m

wide and is carved

out

of bedrock

(see

figs.

2, 4,

12).

It

is constructed

in

an

artificially

widened

east-west

fissure

through

the

bedrock

promontory.

A

series of

in

situ arch

springers

(wdth.

1.05

m,

spaced

1.05

m

apart)

rise

from

a

ledge

2.70

m

above floor level and carved

out

of bedrock

on

18

In

Petra,

two

lateral

colonnades

occur

in

the atria of the

Urn Tomb and the

funerary

monument

(see

Brunnow and

von

Domaszewski

1904,

no.

4

[the

"Khan"

near

the

entrance

to

the

Siq];

Schmid

2001a,

164,

172,

fig.

17).

Peristyles

ith

colonnades on three sides only occur inHerod's promontory

palace

in

Caesarea and

in

the

complex

of the Tomb of

the

Ro

man

Soldier

in

Petra

(see

Schmid

2001a,

figs.

1,7).

19

As

are

the

niches

in the

pronaos

walls of

Qasr

al-Bint

(Larche

and

Zayadine

2003,210,

fig.

227).

20Nielsen

1994,149,

fig.

80.

21Netzer2003, fig. 175.



6/44

2008]

BEIDHA IN

JORDAN:

A

DIONYSIAN

HALL

IN

A

NABATAEAN LANDSCAPE 469



7/44

470

P.M. BIKAI ET AL.

[AJA

112

Fig.

4. View

to

the

east

from the substructure of the elevated

courtyard

into the

cryptoporticus

(S. Saunders).

either

side of the

cryptoporticus.22

learly,

the

ceiling

of the

cryptoporticus

was

constructed of slabs

support

ed

by evenly spaced

arches

springing

from this

ledge.

The

top

of the flattened

area

at

the

eastern

end of

the

promontory

is

2

m

above the arch

springers.

This

height

accommodates

exactly

the radius

of

the arches

together

with the thickness

of the voussoirs

as

shown

in

figure

12.

Two

walls built

across

the

cryptoporticus

are

1.10

m

thick.

Flattened bedrock forms

most

of the

floor,

with

an

elevated

bench and

a

basin carved

out

of bedrock

against

the north wall.

At

the

west

end,

the

cryptoporti

cus

communicates

with the substructure

of

the elevated

courtyard

through

aim wide

doorway.

An

L-shaped

passageway

is also

partially

carved

out

of bedrock

on

the north side

of

the

cryptoporticus.

There is evidence

of

a

staircase

in

this

passageway

that would have

con

nected the

cryptoporticus

with

the

oecus

above.

Because

this staircase

begins

2.6

m

above the floor level

of

the

cryptoporticus,

access

to

the stairwell and

passageway

must

have been

by

a

ladder

from

the

lower level

(see

fig.

12).23

The

rectangular,

rocky

mass on

the

uppermost part

of

the

promontory

forms

a

natural

podium;

we

restore

the colonnade material found

in

the

cryptoporticus

to

a

colonnaded

outstanding

atop

this

podium,

at

least

5.50 m above the floor of the vaulted cryptoporticus

(see

fig.

12).

Monumental elevated

buildings

above

cryptoportici

are

not

uncommon

in the

area, as,

for

example,

in the Romano-Nabataean

temple

at

Dhat

Ras in

Jordan

(before

125-150

C.E.?),24

the

Antonine

Temple

of

Artemis

at

Jerash,

and the Great

Temple

of

Amman.25

The

colonnade material attributed

to

the hall

or

oecus

(appx.

1,

cat.

nos.

1-9)

includes

a

number of col

umn

shafts;

at

least

seven

column

capitals

with heads

(29

heads

total,

four

per

capital)

(figs.

13,14,15a-e);

two

olumn

capitals

with Medusa

heads and

palmettes

in the abaci; architrave moldings;

a

cornice; heart

shaped piers;

and

an

anta

jamb.

The

heart-shaped

piers

suggest

that the colonnade

was an

interior

one.

There

are

enough capitals preserved

to reconstruct

an

oblong plan,

but

too

many

for

an

altar

platform

within the

available

space.26

No

blocks

or

fragments

that could be attributed

to

architrave

blocks,

a

frieze

course,

column

bases,

or

sty

lobate blocks have been recovered.

Most

of the

mate

rial found

in the

cryptoporticus

belongs

to

the

upper

parts

of

a

colonnade. The recovered

remnants

of roof

tiles and nails that

would

point

to

thewoodwork

of

a

pitched

roof

were

negligible.27

Thus,

we

reconstruct

flat roofs

in

all

areas

of the

compound.28

The

overall north-south width of the

natural

po

dium described

above is 14.80

m;

this

should also

represent

the

outer

width

of the

oecus.29

The exterior

east-west

length,

from

wall

to

wall,

is about

23.40

m.

Based

on

this

width,

we

restore,

in

addition

to

the

ex

terior

walls,

only

two

columns and

two

heart-shaped

piers,

for

a

total

of

four

vertical

supports

(see

fig.

12).

The distance between

columns

cannot

be restored

with

certainty,

but interaxial distances

between 1.90

and

2.16-2.19

m are

possible,

with the north

wing

of

the colonnade

lying

south of the staircase

opening.

22

The substructure

of the Main Theater's

proscenium

has

an

identical construction

(Rababeh

2005,174,181,

fig.

6.

31.a).

23

A

wooden ladder

connects

the

crypt

(oracle?)

with

the

cella of the luxurious

Temple

of Zeus

at

Aezanoi

(see

Spaw

ford2006,89).

24Eddinger2004.

25Kanellopoulos

1994,57

(with

related

bibliography).

26

The

possibility

of

a

square

altar

was

considered; however,

itwould have

required

six

capitals

with

24

heads,

four heart

shaped piers (possibly

another six

heads),

and

two

capitals

with Medusae and pinecones. The discovery of 28 heads be

longing

to

capitals

would have then indicated that almost all

of the

capital

material

was

found,

but

only

a

small

portion

of

other

features

was

recovered.

27

The roof tile

fragments

recovered

from the whole

prom

ontory

amount to

some

15

kg,

most

coming

from surface

lay

ers on

the north side of the bath

area.

28For

flat roofs

over

classical

portici,

see

the

evidence from

the

complex

of the Tomb of the Roman Soldier

inWadi Fara

sa

(Schmid

2001a, 162,

fig.

; 169-70,

fig.

14).

29

The width of 14.80

m

is

exacdy

equal

to

50 Roman

pedes

of

0.296

m

each. For the

occurrence

of the Roman

pes

and

50 ftwide

structures in

Petra,

see

Kanellopoulos

2003;

Reid

2006,206-17.



8/44

2008]

BEIDHA

IN

JORDAN:

A

DIONYSIAN HALL

IN

A NABATAEAN

LANDSCAPE

471

Fig.

5. Ground

plan

of the

extant

remains

of

the

courtyard

substructure and

cryptoporticus

and

a

reconstructed

plan

of

the

peristyle

and oecus

(drawing

by

C.

Kanellopoulos).

The

length

of

the

building

accommodates

a

total of

six columns and

two

heart-shaped

piers

(see

fig.

5)

if

we

use

the

same

aisle width

throughout

the

oecus.

Such

a

restored

plan

for

the interior

colonnade

strik

ingly

resembles

the

Egyptian

oecus

in

the

Governor's

Palace

at

Ptolemais.30

The

overall column

height

should have been be

tween

eight

and

nine times the lower

diameter,

or

roughly

5.00-5.60

m,31

with

an

overall

entablature

height

of

approximately

1.15

m.

As

explained

above,

not

a

single

fragment

of archi

trave

beams

or

friezes has been identified

among

the

material found in

the

cryptoporticus,

but

we

suggest

that

the architrave beams

were

wooden,

with

a

section

of

about

0.35

(ht.)

x

0.60

m

and

capped

with the

cyma

recta

of

themolded

stone

course

(see

fig.

13;

appx.

1,

cat.

no.

5).

The

frieze could also have been

executed

in

wood;

this

course

could, however,

be

represented

by

the

finely

crafted ashlars

with

average

dimensions

(ht.

ca.

0.35

m)

that

are

generally

identified

as ma

sonry

blocks.

If

this is the

case,

these blocks show that

the frieze

course was

plain,

which is

typical

in

Petraean

architecture.

The column

capitals

with

the Medusa

reliefs,

pal

mettes,

and

pinecones

(figs.

15f-i, 16;

appx.

1,

cat.

no.

7)

are

of the

same

dimensions

as

the capitals with

heads in the

place

of

bosses

(appx.

1,

cat.

no.

3).

Appar

ently,

capitals

with Medusae

on

the truncated

corners

of the abaci occurred also

on

heart-shaped

piers

(fig.

17;

appx.

1,

cat.

no.

8).

It is reasonable

to

restore

two

such columns and

two

such

heart-shaped piers

with

Medusae and

palmette capitals

to

the

west

part

of

the

colonnade,

directly

across

from

the

entrance

(fig.

18).

Indeed,

most

abaci

fragments

with Medusae and

pal

30Pesce

1950,

tables

5, 6;

also shown

in

Nielsen

1994,

147,

fig. 78. The basilica at Pompeii has 4x12 internal piers (see

Welch

2003, 11,

fig.

3);

Vitruvius' basilica has 4

x

8

(Vitr.

De

arch.

5.1.6).

31

For column ratios in the freestanding architecture of Pe

tra,

see

Kanellopoulos

2001,16; 2004,

233.



9/44


10/44

2008]

BEIDHA

IN

JORDAN:

A DIONYSIAN HALL IN

A

NABATAEAN LANDSCAPE 473

0.31

Fig.

7. Ionic

capital (drawing by

C.

Kanellopoulos).

1,

cat.

no.

9;

see

also

appx.

2).

With

a

restored column

shaft diameter of

about 0.30

m,

these

capitals

could

belong

to

an

upper

story

of the

colonnade,

which

can

not,

however,

be restored

with

complete

confidence

because of the lack of

evidence.

From

the

extant

frag

ments,

it is

impossible

to

determine

if these

belonged

to

small

columns,

small columns attached

to

piers,

an

elevated

clerestory

wall,

or

window

frames.33

A number

33

See

figs.

12

and 18 for various

possibilities;

as

in

the

palace

at

Iraq

al-Amir,

Jordan

(see

Will

and Larche

1991,

pis.

36,

37;

see

also

Nielsen 1994,144, fig. 76). In fig. 12, the restoration of both colonnettes and similar semicolonnettes against piers on top of the inter

nal

colonnade is

only

tentative. In

fig.

18,

the semicolonnettes with the

griffin-headed capitals

are

shown attached

to

a

clerestory

wall

and

alternating

with

windows.



11/44

474 P.M.

BIKAI ET

AL.

[AJA

112

-

-.---j- ^==l?n

^

|

0.252

i

:

:

_ i

J

j

(^^^a^^^) l^r^pgr^^

Q.315

j

^

ff

r

S

'

""

%f|

r=^-'-^v^;'>i~)

?-385

_M_C

)

I

C.)

0

Imj

11

i

i

Fig.

8. Pieces of

an

Ionic

order with column

base

(appx.

1,

cat.

no.

17),

capital (appx.

1,

cat.

no.

18),

small architrave

(appx.

1,

cat.

no.

19),

and

cornices

(appx.

1,

cat.

nos.

15,

16)

(drawing by

C.

Kanellopoulos).

of

small,

finely

crafted ashlars

(average

0.15

x

0.12

x

0.20

m)

could also be attributed

to

an

upper

story.

An

abacus

corner on

which

an

animal

ear

is

pre

served

(appx.

2,

Head

H)

isof

the

same

style

ut about

half the

size

of the small

capitals

with

griffin

eads. This

fragment

is evidence for

a

third,

even

smaller

order

that could stand between the colonnettes of the

up

per level and on low balustrades, as in the Governor's

Palace

at

Ptolemais.34

Although

the

top

surfaces of the cornice

blocks

of

the

lower

colonnade

are

perfectly

flat and

could

support

a

freestanding

upper

colonnade,

such

a su

perstructure

would

be

too

weak

to

carry

a

heavy,

flat

roof. We therefore favor the solution of

a

clerestory

wall with

engaged

small half-columns

and windows

between

them

(see

fig.

18).

Nevertheless,

the evidence

for

an

upper

story

with smaller

supports

of

the

same

style

indicates

a

possible

elevated

clerestory

above the

nave.

Such

a

basilical

plan

with

an

elevated

clerestory

adorned with small columns

and

windows recalls

the

Egyptian

oecus

described

by

Vitruvius

(De

arch.

6.3.9).

The ratio of exterior

length

to

width

of

the

oecus

is

23.4:14.8

m

or

1.58:1

(or

11:7).

Indeed,

the

propor

tions of similar

contemporaneous

basilical halls

in

the

region are closer to the ratio 1.5:1, instead of the Vit

ruvian

proportion

of

2:1

(table l).35

It

seems

that the

main

entry

staircase

led

to

the

south

side

or

the southwest

corner

of

the

elevated

complex

(see

fig.

2).

An

axial

approach,

with

the

entrance

across

from

the

oecus,

is

not

a

requirement

for

compounds

of

this kind.

In

a

number of

prominent

residences

with

peristyles,

the

entrance

is from the

side,

and for

a rea

son:

the

area

directly

across

from the main

dining

hall

(oecus,

andron,

or

triclinium)

was

reserved

for

a

second,

34Pesce 1950, tables 5, 6; also shown inNielsen 1994, 149,

fig.

80.

35Nielsen 1994,197; Netzer 2001,40. A ratio of 2:1 is found

in

Italy.



12/44

2008]

BEIDHA

IN

JORDAN:

A

DIONYSIAN

HALL

IN

A NABATAEAN LANDSCAPE 475

smaller

dining

or

reception

hall

(exedra)

.36

It is

pos

sible

that this

was

the

case

in the

missing

western

parts

of

the Beidha

complex.

THE

ARCHITECTURE: STYLE AND CONTEXT

Hellenistic influences

are

apparent

in

the architec

tural forms of the Beidha

complex.

The Corinthian

capitals

deviate between

12%

and

13%

from

Jones'

rule IF and Vitruvius'

canon

for the Roman

Corinthi

an

order.37

The

interior

of the

oecus was

adorned with

columns

in

three different

sizes,

but

all

are

Corinthian

and decorated with

palmettes

and the heads

of

humans,

gods,

heroes,

griffins,

or

Medusae.

In the

oecus,

the

combination of

two

variants ofMcKenzie's

Type

1

floral

capitals

(one

set

with

headed bosses and another

set

with

a

garland

and Medusa head

on

the

abacus)

finds

an

almost identical

parallel

in

the house of

Ez

Zantur

in

Petra,

dated

by

the

excavators to

after

20

C.E.38

An

other

set

of

Corinthian

capitals

used

in

the

complex

is

of

a

simpler

type

(see

fig.

6;

appx.

1,

cat. no.

10).

The

canonical two-sided

Ionic

capital

(see

fig.

7)

is

thus

far

unique

in

Petra;

only

Ionic

capitals

seen

in the

round with

four

corner

volutes have

been discovered

in Petra

and

its

environs.39 The

miniature

capitals

of

the

upper

levels

in

the

oecus are

reminiscent

of the

so-called dwarf

features

found

in

contemporaneous

"experimental

architecture"

and

in luxurious resi

dential

complexes

such

as

the

Governor's

Palace

in

Ptolemais.40 The floral

pilaster capital

has awidth that

matches the diameters of the columns

(fig.

20;

appx.

1,

cat.

no.

22)

and could

belong

to

an

anta

near

the

oecus

entrance

or

at

the ends

of the

peristyle

colon

nades,

as

in

figures

5 and 18.

Elephant-headed capitals

are

well

represented

by

the 130 columns

in the

Lower

Temenos of the Great

Temple

at

Petra.41

In

Beidha,

the

pseudo-Ionic

capi

tals

with

elephant

heads in the

place

of volutes

prove

that this

motif

was

not

unique

to

the

Great

Temple

complex.

It

may

be that these distinctive

capitals

were

more

commonly

used

in

the Hellenistic

world,

but

they

are extant

only

at Petra and Beidha.

Also found

at

the site

were

near-life-sized

sculptures

of lions and boars

(appx.

2).

Their

original

location

^^^^X

"

38

|-0.18-

Fig.

9.

Pseudo-Ionic

capital

with

elephant

head

(drawing by

C.

Kanellopoulos).

is

uncertain,

but

they

could

be

restored

on

a

large

frieze

above

a

complete

entablature

of the

exterior,

as

is

the

case

at

the

palace

at

Iraq

al-Amir,42

as

part

of

a

nature

scene or a

hunting

scene.

They

could

also be

restored

as

acroteria

on

the

building.

Regardless

of the

reconstruction,

they

stand

in

stark

contrast to

the

tiny,

delicate

heads of the miniature

elements.

This small

scale

decoration

was

clearly

meant to

be

appreciated

by

those inside

the

complex.

In

contrast,

a

frieze

or

acroteria of

large

animals would

be combined

with the

massive outer

morphology

of the

complex

and could

be admired

even

from the foot of the hill.

Although

large

reliefs

of

animals,

frequently

au

naturel,

are

not

36

The main

entrance to

the Governor's Palace atPtolemais

is from the side

(Room

1 in Pesce

1950,

tables

5,6;

also shown

in

Nielsen

1994,

147,

fig.

78).

There is

a

lateral

entrance to

the house of the consul Attalos in

Pergamon

and in Herod's

Promontory

Palace

(Schmid

2001a,

fig.

7).

All

the above

ex

amples

have both

a

main

dining

hall and

a

secondary

recep

tion

room across

from it.

37Vitr.

De arch.

4.1.1;

Jones

1989,47,

51,

fig.

8b.

38Kolb

et

al.

1999,

269,

figs.

5, 6;

Netzer

2003, 162,

fig.

224.1.

39Fiema

et

al.

2001,

171,

fig.

38;

McKenzie

2001,

100-1.

The

severely damaged

Ionic

capitals

in

the

adyton

of

Qasr

al

Bint

may

also have been of the

canonical

type

(Zayadine

et

al.

2003,149,

fig.

15).

40Nielsen

1994,150.

41Blagg

1990;Joukowsky

1998b.

42Will

and Larche

1991,

pis.

36,

37;

see

also Nielsen

1994,

144,

fig.

76.



13/44

476

P.M. BIKAI ET AL.

[AJA

112

^-i

0.22

^^^^^^

[

~^

?'252

jjgpfea^f

I^C:^2j

?-175

|ll

|

|

|

1

^0.1cV-i

|

I

^

i

I

I

/.

0.20

v" I 'o

Fig.

10.

Order

composed

of

semicolonnettes,

a

pseudo-Ionic

capital,

and small entablature features

(drawing by

C. Kanel

lopoulos).

uncommon

at

Petra,43

they

are

nowhere

combined

with

small,

delicate

sculptural

elements

in the

abbre

viated

interiors of rock-cut

Petra.

This

combination is

feasible, however,

in

the

fully

developed freestanding

architecture

of

the

compound

of Beidha.

All the

architectural

sculpture

in

the

complex

of

Beidha finds

parallels

in

the

religious

and secular

monuments

of

the

city

center

of

Petra,

albeit

on

a

larger

scale and

at

a

slightly

ater date thanwhat is

pro

posed

here for Beidha.

The

griffins

n

the

Temple

of

the

Winged

Lions,

the

elephant-headed

capitals

of the

temenos

of theGreat

Temple,

and theMedusa heads

of

the residential

complex

Ez

Zantur

come

together

at

Beidha

more

gracefully

and

on a

smaller

scale.

The

setting

on a

cliff

t

Beidha

greatly

resembles the

contemporaneous

Herodian/Hashmonean

palatial

complexes

in

Masada

(ca.

25

B.C.E.)

and

Machaerus,

each of which has luxurious

reception

areas

overlook

ing

dramatic

views.44

While

the Beidha

complex

lacks

the

mosaic floors

of Herod's

compounds,

it has

sculp

tural decoration

in

a

variety

of sizes

and

in

all

areas

of

the

structure.

The similarities

to

the

complexes

at

Ma

sada and Machaerus

suggest

that the Beidha

complex

was

a

residence with

a

monumental

dining

hall.

This

identification is

supported by

the

presence

ofwhat

ap

pears

to

be

a

food-preparation

area

at

the

site,

the

use

of

a

nonaxial

approach

to

the

courtyard

and

oecus,

and

certain

Dionysian

elements

in

the

sculpture.

43Examples

include camels

(Siq),

lions

(Lion Fountain),

a snake (Snake Tomb), the horses of the Dioscuri, and ea

gles

and

lions

in the

eaves

of the Khasneh

(Bedal

2003,

pi.

28;

Ruben

2003,42).

44

Netzer 2001,92-5.



14/44

2008]

BEIDHA

IN

JORDAN:

A

DIONYSIAN HALL

IN

A

NABATAEAN

LANDSCAPE

477

-

ay

?I

r7^?

-

bf

I

?I

,/

9 I

d

/

e

f

I

l

I

0 0.1

0.2

Fig.

11.

Profiles of

seven

moldings:

a-d,

g,

cornices;

e,f,

architraves

(drawing

by

C.

Kanellopoulos).

This

monument

adds

a

variety

of

new

elements

to

our

understanding

of

Nabataean

history,

archi

tecture, art, and culture and opens a window onto a

period

that

is

little

documented

in

the

archaeologi

cal

record of the

Petra

region.

The

architecture

and

sculpture

demonstrate how

well the

Nabataeans

had

absorbed

Hellenistic

motifs and

blended them

with

Nabataean

traditions,

including

the tradition of

ritual

dining.

The

monument

also

contributes

to

our

under

standing

that the

Nabataeans

were

very

much

current

with

the fashion

for

palatial

facilities.

The

complex

at

Beidha

joins

the

garden

and

pool

with

a

Cyzicene

oecus

in

the

city

center

of

Petra and

the

palatial

facil

ity

n

Urn

el-Biyara

in

the

list

of

Nabataean

pleasure

compounds.45

DECORATIVE

PROGRAM

Human-Headed

Capitals

Archaeological

excavation

of the

cryptoporticus

and

adjacent

areas

uncovered 31

heads

(12

male,

16

female,

and 3

unidentifiable);

29

were

half-life-sized,

and

2

female

heads

were

quarter-life-sized

(figs.

21-3;

appx. 2). Four heads (Heads 19-22) remained united

with their

capitals,

and

others

(Heads 1,2,8,11,17,18,

24)

were

subsequently

restored

to

their

capitals,

con

firming

the

original placement

of the heads

as

bosses.

The

use

of heads

as

bosses

perhaps

developed

as a

decorative

scheme

from the

Hathor-headed

capitals

of

Middle

Kingdom

Egypt.46

xamples

of

this

non-Greek

architectural

tradition

are

well

represented

around

the

Mediterranean.47 The

inspiration

for this archi

tectural

decoration

likely

ame

to

Petra

byway

of

Ptol

emaic

Alexandria,

which

gave

rise

to

many

of

Petra's

architectural

forms

and

to

Pompeii's

Second

Style

wall

paintings. Thus, the Beidha heads are related to the

headed

capitals

that

appear

in

two-dimensional

form

in the

Villa

of

the

Mysteries,

Villa A

at

Oplontis,

the

villa

at

Boscoreale,

and the

House of

the

Labyrinth.48

This

decorative element

attracted both

Vitruvius'

eye

and his

contempt.49

45Bedal

et

al.

(forthcoming).

46von

Mercklin

1962.

For

a

brief

history

of

figured

capitals,

seeWebbl996,18.

47

Locations

range

from

Palaestina

(Fischer

1991),

Sardis

(Hirschland 1967), Pergamon (Webb 1996, 18), Pisa (Gri

santi

1992,

51-6),

Ptolemais

(McKenzie

1990,

pi.

221b),

and

Pompeii

(von

Mercklin

1962,

figs.

351-57;

Staub-Gierow

1994,

igs.

118-27).

48Clarke

(1991, 111)

believes

that the

same

workshop

dec

orated

these four

villas.

Cubiculi 16

and 8 of

the Villa of

the

Mysteries

are

illustrated

in

McKenzie

1990,

pis.

239a,

240b.

Triclinium 14 of Villa A at Oplontis appears inMcKenzie

1990,

pis.

229a,

230a.

^ViXx.Dearch. 7.5.3.



15/44

P.M. BIKAI ET AL.

[AJA

Fig.

12.

Reconstructed section A-A

(north-south)

through

the

interior of the

oecus

(drawing by

C.

Kanellopoulos).

A

few

fragments

of

figured capitals

were

recovered

at

Petra

before

the Beidha

discovery.

A

finely

carved

female

head

graces

an

abacus from the

domestic

site

of Ez

Zantur,50

which,

although slightly

smaller

and

more

finely

worked than the

Beidha

heads,

is

essentially

identical

to

them.

A

sandstone

head of

a

male

deity

was

found

in

the

debris

covering

the

Petra

Church;51

the

cut

guideline

on

the

flat

crown

of the

head,

slightly

ff

center

in relation

to

the

nose,

indicates

that

thishead

also derives

from

a

capital.

The size

of

the

Petra

Church

head is

approximately

the

same as

those

at

Beidha,

and

the

eyes,

nose,

and smile

are

similar

enough

to

those

of Beidha

Head

8

to

suggest

that

they

re

by

the

same

sculptor.

The

excavator

of the

Temple

of the

Winged

Lions

reports

finding capitals

adorned with

Eros-type

heads,52

and elsewhere

in

Nabataea,

similar

capitals

are

50Kolb

et

al.

1999,269,

figs.

5,6.

This head is

one

of

several

similarities

in

architectural decoration that

are

shared

by

Ez

Zantur and Beidha.

51Roche

2001,

353,

no. 13. The head is dated to the sec

ond/third

centuries

C.E.,

but Roche

notes

the

similarity

with

the

goddess

of

vegetation

at

Khirbet

et-Tannur,

which isdated

to

the end of the first

century

C.E. This

may

be

Hermes,

be

cause

behind each

ear,

there

are

the

remnants

of

a

long

taenia

that would fall over each shoulder.

52Hammondl977,51.



16/44

2008]

BEIDHA

IN

JORDAN:

A

DIONYSIAN HALL

IN

A

NABATAEAN LANDSCAPE

479

attested

at

Khirbet

et-Tannur,

Ma'in, Oboda,

Mampsis,

and

at

several

sites in the

Hauran.53

The

Beidha

assem

blage,

however,

is

the

largest by

far.

The

iconographic

program

of the Beidha

assem

blage

is

Dionysian.

In

fact,

Head

2

(see fig.

21

[2])

is

easily

identifiable

as

Dionysos,

for

he

is

singled

out

by

the

vine wreath that

crowns

his

head. This is the

god's

youthful

image, popularized

in the

Hellenistic and

Roman

periods.

That

Dionysos

should

appear

in

a

Nabataean context

is

not

surprising,

as

both

Herodo

tus

and Strabo

explicitly

state

that the

Nabataeans

worshiped

him.54

The

cast

of characters in

a

Dionysian

thiasos is

not

fixed,

but the main

actors

are

Dionysos,

Silenos,

satyrs,

and bacchantes.

To

this

core

can

be added

Ampelos,

Ariadne,

centaurs,

Dionysos

Pais,

erotes,

Herakles,

hermaphrodites,

nymphs,

Pan,

and the Four

Seasons.55

The headed

capitals

at

the

Beidha

complex

include,

in

addition

to

Dionysos

himself,

Ampelos

(Head

18),

Dionysos

Pais

(Head 3),

Herakles

(Head 13),

Pan

(Head

19,

on an

anta

capital),

Silenos

(Head 14),

satyrs

(Heads

15,

20, 24, 25,

27,

29),

and

bacchantes

(Heads

4-7,10,12,16,17).

The three

veiled females found

at

the

site

(Heads

8, 21,

22)

may

be

Ariadne,

Nysa,

and

Ino,

the main

female characters in

Dionysian mythol

ogy.

The

presence

of Isis

(Head 11)

can

perhaps

be

explained

by

her

popularity

in

Petra,56

but

it

should

be

noted that Herodotus

and

later Plutarch

equate

Dio

nysos

with

Osiris,

the

consort

of

Isis.57

t

may

be

that

the

patrons

or the

sculptors

at Beidha were aware of

this

relationship

and

referenced it n the

iconographic

program

of the

building.58

Identifying

the other

female

figures

at

Beidha

is

problematic;

they

may

be

Muses, maenads,

or

nymphs,59

all of

whom

are

also

associated with

Dio

nysos.

In

mythology,

Muses

appear

in the

worship

of

Dionysos

in

the

festival known

as

the

Agrionia.60

In

art,

they

appear

with

Dionysos

on a

late

fifth-century

B.C.E.

hydria

by

the

Priam Painter

now

in

the

Metropolitan

I

I 0 0.5m

Fig.

13. Reconstructed elevation and

a

section of the hall's

entablature with elevation of

headed

capital (drawing

by

C.

Kanellopoulos).

Museum

of Art and

on

the

so-called

Muse

sarcophagi

of the

second

century

C.E. The

sarcophagi

suggest

an

indirect link

between

Muses and

Dionysos

in

the

con

53Glueck

1965,

224

(Hauran),

pis.

132c

(Ma'in),

132a, b,

133,134

(Khirbet

t-Tannur);

egev

1974,155

(Oboda);

156,

pi.

27e,

no.

5070

(Mampsis).

54Hdt.

3.8;

Strabo 16.1.11. See

Healey

(2001,

100-1)

for

a

summary

of

Dushara

as

Dionysos.

55E.g.,

the

Dionysian

thiasoson the

sarcophagus

of Maconi

anaSeverianain

thej.

Paul

Getty

Museum

(inv.

no.

83.AA.275)

involves

a

basic cohort of

Dionysos,

Ariadne,

Ampelos,

Pan,

Dionysos

Pais,

and

Silenos. The

supporting

cast

includes five

maenads

(with

a

tympanon,

kithara,

cymbals,

double

flute,

and

one

with

tympanon

and

thrysos)

and 10

young

satyrs

(car

rying

the

child,

playing

the double

flute,

with

a

lagobolon

and

syrinx,

with

a

lagobolon

and

pulling

a

goat,

holding

a

torch,

holding

a

basket of

grapes,

three small

satyrs

crushing

the

grapes, and one pouring grapes into the vat) (Walker 1990,

fig.

la-g).

The

thiasos

on

the

sarcophagus

in

the Museum

of Fine

Arts,

Boston

(inv.

no.

1972.650),

includes Herakles

(Comstock

andVermeule

1976,

no.

244).

56

For

Isis

in

Petra,

see

Roche

1987;

Zayadine

1991;

Merk

lein

and

Wenning

1998;

Parlasca 1998.

57Hdt.

2.42;

Plut.

Dels,

et

Os. 364e-365a. A connection

be

tween

Isis and

Dionysos

is

also

apparent

in

Cyprus,

where late

first-century

B.C.E.

Magenta

Ware

jugs

depict

the

goddess

with

Dionysian corymbs

crowning

her head

(Karageorghis

et

al.

2000,276-77,

fig.

447).

58McKenzie

(1990,117)

postulates

that Alexandrian crafts

men

created

the fine

work of the

early

Petra

monuments.

59

The difficulties of

identifying Dionysos'

female

compan

ions in relation

to

fifth-century

B.C.E.

vases

are

discussed

in

Carpenter

1997,

52-69.

60

The association of the

Muses with the festival

seems re

stricted, however, to Boeotia, specifically Orchomenos (Plut.

Quaest.

Graec.

299-300).



17/44

480

P.M. BIKAI ET

AL.

[AJA

12

Fig.

14.

Top plan

of

a

headed

capital

with

masons'

marks and

oblique joints

(drawing by

C.

Kanellopoulos).

quest

over death.61Mortal maenads

usually

appear

with

wild

unbound

tresses

crowned with

ivy

reaths,

while

stephanai,

the

Hellenistic

crownlike

headpiece

worn

by

the

Beidha

females,

are

rare.62

he

first

acchantes

are

the

Nysian

nymphs

who raised the child

Dionysos,

and this is

the

simplest

identification

of the

seven

Beidha

females.

The

Beidha females

certainly

fit

the

definition of

nymph

as

"a

non-wild

bacchant."63

If

the

Beidha

females

are

nymphs,

their

open

smiles

express

the

gaiety

of

the

Dionysian

thiasos,

yet

they

possess

a

61

The

link

is

more

directly

made in

the

example

in

the

Louvre

(inv.

no.

MR

880),

with its

lid decorated

by

Dionysian

scenes

of

satyrs

and maenads

(illustrated

in

Matz

1968-1975,

3:179,

no.

235).

62

Carpenter

(1997,

59

n.

44)

notes:

"There is

no

consisten

cy in the treatment of the women's hair. Some wear wreaths,

some

fillets,

some

sakkoi,

some

nothing."

Stephanai

do

crown

the

heads ofmaenads

in

two terracotta

figurines

(LIMC

suppl.

8(2):781,

figs.

210,

211).

Certainly,

iademed

nymphs

o

ap

pear

in

Graeco-Roman

art

(see,

e.g.,

Carpenter

1997,

pis.

11A,

19B, 22A, 26A,

37B. For

further

discussion,

see

appx.

2,

Head

1).

63

Smith

1991,

130.

Carpenter

(1997)

notes

that

it is

more

appropriate to call the female characters who appear with Di

onysos

on

fifth-century

B.C.E.

vases

nymphs

rather than

mae

nads

(121).



18/44


19/44

482

P.M. BIKAI ET AL.

[AJA

112

f-

0.48

-1

I

Fig.

16. Elevation of

a

Medusa

capital (drawing by

Q.

Tweissi).

refined

elegance

befitting

the

grand

architecture of

their

setting.

It

should be noted thatDiodorus Siculus

and others locate the

place

of

Dionysos' youth,

Nysa,

in

Arabia,

and therefore

the

inclusion

of

nymphs

in the

decoration of the

oecus

may

be

a

visual

link

between the

Nabataeans and the

birthplace

of

the

god.64

Dionysian imagery

is

common

among

figured

capi

tals,

and

such

capitals frequently

adorn

structures

with

Dionysian

connections.

For

example,

Dionysian

figures greet visitors at the entrance to the House of

the

Figured Capitals

in

Pompeii,

dated

to

120

B.C.E.,

and their

presence

there

has been linked

to

Dionysos'

connection

to

the

afterlife.65

A

pilaster capital

of

un

known

provenance

now

in Boston

depicts

Silenos

standing

between

acanthus bushes

with

a

wineskin

at

his

right

foot;

it sdated

to

200-260

C.E.66

The head of

Pan,

a

drama

mask,

and the head and

upper

body

of

Dionysos

appear

on

three

capitals

at

the

Decapolian

city

of

Scythopolis,

which

had close ties

to

the

god.67

Dionysian-headed capitals

also

appear

in

Villa

A

at

Oplontis

and

in the

Villa

of the

Mysteries

at

Pompeii,

where

we

see a

bearded Silenos

figure wearing

a cor

ymb

wreath

in

a room

adjacent

to

the famous

room

depicting

the

Dionysian

rites.68

Both Italian

capitals

come

from

a

wine-producing

area,

which recalls the

vineyards

present

at

Beidha.

In

broad

terms,

the heads fall into

two

groups:

a

Hellenizing style

and

a

strongly provincial style.

An

example

of the first

group

isHead

18,

with

its rakish

anastolehairstyle,

modeled forehead and

furrowed

eye

brows,

upward-gazing

face,

and

slightly

open

mouth,

which

are

all characteristic of Hellenistic

sculpture.

Although the female faces are more restrained and

lack the

sense

of drama that

emanates

from their male

companions,

their

softly

modeled features

with

eyes

and mouths

deeply

carved for chiaroscural effect

are

also

Hellenizing.

In

fact,

the female faces share char

acteristics with those of the

Pergamon

altar,

which

are

noted for their

"fleshy,dimpled,

rounded

chins,

full

lips

and

wide

open

eyes."69

Most of

the female heads

from Beidha have

open

smiles,

refined

coiffures,

and

balanced

crowns

that recall the

"light"

or

"elegant"

Dionysian style,

hile

the troubled

expressions

of

many

male

figures

express

the

"serious"

Dionysian style.

Thus,

the heads

convey

the full

range

of

the

Dionysian

spirit

seen

in

Hellenistic

art.70

64Diod. Sic.

3.59.2, 3.64.5,

3.65.7,

3.66.3. In

addition,

an

anonymous

poet

is

quoted

in

Dalby

2003,

43. Diodorus

(3.66.4,

3.67.5)

does

note

that other authors

place

Nysa

in

North

Africa,

and Herodotus

(2.146,

3.97)

says

that it is lo

cated in

Ethiopia.

65

Staub-Gierow

1994,

73.

The

juxtaposition

of the home's

master

and mistress

on one

side of the

entrance

with

a

satyr

and maenad

on

the other makes

a

strong

statement

regarding

the devotions of the household. Zanker

(1998, 37-9)

views

this

as a

turning point

for Samnite

society,

when

it

adopted

the values of Greek

luxuria,

including

a "hedonistic

lifestyle

celebrated

by

Oriental monarchs and characteristic of

con

temporary

Greek cities"

(37).

66

Museum of Fine

Arts, Boston,

inv.

no.

01.8211.

Comstock

and Vermeule

1976,193,

no.

307.

67

Turnheim and Ovadiah

2002,

210.

All the

capitals

were

found

in

secondary

contexts,

reused

in the

propylon

of the

city's

grand

Byzantine

bath house.

68

von

Mercklin

1962,

figs.

1373-75.

Note that the heads

turn to

look into the

center

or corners

of the

room,

a

feature

shared

by

some

of

the Beidha heads.

69Ridgway2000,42.

70Smith

1991,128-29.



20/44

2008]

BEIDHA

IN

JORDAN:

A DIONYSIAN

HALL

IN

A

NABATAEAN

LANDSCAPE

483

Fig.

17.

Top plan

of

a

heart-shaped pier

and its

capital, composed

of three

half-parts

and the actual

quarter-part (drawing

by

C.

Kanellopoulos).



21/44

484

P.M. BIKAI ET AL.

[AJA

112

^^^^^^^^1 ^^^^^^^^B ^^^^^^^^B

^^^H Fl I ^^^^^^HR

Fig.

18.

Photorealistic

re-creation

of the hall above the actual remains of the

infrastructure,

view from the

west

Beidha in Jordan: A Dionysian Hall in a Nabataean Landscape

Documents

Transcript of Beidha in Jordan: A Dionysian Hall in a Nabataean Landscape