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Algeria: Nonviolent resistance against Frenchcolonialism, 1830s-1950s

Malika Rahal

To cite this version:Malika Rahal. Algeria: Nonviolent resistance against French colonialism, 1830s-1950s. Maciej J.Bartkowski. Rienner, pp.107-223, 2013. �hal-01316088�

1

Algeria:

NonviolentresistanceagainstFrenchcolonialism,

1830s-1950s

Dr.MalikaRahal

IHTP-CNRS

Author’sversionTofindthepublishedversion:

Rahal,Malika.“Algeria:NonviolentresistanceagainstFrenchcolonialism,1830s-1950s.”InRecoveringnonviolenthistory.Civilresistanceinliberationstruggles,107–123.MaciejJ.Bartkowski.Boulder,Colo.:Rienner,2013.

PreeminentplaceofviolentresistanceinAlgeria’smodernhistoryandpoliticsInrecentyears,twoimportantbookshavefocusedontheviolenceoftheFrench

conquestandcolonizationofAlgeria,beginningin1830.LeCourGrandmaison’s

Coloniser,Exterminer1emphasizestherolecoloniessuchasAlgeriaplayedinthe

developmentofmilitaryformsofviolencelaterimportedtoEurope,while

Brower2givesafinedescriptionoftheviolentmeansusedbytheFrencharmyto

controltheAlgeriandesertaftertheconquest.Indoingso,bothauthorsgo

beyondthewell-knownepisodesofAlgerianarmedresistance--notablythe

armedresistanceofAmirAbd-al-Qadirinthe1830sand'40s,andtheWarfor

Independence(1954-1962)--tore-emphasizethedurationandintensityof

violenceintheresistanceagainstFrenchcolonialoccupationofAlgeria.However,

suchdiscourseleaveslittle,ifany,narrativespaceforuncoveringtheexistence

anddiscussingtheroleofother,nonviolent,formsofstruggledevelopedby

AlgeriansagainsttheFrenchcolonialoccupation.

2

InAlgeriaafterindependence,figuressuchasAmirAbd-al-Qadir,BachaghaEl-

Moqrani(leaderofthe1871uprising),orSheikhBouamama(aleaderof1881-1908

insurrection)werecelebratedinlieuxdemémoire3--namingstreetsandsquares

afterthemorerectingtheirstatutes.Themostubiquitousfacesofthenationalist

struggleinAlgeriahaveundoubtedlybeenshuhada(martyrs)whogavetheirlives

inthewarforindependence.Theirconstantcommemorationoccupiesalarge

portionofpublicspace,andtheyareregularlyrecalledinofficialspeechesand

ceremonies.August20waschosenasMartyrDay,markingtheviolentuprisingin

theConstantineregionin1955.Itwasoneofthemainrolesoftheformer

Mujahidin(veterans)ministrytopublishandbroadcastnarrativesofindividual

combatants.Booklets,pressarticlesorpopularfilmsglorifiedarmedstruggle,and

sacralizedthemartyrs’sacrifice.Ceramictilesrepresentingfiguresofmartyrs

wereusedtodecoratethecityofAlgiers,andAlgeriaisinfactknownasblad

milyunshahid,themillion-martyrcountry.4In1988,anationalmonumentwas

constructedincommemorationoftheirsacrifice:theMaqamShahid,visiblefrom

allsidesofthebay,hastwostatuesatitsfoot.OnerepresentstheNational

LiberationArmysoldierbearinghisweapon,whiletheotherisanarmedpeasant-

-bothsymbolsofanationunitedinarms.Lastly,intheirpreambles,theAlgerian

constitutionsof1963,1976,and1987emphasizedtheleadingroleoftheNational

LiberationFrontandtheNationalLiberationArmy(FLN-ALN)inwinning

independence,presentedviolentresistanceastheultimateliberationtool,and

glorifiedthememoryofshuhadaandthedignityofmujahidin.

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WhentheFrontdeLibérationnationale(FLN)cametopoweraftertheWarfor

Independence,theirreinterpretationofpasteventsproducedanofficialhistoryof

theliberationstruggle-ahistorythatwasunivocalandlinear.5Itwasalinear

narrativebecauseitclaimedthatnationalismhadbeenconveyedthroughasingle

ideologicalthread--apoliticalgenealogythatlinkedFLNwiththeÉtoileNord-

Africainecreatedin1926amongsttheAlgerianworkersinParis,thePartidu

peuplealgérien(PPA)establishedin1937,andtheMouvementpourleTriomphe

desLibertésdémocratiques(MTLD)setupin1946.TheFLNwasanultimateand

quintessentialavatarofallthesepoliticalparties.Consequently,allotherpolitical

organizationswereconsideredillegitimate,andtheircontributionstoanational

struggledenied.Itwasalsoaunivocalnarrativebecauseitdefined“Algerianness”

asArabicinlanguageandMusliminreligion,thussymbolically--andtosome

extentpractically--excludingotherlanguages(FrenchorBerber)andreligions

(ChristianorJewish).Furthermore,thecollectivesubsumedtheindividualtofit

FLNpopulistideology:astherehadbeen“butonehero,thepeople,”individual

glorificationwasonlyacceptedformartyrs.6Asaresult,untilrecentyears,

personalaccountsintheformofautobiographies,biographies,andmemoirswere

agenreabsentfrommodernAlgerianhistory.

Theconstraintssetbyofficialhistorynotonlyinfluencedpublic

commemorationsandvernacularnarratives,butalsoaffectedthewritingof

academichistoryinAlgeriaandalsoinFrance,wheremuchoftheAlgerian

historywasbeingwritten.BenjaminStora’sbiographyofMessaliHadj,leaderof

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theMNA(MouvementnationalAlgerian,arivalorganizationtotheFLN)in

19867,wasundoubtedlyasubversiveendeavorbothinformandtopic,bringingto

theforegroundafigurerejectedfromofficialhistory,andshowinghow,atevery

turn,Messaliwasfacedwithdecisionsconcerningtacticalchoicesthatweremore

complexandnuancedthanasimplisticdividebetweenlegalactionversusarmed

struggle.Afterthecensorshiploosenedin2000s,afewautobiographical

narrativeswerepublished.8Thesesourcesarefundamentalfordescribingand

accountingforcertainformsofcollectiveresistance,inparticularmoreinformal

typesofdefiance.Forexample,theyrevealtiesbetweentheworkingsofcultural

associations,tradeunionsandpoliticalparties.Childhoodstoriesemphasizethe

importanceofthescoutingmovementasameansofresistance.Autobiographies

uncoverhowpeopleconfrontedcolonizationonamoreintimate,individualand

familylevelratherthanthemoreorganizedlevelofpoliticalparties.

Classicallyinpost-colonialstates,victoriousarmedmovementscreatednational

narrativesthatoftenhelpthemstayinpowerandshapethenation.InAlgeria,

after1962,officialhistorypresentedrevolutionaryviolentmethodsandguerrilla

warfareastheonlypossiblemeansbywhichindependencecouldhavebeen

achieved.ThisnarrativewasinstitutionalizedinAlgerianacademiaduringthe

1970swhilestatemonopolyoverbookpublication,includinghistorytextbooks,

leftnooutletforcompetingnarratives.

5

Asaresult,theuseofnonviolentformsofresistancesuchasformationandwork

ofculturalassociationsorpoliticalnonviolentorganizinginparticularduringthe

“decadeofpoliticalparties”aftertheSecondWorldWar9,appearedasnothing

morethan“dilatorinessandpointlessdiscussion”,inthewordsofthehistorian

andformeractivistMohammedHarbi10,andtheyhavebeenacceptedassuch

evenbythosewhoactivelyparticipatedandledthem.Suchattitudesledtoaloss

ofcollectivememoryofthenonviolentformsofactionwhile,inreality,cultural

associations,unions,aswellassufiandfamilynetworks--largelytacitlyand

nonviolently—hadresisted,andlateropenlychallengedcolonization.

FrenchcolonialoccupationofAlgeriaTheFrenchcolonialprojectinAlgeriainvolvedacomplexsubjugationstrategy,

anditsseverityandintensityconditionedhowtheindigenouspeoplecouldresist

it.Theterritorialconquestin1830wasfollowedbymilitaryoccupationthatlasted

until1871.Asaconsequenceoftheimpositionofanewcolonialregimeafterthe

defeatofAbd-al-Qadir,thepowerofthewarrioraristocraticclass--thejawad--

wasgraduallyreduced,andthetribalsystemthathadorganizedsocietyin

Algeriadisintegrated.Justassignificantasthedefeatofmilitaryinsurrectionsof

MohamedEl-Moqrani(1871-72)andSheikhBouamama(1881-1908)wasthede-

culturalizationofthisBedouinsociety.11Theculturalconsequencesweredrastic.

Inthefirst20yearsoftheoccupation,thenumberofindigenousschoolswascut

byhalf.12In1914,onlyoneindigenouschildoutof20hadaccesstoFrench

education13,andbytheendofthecolonialperiod,Frenchuniversitieswere

6

producingonlyafewdozengraduatesfromthecolonizedpopulationannually,

mostofwhomwhereilliterateinArabic.ClassicalArabiclanguagewasinfactone

ofthefirstvictimsofcolonization:undercolonialrule,therewasnoequivalentto

theuniversitiesoftheQarawiyyininFes(Morocco)ortheZaytunainTunis.The

establishmentofschoolswithArabicasalanguageofinstructionwassubjectto

varioustypesofbureaucratichurdlesandpermissionsthat,defacto,madeit

impossible.

AlgeriawasalsoasettlercolonytowhichmanyFrenchandotherEuropeans

migrated.In1860,200000EuropeanswerelivinginAlgeriaandowned340000

hectaresofland(risingtomorethan1.2millionhectaresby1881).14Formsof

dispossessionrangedfromdirectlandpurchase(ofdubiouslegality)to

expropriation,andland-confiscationasaformofcollectivepunishment.

Uprootinglargeportionsofthepopulationhadlong-termconsequencesfor

pastoralandfarmingfamilieswhoweredrivenintopovertyandforcedto

migrate:15Inacountrywhereover90percentofthepopulationhadbeenrural,

thedisruptionwasconsiderable.Thistraumaticandforcefultransformation

brandedthememoryoftheconquestforthedecadestocome.

Lastly,after1848,Algeriawaslegallynolongeracolonybutanextensionofthe

FrenchRepublic,yetaregionofFrancewherethelocalpopulationwasatfirst

excludedfromFrenchcitizenshipandnevergainedfullcitizenshiprights.Until

1945,theindigenouspopulationelectednorepresentativesandthecodede

7

l’indigénat(indigenouslaw)establishedin1874createdanumberofoffences

applicablesolelytoAlgerians,limitingtheirconstitutionalfreedoms.16

However,evenatthepeakofFrenchcolonialdomination,thecolonizedsociety

neverceasedtoresist.Betweenthenineteenthcenturyepisodicoutburstsof

armedresistanceandthearmedrevolutionthatbeganin1954,nonviolentforms

ofenduringandresistingconquestandcolonizationweredeveloped.Duringthe

longeraofcolonization,theyevolvedfromanorganicreactiontoprotectthe

collectivefabricofAlgerianindigenoussociety,tothedemandforfullcitizenship

andsovereigntyofthepeople.

Resistancetotheconquestofthelandandagainsttheimpositionofanewauthority

MassemigrationasaformofcollectiveresistanceOneoftheformsofnonviolentresistancethatmosttroubledtheFrench

authoritiesinthefirstyearsoftheconquestwasAlgerians’emigration.Early

emigrationswereforcedbytheinvasionandsubsequentpacification,aswellas

bytherepressionthatfollowedeveryuprising.However,asearlyas1830,

emigrationalsoappearstobeaformofresistancetotheimpositionofnon-

Muslimauthority,accordingtotheMuslimpracticeofhijra.Accordingto

demographerKamelKateb17,Algerianswereleavingthecountrymainlyfor

Morocco,Tunisia,Syria,PalestineorEgypt,andtoalesserextentforother

Muslimcountries.

8

TheFrenchfoundthesewavesofemigrationstroublesome,andeventuallytook

measuresagainstthem.AlthoughemigrationbenefitedEuropeansettlersby

freeingland,italsoposedproblems:massexodushadaclearpoliticalmeaning

thatembarrassedtheauthorities.FurthercostsfortheFrenchwerethatthe

departureoftribescontributedtothebreakdownofpublicorderinAlgeriaand

theincreaseofbanditry,whiletheemergingFrencheconomyinAlgeriawas

hinderedbythelossoflaborforce.

Generally,thesemigrationswerevisibleactionspursuedbylargegroupsof

familiesfromthesamecityorregion,convincedofthenecessitytoleavein

reactiontothenewcolonialconditions.Thesepeoplewerefleeingtheruleofa

non-Muslimgovernment,confiscationoftheirlands,andlatermilitary

conscription.Emigration,theyhoped,wouldpreservetheirculturalandsocial

identitiesendangeredbytheFrenchconquest.Whiletheearlyemigrationwaves

areimpossibletomeasure,thelateronesshowthebreadthofthephenomenon.

ThelastmassemigrationwasthedepartureforSyriaof508familiesofthecityof

Tlemcenin1910-11inreactiontothethreatofconscriptiontotheFrencharmy.

Thescaleoftheemigrationmovementrevealstheprofoundnessofsocial

disruptioninandafter1830.“1830wasanendoftheworld”,wroteJames

McDougall,referringtothedomesticconsequencesoftheconquest.18Seeing

massemigrationasdefianceofthecolonialpower,theFrenchauthoritiescarried

9

outsurveystoanalyzethemandtriedtoblockthembyrefusingthenecessary

permissions.That,however,didnotstopmanyfamiliesfromleavingthecountry

illegally.Theauthoritiesalsothreatenedtribeswithconfiscationoftheirlands,

thusforeclosingthepossibilityoftheirreturnorofbenefitingfromwhatwealth

theypossessed.19Theissuewasalsodiplomaticallysensitive,asitcreatedtensions

withthecountriesofdestination.Insomecasesthemigrantfamiliesrefused

registrationattheFrenchconsulateandrapidlyblendedwiththelocal

population.Inothercaseshowever,localauthoritiessoughtFrenchassistancein

managingtheselargenumbersofnewly-arrivedmigrants.Furthermore,asKateb

pointsout,thisnonviolentactionthreatenedFrench-imposedsecurityinAlgeria

ashostileAlgerianpopulationsbeganconcentratingontheMoroccanand

TunisianbordersatatimewhenthesecountrieswerenotyetFrench

protectorates.

RejectionandBoycottsInthefirstdecadesofcolonization,notablyundertheruleofNapoleonIIIand

withthe“civilizingmission”gainingpopularityamongmanyofficersofthe

Bureauxarabes20(colonialofficesforcollectingandanalyzinginformationon

colonizedpopulation,andresponsiblefordesigningapolicytowardthe

indigenouspopulation),themissionof“enlightening”andre-educating

indigenouspopulationbecamecentraltoseveralprojects.DanielRivetdescribes

effortstosettledownnomadicpopulations,ortocreatenewvillagesdesignedby

Frencharchitectsonawesternmodel.21Despiteequippingthemwithhammams

10

(bathhouses)andmosques,thefailureofthesesettlementswasresoundingas,

forexample,womenrejectedthemandrefusedtostayinthesenewplaces.The

authoritiesalsofacedlocalrefusaltoadoptmedicalservicesprovidedbythe

army.Whileinfirmarieswereinstalledamongcertaintribes,itappearsthatthe

peopleneversubscribedtothepreventiveformsofmedicinethatwereonoffer,

limitingtheirattendancetotimesofcrisisandtheneedforcurativemedicine.

Westerneducationalsoencounteredquietnoncooperation.TherareFranco-

Arabschoolscreatedamongtribesmetnosuccess.OneArabBureauhead

explained,“theindigenouspeopleconsiderthatsendingtheirchildrentoschool

isthemostburdensomedutythatweimposeuponthem.”22Theimperialcollege

inAlgiersstagnatedwhiletwoschools,openedforindigenouswomeninAlgiers

andBône,failedentirelyforlackofpupils.Morebroadly,YvonneTurinidentifies

whatshecallsaperiodofrefusscolaireorboycottofFrenchschoolsbynotable

Algerianfamilies(theirintendedtarget)thatlastedatleastuntilthe1880s.23

Thesefamiliesconsideredunacceptabletoentrusttheirchildren’seducationto

non-Muslimandnon-Arabicspeakingschools.Inotherwords,thecolonialists’

attemptstoseizeandtransformthemindsandbodiesofthecolonized

populationwerefacedwithapersistentformofmuteresistancethattheFrench

foundextremelydifficulttoovercome.Forthosewhoremainedinthecountry,

thisrefusalseemedtobethewaytooppose,resistandendureinthefaceof

foreigndominationbroughtbymilitaryforceandeconomicimperialism.The

Frenchpainter-writerEugèneFromentincommented:

11

Unabletoexterminateus,they[thelocalpopulation]sufferourpresence;

unabletoflee,theyavoidus.Theirprinciple,theirmotto,theirmethodisto

remainquiet,todisappearasmuchaspossibleandtobeforgotten.They

demandlittle:theydemandintegrityandpeaceintheirlastrefuge.24

WithdrawalForthosewhoremainedundercolonialrule,anothermeansofresistancewasto

defineandprotectaprivatespaceagainstthedisruptionsandinterferenceofthe

colonialsystemaroundthem.Consequently,theareasofresistancebecame

family,home,andthespiritualandreligiouslife.Theseintimatesphereswere

placesofrefugeandperseveranceofculturalpractices,andidentitiesfrombefore

theconquest.AnthropologistJacquesBerqueconsideredreligiontohavebecome

a“bastionofwithdrawal”forthecolonizedpopulationofAlgeriatopreservetheir

identity.25Forthosewhorefusedtoleavetoaforeignland,itprovidedthemeans

foraninternalhijra-apersonalanddeeplyemotionalandpsychological

migrationandwithdrawaltothe“innerdomain”--asaformofresistance.26

Inthisprocess,seeminglynon-politicalandpersonalpracticesunderwent

transformationsthatpoliticizedthem.Inparticular,women’spractices--their

behavior,clothingandroleinthefamily--acquiredapoliticalimportance,and

becamesymbolsofculturalresistancetoEuropeandomination,andareflection

ofagrowingnationalidentity.Theirfathers,husbandsandbrothersnowviewed

Algerianwomenastherepositoryofculturalidentity,whoneededspecial

12

protectionastheybecamearepositoryforthepreservationoffamilyandsocietal

valuesinthefaceofgradualdisintegrationoflocalcultureandencroaching

“Frenchification.”BecauseEuropeanmenwereparticularlyinterestedin

“oriental”women--notablytopaintthem,latertophotographthem--Algerian

womenwereevermoreunderspecialprotectionofmen,andmoreconfinedto

theirhomes,reinforcingtacitresistanceagainstforeignculturalexpansionbut,at

thesametime,increasingthegendergapandexacerbatingmasculinity.27Inthe

samefashion,theveil(atthattimeintheformofthehaïk,alongveilcovering

thewholebody)acquiredanewimportance,asameanstoprotectwomen--and

withthemthecoreofcollectiveidentity--fromthegazeofEuropeans.Theentire

bodybecameameansofresistingforeigndisruptionandintrusion.

ResistanceofSufiBrotherhoodsInthiscontext,sufibrotherhoodscametoplayanimportantroleinresisting

FrenchpresenceinAlgeria.Inseveralcasestheyledorsupportedarmed

insurrectionsagainsttheFrenchandprovidedrefugetoleadersofarmed

insurrectionsaftertheirdefeat.However,accordingtoJulia-ClancySmith,there

werealsoepisodesduringwhichcolonialtensioninvolvingsufibrotherhoods

peaked,withouttransformingintoviolentresistance.28

Attheturnofthenineteenthcentury,thecolonizedpopulationwasmobilizedto

protectasuficenter,theRahmaniyyazawiya,attheoasisal-Hamil,nearBu

Sa‘ada,southofAlgiers,againstFrenchattemptstocontrolit.TheFrenchhad

13

leveledvariousearliersuficenters,butthiscomplex,builtin1863,grewtobethe

mostpopularinAlgeria,boastingaprestigiousschoolandlibraryandsurrounded

byfarms.LedbySheikhSidiMuhammadoftheRahmaniyyasufiorder,it

attractedthosewhowantedtobenefitfromhissaintlybaraka(blessing),either

byfollowingtherichcurriculumprovidedbytheschool,orevenbychoosingto

beburiedonthezawiyagrounds.Peoplethusexpressedtheirdesiretorestina

landinsulatedfromforeigninterference.Frenchauthoritiesdistrustedthis

powerfulinfluenceoutsidetheircontrol.Theyalsocovetedthezawiya’swealth:

itscashandpropertiesoflandandflocks.SidiMuhammadhadavoided

confrontingtheFrenchdirectlybutresistedcomplyingwithcolonialruleby

insistingonhisreligiousdutytoproviderefugetofellow-Muslims,including

defeatedmilitaryrebelsandotherfugitivesfromtheFrench.BetweenSidi

MuhammadandtheFrench,therewas“anunstated,yetmutuallybinding,pact,

whoseimplicittermsgrantedpoliticalorderinreturnforreligiousautonomy.”29

However,in1897theFrenchsawtheiropportunitytotakecontrolofthezawiya

whenSidiMuhammaddiedwithhissuccessionunclear.

Intheconflictoversuccession,theFrenchsupportedtheclaimsofSidi

Muhammad’snephew,againstthoseofhisdaughter,LallaZaynab.Asawoman,

theyargued,shewouldbeweak,incapableofadministratingthezawiya

effectively,andbecomeapliabletoolinthehandoftheanti-Frenchelements.

LallaZaynab,however,forallherapparentfrailty,successfullyresistedthe

Frenchuntilherdeath(in1904).Firstsheprotectedthezawiyaagainstherrival

14

bydenyinghimaccess.ShelaterdemandedFrenchprotection,usingthe

inconsistenciesintheFrenchpolicies,andcalculatingthattheywouldnotdare

toevictherbyforce,aswasindeedthecase.TheFrenchfoundheran

embarrassingcharactertodealwith:herchoicesofcelibacyandvirginity

increasedherspiritualinfluenceandsocialpower.AsClancy-Smithpointsout,

thestoryreveals“theabsenceofcolonialmechanismforcontainingsmall-scale,

nonviolentrebellions,particularlyledbyMuslimwomen,”30andemphasizesthat

thiswasalsotrueinTunisia,particularlywherezawiyaswereheadedbywomen.

Resistanceagainstexclusionarystatepolicies:thestruggleforcitizenship

TheJeunesAlgériens(YoungAlgerians)movementTheshiftfromreligiousmovementsoroppositionlimitedtotheprivatesphereto

amoreopenandpublicinvolvementinvariousculturalassociationsandpolitical

organizationscoincidedwiththeemergenceoftheJeunesAlgériensmovement,

earlyinthetwentiethcentury.Itsleadersandmemberswereasmalleliteof

Francophones,withacoreofperhaps1,000members.31Theywereaproductof

Frenchschoolingwhodemandedthattherepublicanprinciplestaughtatschool-

-embodiedinfullFrenchcitizenshiprights--beappliedtothecolonized

populationofAlgeria.Theirclaimstocitizenship,however,werealwaysmetwith

policiessettinglimitationsonfullcitizenship.Oneconditionforacquiringfull

citizenshiprightswasunacceptabletomanywhootherwisewouldhavequalified:

therequirementtorelinquishMuslimlegalstatus,andthusbecomesubjectto

15

theFrenchcivilcodeforpersonalmatterssuchasmarriageorinheritance.This

conditionmanyAlgeriansconsideredequivalenttoapostasy,afurtherblowto

whatwasleftoftheircollectiveidentity.

IntheirstruggleforcitizenshiprightstheJeunesAlgériensdevelopednew

institutionsandpractices:settingupandprintingperiodicalsandnewspapers,

openingculturalandfraternalclubs,organizingpoliticalrallies,andlocal

electoralcampaignsthatmobilizedtheelite.32Morebroadly,associations--

particularlyculturalassociations--becamethemaintooltoinvolvethepopulation

informingandconsolidatingtheircollectivepracticesseparatefromtheFrench.

Literatureassociations,music,geography,sportsassociationsmultipliedinthe

1920s.33JeunesAlgérienssawsuchactivitiesasdirectlylinkedtothevisionofan

awarecitizenwhowaseducated,andpubliclyinvolvedinleadingcivicand

politicalinitiatives.Thisbourgeoisvisionofthecitizenwasheavilyinfluencedby

theFrenchrepublicanideal.JeunesAlgériensnewspaperspublishedideasfor

politicalreformsthatwerealsopromotedinmanifestos,petitionsand

delegationssenttoFrance.Theydemandedarepresentativeparliament,fairertax

system,andequalandcompetitiveaccesstothepositionsinadministration.

However,theFrenchadministrationinAlgeria,andFrenchAlgeriannewspapers

reviledthemconstantlyfortheir“anti-Frenchattitudes.”Althoughnotsuccessful

ingainingfullcitizenshiprights,themovement'sassociationactivitieslaid

importantfoundationsfortheemergenceofotherpoliticalorganizations,

includingFédérationdesélusindigènes(TheFederationofElectedIndigenous

16

Representatives)thatinturnhelpedpoliticizesomepartsoftheAlgerian

populationandwasoneoftherootsofAlgeriannationalism.

IslamicreformismandthecultureofnationalismInthe1930,anothermovementemergedthatsharedtheconcernsofJeunes

Algériensforculturaldevelopment--theUlamamovement,headedbySheikh

AbdelhamidBenbadis.Withintwodecades,thismovementbecameanationwide

networkofschoolsandassociationspromotingareformedversionofIslamand

knowledgeoftheArabiclanguage.34Indoingso,ittookfromandcontinuedthe

traditionofthemovementsborninEgyptoftheNahda(Arabrenaissance)and

Islah(Islamicreform).Thelogicwasnolongerthatoffindingshelterincollective

identity,butofreinvigoratingitbygoingbacktoitssupposedroots:aSalafiform

ofIslam(followingthemodeloftheforefathers,prophetMuhammadandhis

companions),cleansedofsufiinfluences--notablythecultofsaintsinthe

zawiyas--consideredtobedeviationsfromthepurportedly“original”Islam;and

thepropagationanddiffusionofArabic--whichthecolonialforceshadfought

against--throughamodernizedpedagogy.

Despiterefusingtoentertheinstitutionalizedpoliticalscene(forinstance,asa

politicalparty),theUlamamottoshowsclearpoliticalimplications:“Islamismy

religion,AlgeriamyfatherlandandArabicmylanguage.”Themovement

developedwhatJamesMcDougallcallsacultureofnationalismthatreliedona

historicaldiscourseofwhatitmeanttobeAlgerian.35Inpromotinganationalist

17

thought,theUlamaschoolsvaluedgreatlyteachingsofhistoryoftheArab

conquestinNorthAfrica.UlamaalsoencouragedimportationfromEgyptof

historybookspromotingArabo-Muslimhistoryandvalues.Thisnational

discoursewassustainedbynewpracticesthathelpedanewlyinvented

“Algerianness”becomeembodiedinmusic,theaterperformances,orreligious

celebrations.Forexample,culturalcirclesorganizeddramatizationswhereschool

childrenplayedgreatfiguresoftheMuslimorNorthAfricanpast.Ulamabelieved

thatweakenedspiritualityallowedforforeigndominationandcontinued

colonization.Consequently,theyaimedtocleansereligiouspracticesofthose

traditionalaspectsviewedasunorthodoxormagicalandthereforeasspiritually

weakeningtheAlgerianpopulationinitsstruggleagainstforeigndomination.

PoliticizationofculturalformsofresistanceThedecadeaftertheSecondWorldWarwascharacterizedbytheintegrationof

previouslyhighlightednonviolentcollectivepractices(suchascultural

organizing,meetings,festivities)andtheirfurtherdevelopmentwithinthe

frameworksofnewpoliticalparties.36

Politicalopening--althoughstilllimitedasAlgerianshadfewerrightsthan

Europeancolons--allowedcolonizedpopulationtoparticipateinthelegislative

elections,andencouragedpoliticalforcestoorganizeintomassparties.This

resultedintheestablishmentin1946oftheUnionDémocratiqueduManifeste

algérien(UDMA)ledbyFerhatAbbasandtheMouvementpourleTriomphedes

18

Libertésdémocratiques(MTLD)ledbyMessaliHadj.TheyjoinedtheAlgerian

CommunistParty(PCA)inrepresentingthecolonizedpopulation.

Thepoliticalpartiesdidnotlimitthemselvestoconventionalworkoffighting

electionsandsendingrepresentativestoparliament.Theybecamepromotersofa

broaderformofculturalresistancenotlimitedtothepersonaldomain,asin

earliertimes.Thisculturalresistancebecamegenuinelycollectiveandcreative

undertheauspicesofthepartiesthattookupthestruggleforthecreationofa

collectiveself,fortheformationofanAlgerianpeople(althoughtheyhad

differentdefinitionsofwhatthispeopleshouldbe).Politicalpartiesthusbecame

entrepreneursofnationalculture.Forinstance,whiletheUDMAandthePCA

consideredthattheEuropeanslivinginAlgeriawouldnaturallybepartofthe

independentcountry,thePPAandMTLDconsideredthat“Algerianness”meant

beingArabandMuslim.Algeriantheaterormusicaltroupesfoundtheirways

intopoliticalrallies,thuspopularizingnationalistdiscourse.Variousprofessional

groupswereofteninvitedtopoliticalmeetingstogiveplays,whilechildren’s

associations(notablyscouts,orstudentsoftheUlamaschools),closelylinkedto

oneortheotherparty,wereaskedtoplaysketcheswithanexplicitlynationalist,

religiousormoralmessage.Thepoliceclearlyunderstoodtheimpactthatsuch

eventscouldhave,andsurveyedthemclosely,notingnamesofactors,themes

andvocabularyused.AsurveillancereportwrittenbytheOranpolicein

September1951describedonepoliticalmeeting:

19

Afour-actplay,entitled“Union”wasinterpretedinArabicbythestudents

oftheFalahschool.Theplaysshowedfourbrothers,feudingwitheach

other,whosefather,Atlas,wasarrestedandputinjailbyanambitious

sultan.

Facingthissituation,thechildrenreconcilewitheachother,andmanageto

freetheirfather.Theallusiontothepresentisdirect:thefourchildrenare

theUDMA,theMTDL,thePCAandtheUlamaassociation:theyuniteto

fightoffimperialism.37

Politicalparties--especiallytheUDMA,closelylinkedtoUlama--graduallyhelped

setthefoundationsforanewnationalisthistory.38Thepartynewspaperswere

publishingarticlesthatcontributedtothewritingofanationalisthistory.They

commemoratednationalistfigures(suchasAmirAbd-al-QadirorAbdelhamid

BenBadis),historicdates(theManifestooftheAlgeriapeoplein1943),and

promotedAraborIslamichistory.Partyrallieswererituallyconstructedaround

variouscarefullychoreographedandsequencedinstallments,including

commemorationsofpastevents(notablythebloodyrepressionofMay1945),and

celebrationsofnationalistfigures.Anypartyrallyincludedashorthistorical

lecture,duringwhichspeakersrejectedthenotionthatAlgeriahadbeena

wastelandbeforethearrivaloftheFrench;theydebunkedcolonialscholarship

(accordingtowhich,togivebutoneexample,BerberandArabpopulations

differed,withtheformerbeing“closer”toChristianityandEuropeanculturethan

thelatter),andglorifiedArabhistory,provingitsvalueinthefaceofcolonial

domination.Party-relatedactivitiesalsopromotednationalrites,customs,and

20

symbols.SeveralversionsoftheAlgerianflagwerepopularized,patrioticnational

songstaughtintheUlamaschools,orinthescouttroupesweresangduring

rallies.Thepartyalsoheldconferencespertainingtotopicssuchasmorality,

religion,hygieneanddiseasepreventionduringwhichthelinebetweenthe

politicalandthecultural,socialorreligiouswasultimatelyblurred.Allthese

nonviolentcollectiveactionswereconsiderednecessaryforshapingnationally

consciouscitizens,byimprovingtheireducationandknowledgeofAlgerian

historyandculture,theirmores,ortheirphysicalwell-being.

Intensityofpolicesurveillanceanditsrepressionledallparties--includingthose

whoopposedanarmedinsurrection--tofindmeansofself-protection.Many

formermilitantstellstoriesofhavinghadmeetingsinthewoods,awayfromthe

village,toavoidthepolice.Archivesalsorevealhowpartiesemployedtheir

youngermemberstoensuresecurityofameetingbypreventingpossiblepolice

informersfromentering:blockingthedoor,checkingmembershipcards,warning

partymembersofpolicepresencetoallowthemtodisperse.Inthefrequent

caseswherethenewspaperswereseizedbycensorship,alternativemeansof

distributionwasorganized.TheMTLDyouthorganizedseveralcampaignsduring

whichtheinscription“Algérielibre”(freeAlgeria)waswrittenonthewallsofthe

cities;leafletswerehandedoutrapidlyanddiscreetly;flash-rallieswereorganized

onmarketsquaresbeforethepolicehadtimetointervene.

21

Electoralcampaignsafter1948,whentheFrenchadministrationsystematically

begantorigelectionsonalargescale,dramatizedtheconflict.39Nationalist

parties,whichnevergaveupentirelyonparticipatingintheelections,constantly

triedtodevelopnewstrategiestoneutralizeadministrativeinterventioninthe

electoralprocess.InConstantinein1951,partymilitantswereencouragedto

prevent“evenatthecostoftheirlives,theexchangeofballotboxes”40--a

commonformofelectoralfraud.Partyaffiliateswerealsotrainedtobemore

efficientinthemonitoringpollingstations,andtheirpresenceonelectionday

wassuchaproblemfortheauthoritiesthatitoftenledtoarrests,orbrawlswith

thepolice.41

Practicespresentedabovewereunconventionalandinvolvedadegreeofphysical

engagementthatwentbeyondtraditionalpartypoliticsandelectoral

campaigning.Inacolonialcontext,wherenationalistsymbolismconstituteda

threattothestatusquoandwheredemocracywasamereformality,theattempts

tocreatenationalnarrativesanddefinethemeaningofanation,todefendand

expandautonomouspoliticalspace,andprotectthelegalityoftheelections,orto

guardvotersfrompoliceharassmentbecameintenseformsofnonviolent

resistancetocolonialoppression.

AlgeriantradeunionismBoththePCAandtheMTLDhadclosetieswithtradeunionsaftertheFirst

WorldWar.MostAlgerianworkerswhereaffiliatedwiththeFrenchCGT

22

(Confédérationgénéraledutravail)thatdidnotalwaysheedthecallsoftheir

Algerianactiviststodiscussthenationalquestionwhileitsleadershipwas

reluctanttoappointAlgeriannationaliststokeypositions.However,accordingto

formerunionleaderBoualemBourouiba,unionizedAlgerianworkers--for

example,inthedocks--werenotallCommunists,andmanyweremembersof

othernationalistparties(MTLD,andtoalesserextentUDMA)aftertheSecond

WorldWar.42ThoughthequestionoftheestablishmentofanAlgerianUnion

wasraised,itwasnotuntil1956whentheUGTA(Uniongénéraldestravailleurs

algériens),linkedtotheFLN,wascreated.

AlgerianunionistshadanessentialroleinorganizingsolidaritywithotherFrench

occupiedterritories.Forexample,inthe1950stheAlgeriandockers’unionscalled

onworkerstostoploadingweaponstobeshippedtoFrenchforcesinVietnam,

wheretheFrenchwerefightingawaragainstamovementforindependence.43

TheseactionswereinsomecasescoordinatedwithstrikesinFranceitself,asin

March1952,whendockersinbothMarseilleandOranrefusedtoloadweapons

forVietnam.44

Variousexamplesshowcreativityintheuseofgeneralstrikes.April25,1952,was

declaredadayofmourninginsolidaritywithTunisians,wherethousandsof

independenceactivistshadbeenarrestedandhundredskilledinrecentmonths

byFrenchrepression.InAlgeriapoliticalpartiesandunionsorganized,

throughoutthecountry,ageneralstrikeandaseriesofnonviolentcollective

23

actionssuchasboycottsandprotests.TheConstantinepréfecturenotedthatin

thedayspriortothegeneralstrike“emissarieswentaroundtheArabquartersof

ConstantineandinvitedMuslimwomentoremainathomeonFriday,in

particularthosewhoworkedinEuropeansfamilies.”45OnApril25,collective

actionstookplacethroughoutthecountry,withworkersandshopkeepersgoing

onstrike,andstreetdemonstrationsoccurringeveninsmallerlocalities.Traffic

inthemainAlgerianportswasblocked.

Despitepopularsupportforthoseactions,theyremainedrelativelyrare.Three

explanationsmightbeofferedforthis.Firstly,Algeriantradeunionism,asan

effectiveforceinthestruggleagainstcolonialism,wasweakenedbecauseofthe

absenceofanationalunion,andtheimpossibilityofreachingallsegmentsof

whatwasnotyetaworkingclass.46Secondly,asaconsequence,politicalparties

werethemainorganizersofnationwideactions,butcompetitionbetweenthe

threenationalistpartieswasintenseandblockedstrategiccooperation--theApril

1952strikewasashort-livedexception.Thirdly,thepoliticalpartiesdiverged

dramaticallyontheadvisabilityofmassnonviolentprotest,anindecisionthat

stemmedfromthetraumaticexperienceoftheMay1945massacres.Attheday

celebratingtheGermansurrenderintheSecondWorldWar,nonviolent

demonstrationsineasternAlgeriahadturnedintoriotsandanti-European

attacksafterpoliceshotdemonstratorswavinganAlgerianflaginSétif.47Inthe

daysandweeksthatfollowed,boththeFrenchauthoritiesandarmedEuropean

militiasroamedtheConstantineregion,perpetratingsummaryexecutionsand

24

massacres,whilecruisersandaircraftcarriersstationedintheBougiebay

bombedvillages.Thousandswerekilledandmostnationalistleaderswere

detainedforseveralmonths.Intheyearsthatfollowed,terrifyingnarrativesof

theviolenceagainstthecolonizedpopulationwerecirculated,includingthose

concerningtheburningofbodiesinthelime-kilnsofHéliopolis.48

ThetraumaofMay1945setbackcollectiveinvolvementforyears.Combinedwith

theauthorities’oppressivemeasurestoimpedeunifiedaction,anddifferences

amongnationalistsovertheuseofalternativeformsofmobilizationand

engagementoutsidetherulessetbythecolonialadministration,Algeriansfelt

theirchoicewaseitheracquiescebyparticipatingintheriggedand

discriminatoryelectoralprocess,orrejectthislegalformofactioninfavorof

armedstruggle.49

NonviolentactionscapturedbythefervorofviolentstruggleTheFLNachieveditsdominantpositionoverotherAlgerianpoliticalfactions

throughtheuseofviolenceagainstpoliticaladversariesinwhatwasinfactan

“Algero-Algerianwar”,50andthenthroughbothforcefulandvoluntarycooptation

offormerpoliticalrivals.Itorganizedseveralnonviolentactionsasatoolfor

mobilizationandpreparationforwar,withtheaimofsecuringandshowinga

widepopularsupport.Thefirstmajorinitiativewasapermanentstrikeby

studentsthatbeganinMay1956,withoutexplicitdemands,butexpressed

25

supportfortheFLNanditsgoals.Whileappearingtobemerelyaboycottof

Frenchuniversities,thestrikeinfactforcedtheintellectualeliteandprominent

familiestogetinvolved.Italsopoliticizedswathesofstudentsavailablenowfor

further,moreextremeactions,andattractednewrecruitsfortheNational

LiberationArmywithnewcombatants.Thestudentpermanentstrikeraised

generaldisagreementsovertherolestudentsandintellectualsshouldbeplaying

inthenationalstruggle:somearguedthatthestudentboycottoftheireducation

waswronginprincipleandendangeredthecountry’sfutureintellectualcapital;

thecounter-argumentwasthatintellectualsshouldshowtheirorganiclinkwith

thepopulationbytheirreadinesstoengageinwhateverwaypossibleor

demandedbytheFLN.

Similarly,theFLNusedtheeight-daystrikeinJanuaryandFebruary1957todrive

thepopulationtotakeapublicstanceinsupportofFLNanditsactionsthat

wouldinturnhelpedtheorganizationpresentitselfasthelegitimatevoiceofthe

Algerianpeople.AlongsidethegenuinepopularsupportfortheFLNandthe

nationalcause,therewasalsointensivepressureonallworkerstoquittheirjobs,

closetheirshopsandstayhome.ThestrikewasfollowedinmostlargeAlgerian

cities.Thechosendate,28JanuarycoincidedwiththeUnitedNationsGeneral

Assembly(UNGA)sessionadoptingaresolutioninfavorofAlgerian

independence.51Thestrikemarkedthebeginningoftheso-called“Battleof

Algiers”,alsoknownastheGreatRepressionofAlgiers52,andwasinfactusedto

supportanongoingarmedstruggleandtransformtheentirepopulationof

26

Algiersintocombatantsinthewarforindependence--ataskthatbecameeasier

asaresultofthesubsequentdisproportionateuseofforceandviolencebyFrench

paratroopersthatbackfiredandfuelledinsurgencyalloverthecountry.By1957,

allresistanceactionsservedthegoalsofadvancingarmedstruggle.Nonviolent

strategiesratherthanofferinganalternativetoviolencewerehijackedbythe

fervorofarmedinsurrectionandsubordinatedtoagreaterimperativeofwaginga

war.

Conclusion

FrenchcolonizationinAlgeriawasoneofthemostintensecolonialencountersof

thenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies.Theseverityofthesocio-economic

disruptioncausedbythecolonialregimeandtheharshconditionsoftheFrench

colonizationinAlgeria(includingthemassacresofMay1945)limitedtherangeof

possibleformsofcollectiveactivities.Thefactthatpoliticalpartiesorunions

developedlaterinAlgeriathantheydidinotherNorthAfricancountries(Tunisia

orEgypt)wasundoubtedlylinkedtothebreakdownofAlgeriansocietyinthe

faceofcolonization.

Whenarmedinsurrectionsfailedtorepelmilitaryconquestandoccupation,the

populationadoptedstrategiesofpersistentenduranceandsurvival.Emigration

andmoremutedformsofresistance,suchaswithdrawalintomoreintimateand

privatedomainsoffamilylife,aredifficultforhistorianstoassess.Itisonlywith

theemergenceoftheJeunesAlgériensandthedevelopmentofcultural

27

associationsinthe1920sthatthisendurancetookonpublic,moreconstructive

andcollectivedimensions.Collectiveactivitiesbecameameansofmovingaway

fromsimplesurvivaltomoreproactiveinitiativesofrebuildingthesocialfabric

andreinvigoratingcolonizedsociety,despiteongoingrestrictiveandoppressive

colonialpolicies.

Politicalpartiessucceededindrawingonarepertoireofnonviolentactionsto

mobilizeinthenationalistcause,buttheirlackofunity,andreluctancetouse

moreforcefulnonviolentmethodssuchasgeneralstrikes,madethemineffective

insecuringseriouspoliticalconcessions.Thispartlyexplainstheteleological

narrativeoftheAlgerianhistorypromotedbyFLNafterindependence,according

towhicharmedstrugglewastheonlyviabletooltoobtainindependence.

Consequently,nationalidentityconstruedafterthecolonialwarwasformedona

doubledenialofplurality--apluralityofpoliticalideologiesandnationalist

partiesandtheircontributiontothestruggleforindependentstate;anda

pluralityinunderstandingsofwhat“Algerianness”meantandembodied.This

kindofdiscoursehaddeniedinitsentiretythevalue,role,impactandlegacyof

unarmedformsofcollectivestruggle.

Itwasonlyafterthe1988demonstrations,whencivicassociationsandpolitical

partiesbecamelegalagain,thattheintensityofpastexperiencesofnonviolent

organizingandactionsappearedreactivated:withinafewdays,dozenofpolitical

partieswerefounded.Nonviolentpracticesandactivistnetworksoftenwiththeir

28

philosophical,institutional,andpracticalrootsinthepre-independenceperiod

weresuddenlymobilizedagain,thusrevealingthatthedecadesofnationalist

mythologyhadfailedtoerasethementirely.

1 OlivierLeCourGrandmaison,Coloniser,Exterminer:Surlaguerreetl'Étatcolonial(Paris:Fayard,2005).

2 BenjaminCBrower,ADesertNamedPeace:TheViolenceofFrance'sEmpireintheAlgerianSahara,1844-1902(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,2009).

3 PierreNora,RealmsofMemory:ConflictsandDivisionsv.1:TheConstructionoftheFrenchPast(ColumbiaUniversityPress,1996).

4 MalikaRahal,AliBoumendjel.Uneaffairefrançaise,unehistoirealgérienne(Paris:BellesLettres,2010),26-28.

5 BenjaminStora,LaGangrèneetl'oubli(Paris:LaDécouverte,1998),121-137.

6 Stora,LaGangrène,161-163.

7 BenjaminStora,MessaliHadj:Pionnierdunationalismealgérien,1898-1974(Paris:L'Harmattan,1986).

8 NotablyMohammedHarbi,UneViedebout,Mémoirespolitiques,tome1:1945-1973(Paris:LaDécouverte,2001);HenriAlleg,Mémoirealgérienne:Souvenirsdeluttesetd'espérances(Paris:Stock,2005);BenjaminStoraandZakyaDaoud,FerhatAbbas.Uneutopiealgérienne(Paris:Denoël,1995);MohammedBenamarDjebbari,UnParcoursrudemaisbienrempli:mémoiresd'unenseignantdelavieillegénération(3)(Alger:ANEP,2002).

29

9 MalikaRahal,“Laplacedesréformistesdanslemouvementnationalalgérien,”VingtièmeSiècle.Revued'histoire,no.83(September2004):161-171.

10 MohammedHarbi,LeF.L.N.,mirageetréalité(Paris:JApressPublications,1980),6.

11 DanielRivet,LeMaghrebàl'épreuvedelacolonisation(Paris:Hachette,2009),295.

12 MohamedBenrabah,LangueetpouvoirenAlgérie(Paris:Seguier,1999),49.

13 GilbertMeynier,HistoireintérieureduFLN1954-1962(Paris:Fayard,2002),37.

14 JohnRuedy,ModernAlgeria:TheOriginsandDevelopmentofaNation,2ndedn.(Bloomington:IndianaUniversityPress,2005),60.

15 BenjaminStora,LaGuerreinvisible,Algérie,années90(Paris:PressesdeSciencesPo,2001),36.

16 Jean-ClaudeVatin,L'Algériepolitique:histoireetsociété(Paris:PressesdeSciencesPo,1983),133.

17 KamelKateb,Européens,"indigènes"etjuifsenAlgérie(1830-1962):représentationsetréalitésdespopulations(Paris:INED,2001),153-155.

18 JamesMcDougall,HistoryandtheCultureofNationalisminAlgeria:Colonialism,HistoricalWritingAndIslamicModernism,1899-2001(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2006),28.

19 Kaleb,Européens,"indigenes"etjuifs,154.

20 OsamaAbi-Mershed,ApostlesofModernity:Saint-SimoniansandtheCivilizingMissioninAlgeria(Stanford:StanfordUniversityPress,2010).

30

21 ThissectionsdrawsfromRivet,LeMaghreb,124-129.

22 Rivet,LeMaghreb,127.

23 YvonneTurin,Affrontementsculturelsdansl'Algériecoloniale:écoles,médecines,religion,1830-1880(Algiers:Entreprisenationaledulivre,1983).

24 Rivet,LeMaghreb,129.

25 CitedinGilbertMeynier,L'Algérierévélée(Geneva:LibrairieDroz,1981),245.

26 JuliaClancy-Smith,RebelandSaint:MuslimNotables,PopulistProtest,ColonialEncounters(AlgeriaandTunisia,1800-1904),NewEd.(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1997),7.

27 JacquesBerque,LeMaghrebentredeuxguerres(Paris:ÉditionduSeuil,1962),324-327,andRivet,LeMaghreb,301.

28 ThefollowingsectiondrawsfromClancy-Smith,RebelandSaint,214-253.

29 Clancy-Smith,RebelandSaint,229.

30 Clancy-Smith,RebelandSaint,239.

31 Vatin,L'Algériepolitique,171.

32 Meynier,Histoireintérieure,51.

33 OmarCarlier,EntreNationetJihad:histoiresocialedesradicalismesalgériens(Paris:PressesdelaFondationnationaledessciencespolitiques,1995).

34 Meynier,Histoireintérieure,52-54.

31

35 McDougall,HistoryandtheCultureofNationalisminAlgeria,6-12.

36 ThefollowingsectiondrawsfromMalikaRahal,“LatentationdémocratiqueenAlgérie.L'UniondémocratiqueduManifestealgérien(1946-1956),”Insanyat12,no.42(October2008):79-97;MalikaRahal,“PrendrepartiàConstantine:l'UDMAde1946à1956,”Insanyat11,no.35(January2007):63-77.

37 CAOM(CentredesArchivesd’Outre-Mer,Aix-en-Provence,France),5I112*,surveillancereportoftheOranpolice,1September1951

38 Rahal,“LatentationdémocratiqueenAlgérie.L'UniondémocratiqueduManifestealgérien(1946-1956).”

39 Meynier,Histoireintérieure,71.

40 CAOM,93/4101*,surveillancereportofthePolicedesrenseignementsgénérauxinConstantine,14June1951.

41 Rahal,“LatentationdémocratiqueenAlgérie.L'UniondémocratiqueduManifestealgérien(1946-1956).”

42 BoualemBourouiba,LesSyndicalistesalgériens:leurcombatdel'éveilàlalibération(Paris:EditionsL'Harmattan,1998),213.

43 InterviewwithHenriAlleg,Palaiseau(France),20January2003andBourouiba,LesSyndicalistesalgériens,110.

44 CAOM,5I120,monthlyreportofthePolicedesrenseignementsgénérauxofOran,March1952.

45 CAOM,5I115*,surveillancereportoftheConstantinepréfecture,21April1952.

32

46 Bourouiba,Lessyndicalistesalgériens,125.

47 AnnieRey-Golzeiguergivesapreciseaccountofthedemonstrations,distinguishingnarrativesonthe“European”andonthe“Muslim”side.AnnieRey-Goldzeiguer,Auxoriginesdelaguerred'Algérie1940-1945:DeMers-el-KébirauxmassacresduNord-Constantinois(Paris:LaDécouverte,2006),271-278.

48 Althoughanumberofvictimsisvirtuallyimpossibletoassess.Estimatesrangefrom8,000to20,000victims(i.e.belowthe45,000givenbyofficialhistory,whichhadbecomeamythicalfigure).

49 Rey-Goldzeiguer,AuxOriginesdelaguerred'Algérie1940-1945,366.

50 Meynier,Histoireintérieure,455.

51 Meynier,Histoireintérieure,326.

52 Meynier,Histoireintérieure,322-323.