Agents of Political Socialization among first time Voters
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Transcript of Agents of Political Socialization among first time Voters
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CHAPTER I
THE PROBLEM AND ITS BACKGROUND
INTRODUCTION
Philippines is the only presidential democracy in the world that employs plurality-rule
electoral system to decide on its chief executive (Choi, 2001). Every year, presidential candidate
has its own strategies of getting the trust of the registered voter that will participate in an
election. Philippine Presidential Election results often change vividly. A lopsided victory for one
party may be change by a landslide for the other party in the next election. Electoral process are
sustained or altered as people acquire their attitudes and values. The most attention-grabbing
questions about an election are not concerned with who won but with why people voted the way
that they did or what the implications of the results are. These questions are not always simply
answered. Looking only at the campaign events and incidents will not be sufficient.
Judging and selecting whom will be the ideal candidate especially during National election
has never been easy, confusion and deception might occur because of the variety of factors that
affects the choice of the voters such as Influence of Family and Kinship, schools, power of Mass
Media, peer groups, religious institution, political propaganda, social class and political parties.
Most children acquire their basic political values and behavior patterns by adolescence. At any
specific time, a person’s political beliefs are a combination of various feelings and attitudes.
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There are general identifications of a voter, such as nationalism, ethnic or class self-images,
religious and ideological commitments, and fundamental sense of rights and duties in the society.
At some level, people develop attitudes towards politics and governmental institutions. Finally,
there are more immediate views of current events, policies, issues and personalities. These
factors and many others that people are introduced to as they are growing up will affect their
political views throughout the rest of their live.
Furthermore, Theories of Political behavior, as an aspect of political science, attempt to
quantify and understand the influences that define a person’s political views, ideology and levels
of political participation. Voting is a constitutional right to choose your representative in a
government. It is tremendously important to maintain the democracy of a country. In a
democratic society it is vital to ensure a government that only goes after the will of the people.
Elections socialize and institutionalize political activity. It solicits accountability and
responsibility from the elected representatives. By electing leaders who will be the representative
in all branches of government, the fate of the country literally rests in the hands of its residents.
In a large election, the probability that a vote is vital is small, but to the benefit of country
associated with deciding the election outcome is large. The larger the jurisdiction in which the
election applies, the larger the potential effect on the general welfare. Therefore, when the entire
nation vote there must be number of consideration a voter has. Registered voters should be very
watchful of their votes and must create an informed decision.
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BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
Voting process also becomes the source of hope of the citizens who are aiming for
change. By which, they can either remove those whom they think are not serving them with full
purpose of bringing social contentment. They are those authoritative persons who, while in their
positions do less service and focused more in bringing self-contentment. Maybe they were not
taught and do not fully understood the essence of how a real public servant should be, or they are
really not worthy to be in position of being the head of the state. This happens in reality, for
many years, the Philippines seem to be struggling to have a worthy public servant to head its
government. But this might be hard and even impossible to come to pass because of the kind of
the world we are living wherein most of the people are much into the things of the world. In
spite of this, the Filipinos, especially the elder ones is still remain firm in their conviction and
hope that will lead them to a brighter administration, brighter Philippines.
During national elections, a set of candidates are being presented to the citizens, leaving
them the right to judge and to choose. The ones who are eligible to vote are those who are (1) a
citizen (male or female) of the Philippines, (2) not otherwise disqualified by law, (3) at least
eighteen (18) years of age and, (4) have resided for almost one (1) year and in the place wherein
he proposes to vote for at least six (6) months preceding the election.
The researchers have seen from the past 2010 Presidential Election that the first time
voters especially those who are from ages 18-21 years old, how being surrounded by many
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external social factors, had greatly influenced their voting preferences. Some were lead to give
their votes for those candidates either referred or preferred by their own family, peer groups
which he/she goes with, religious institutions where he/she is affiliated with and by many other
social factors. These will give way for the researchers to see what are the different factors that
affect the voting preferences of the above mentioned voters and to be able to weigh and to know
which one does greatly affects and influence their will to choose.
Not only the researchers have the enthusiasm to conduct a study that seeks to know the
factors that influence the voting preferences of the first time voters. In the study done by the
Institute for Political and Electoral Reform (2003), they concluded that the determinants of the
voters are as follows: (1) candidate’s public image which the voters may easily identify with
which says to be by being an actor, good public speaker, good in campaign (2) endorsement of
traditional network and organization (3) characteristics that can be of benefit to the voter, and (4)
the party and its platform or program of governance. On the other hand, Dy (1998) believes that
Region also influences a voter’s political choice behavior. “These political bailiwicks are often
the home province or region where the voters were born, were raised, and reside.” De Venecia
sought the support of his fellow Pangasinense as what happened in 1992 when they supported
Ramos. Enrile, as an independent candidate, counted the people of Cagayan to back him up.
Santiago also believed that her Iloilo province would support her in the elections. Marcos also
relied on her home province of Leyte while Osmena believed to receive huge votes from Cebu.
While Mangahas (1998) concluded that Socio-economic class is one of the factors that determine
a voter’s political choice behavior. In the 1998 SWS National Exit Poll, even though a small but
significant margin of the middle to upper classes rejected Estrada, nevertheless, the lower classes
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characterized by immense poverty supported him overwhelmingly. Roco, as another aspirant
receive a wide margin of votes from the middle to upper classes. Mangahas (1998) explained that
Estrada’s strength really come from themasa while Roco enjoys a high popularity from the
educated and professional classes.
The conclusion made by the Institute for Political and Electoral Reform was based on the
response given by the voters as general regardless of their age, civil status, on what particular
election and educational background, while the other researches’ conclusion made by Dy and
Mangahas focused only to a single or particular determinants of the voters that affects their
voting preference.
The findings that the researchers will be gathered as a result will help to (1) show how,
for a first time voters having been surrounded by social factors will vote in a National Election,
(2) understand changes in individual vote intentions over the course of a Presidential campaign,
(3) help the above mentioned voters to assess their selves if these factors really affected their
voting preferences last 2010 Presidential election, and (4) strive to help above mentioned voters
to conquer these external influences for bringing forth their personal will and choice.
STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
This study aims to answer the following questions:
Main Problem
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1. What is the level of Political Socialization of the first time voters of Barangay 181,
Pangarap Village, Caloocan City?
Sub Problem
1. What is the demographic profile of the first time voters of Barangay 181, Pangarap
Village, Caloocan City in terms of :
1.1 socio-economic status
1.2 educational attainment
1.3 gender
1.4 age
2. What is the Social history of the first time voters of Barangay 181, Pangarap Village,
Caloocan City?
3. What type of media has accessed by the first time voters from Pangarap Village,
Caloocan City?
4. What is the level of Social Political participation of Barangay 181, Pangarap Village,
Caloocan City?
5. What is the significant relationship between demographic profiles of the first time
voters from Pangarap Village, Caloocan City and their political choice behavior?
HYPOTHESES
H1 : There is a significantrelationship between demographic profiles of the first time voters from
Pangarap Village, Caloocan City and their political choice behavior
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THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
The theoretical framework used in this study is the Structural Functionalism Theory. It
concentrates on the positive and negative functions of social structures. Societal functionalism is
a particular type of structural functionalism that aims to explain the role of social structures and
institutions in society, the relationship between these structures, and the manner in which these
structures constrain the actions of individuals. ( Talcott Parsons’s Structural Functionalism )
This Structural Functionalism seeks out the ‘structural’ aspects of the social system under
consideration, and then studies the processes which function to maintain social structures. In this
context, structure primarily refers to normative patterns of behavior (regularized patterns of
action in accordance with norms), whilst function explains how such patterns operate as systems.
FamilySchool
Religious Institutions Peer groupsSocial class
Interest groupsPolitical parties
Mass mediaDirect contact with the
government
Interest articulation
Interest aggregation
Policy making
Policy implementation and adjudication
Voted Presidential Candidate
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RESEARCH PARADIGM
INPUT PROCESS OUTPUT
FEEDBACK
(Figure 2.3- Comparative Politics Today p. 34)
The Agents of Political Socialization was used as the input materials. These are the
external factors located within the voter’s sphere of life, which includes family, school, mass
media, religious institutions, social class, political parties, peer groups, interest groups and direct
contact in government.
The factors that
influence the voting
preference of first time
voters who are 18-21 years
old of Barangay 181,
Pangarap Village, Caloocan
City
Interest articulation
Interest aggregation
Policy making
Policy implementation and adjudication
Voted Presidential Candidate
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The influence of these agents will be carried out by the voters through voting or election,
wherein they will have the discretion on who they will give their votes. After the proper
authority has tallied, the result whether or not the above mentioned has been the source of voter’s
preference will be known.
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
RESEARCH PARADIGM
INPUT PROCESS OUTPUT
FEEDBACK
(Figure 2.3- Comparative Politics Today p. 34)
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The figure indicates the level of political socialization of the registered voters
in Barangay 181, Caloocan City and their reason of choosing their candidates during Presidential
Election 2010.
The Factors that influence the political behavior of the registered voter is the
independent variable. It refers to a first time registered voters who are eighteen to twenty one
years old (18-21 y/o) from Barangay 181, Zone 16 Pangarap Village, Caloocan City and the
factors the affects their voting preference during 2010 Presidential Election. On the other hand,
the reason why they voted a particular candidate serves as the dependent variable of this
research.
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
According to Farrel (2002) in his published work entitled, “Do Political campaigns
Matter? Campaign effects in election and referendum”the issue of voting behavior is certainly
significant to a number of fields in political Science. According to him, countless studies in the
voting behavior literature on the ingredient that voters take into account when deciding which
party or candidate to vote for at elections, or which proposal to support at referendums.
Aditionally,Theory of Political behavior, as an aspect of political science, attempt to quantify and
understand the influences that define a person’s political views, ideology and levels of political
participation
To the first time voter, for them to be more watchful and be able to conquer the factors
that influences their voting preference and stand for their own will and choice in choosing a good
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leader. This study will boost level of awareness of the Filipino masses in the upcoming National
Election.
To the Politicians, this study will serve as a self-evaluation to the political campaign and
will help them to know their limitations on campaigning.
To the Future Researchers, this study will serve as a reference material when they
conduct a correlated study.
SCOPE AND LIMITATION
This research focuses on factors that greatly influence voting preference of first time
voters from ages 18-21 years of Barangay 181, Pangarap Village Caloocan City during the 2010
Presidential Election.
To make this justifiable, this study aims to get the answers from 30 persons, who are
registered voters here in Philippines and are randomly selected, which will come from Barangay
181, Pangarap Village, Caloocan City.
The information we will be getting from the respondents will answer the question of what
is the level of Political Socialization of the first time voters of Barangay 181, Pangarap Village,
Caloocan City.
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Definition of Terms
Agents of Political Socialization – these are the individuals, organizations and institutions that
influence individual’s political attitudes.
Family – It is the basic unit of the society. It is also the first socialization that an individual
encounters.
Interest Groups – it provides valuable political cues to its member and reinforces distinct social
and political orientations. It also provides setting to learn about how making political choices in
small groups can be extended to politics.
Mass Media – the prime source of information on the politics today.
Peer Groups – one of the factors that shape the individual’s political attitudes.
Political Parties – it is a group people who share the same ideas about the way the country
should be governed.
Political Socialization – process in which political values are formed and political culture is
transmitted from one generation to the next.
Religious Institutions – important sources of partisan preferences and can guide people in
making other political choices.
School – source of information about political process and political institutions and which
provides citizen a knowledge about politics and government.
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Social class – it is a status hierarchy in which individuals and groups are classified on the basis
of esteem and prestige acquired mainly through economic success and accumulation of wealth.
Social class may also refer to any particular level in such a hierarchy.
Structural functionalism-studies the processes which function to maintain social structures
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CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE AND STUDIES
This chapter presented a summary of related literature and studies, both local and foreign,
which were related to the study for the reason of facility and expediency in organization and
interpretation.
Foreign Literature
In study made by Hayes et al (2009), findings showed that that television has
“personalized” voting behavior in American presidential election by encouraging citizens to cast
ballots on the basis of candidate image and personality. Many voters profess to cast ballots “the
person, not the party”. Implicit in voting for its person” is an emphasis on personal
characteristics- charisma, leadership, empathy and the like (p 231). According to him, candidate
personality is taken as substandard criteria for a voter’s choice. The concern about the
“personalization” of voting behavior has become acute in recent decades. Television encourages
politicians to become “confessional,” baring their souls as a way of connecting with their
constituents. And in high-profile races, candidates’ personal background, character traits and
physical attributes are subjected to study by the political punditry (p 237). Candidate personality
is but one of a number of influences on voters’ choices. Long-term factors such as ideology,
party identification, and social group characteristics have argued to have a much more substantial
effect on voting behavior than a candidate’s traits or physical features. Short-term factors, too,
can affect voting behavior, especially for those citizens who claim for political independence,
leaning toward neither party. Voters see politicians’ personal characteristics, both inside and out,
as relevant. Perceptions of candidates’ character traits−whether they believe to be strong leaders,
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caring and compassionate, moral and decent, honest and trustworthy−have a strong influence on
voting. Image, in other words, may not be everything, but it matters (p 238). The author used
descriptive method to explain his findings.
In the similar study of political behavior, Gerber (2010) explained that partisanship is
strongly associated with attitudes and behavior of registered voters, but it is uncertain from this
pattern whether partisan identity has a causal effect on political behavior and attitudes. This
research reported the results of a field experiment that investigates the causal effect of party
identification. Prior to the February 2008 Connecticut presidential primary, researchers sent a
mailing to a random sample of unaffiliated registered voters who, in a pre-treatment survey,
leaned toward a political party. The mailing informed the subjects that only voters registered
with a party were able to participate in the upcoming presidential primary. Subjects were
surveyed again in June 2008. Comparing post-treatment survey responses to subjects’ baseline
survey responses, they found that those informed of the need to register with a party were more
likely to identify with a party and showed stronger partisanship. Further, study finds that the
treatment group also demonstrated greater concordance than the control group between their pre-
treatment latent partisanship and their post-treatment reported voting behavior and intentions and
evaluations of partisan figures. Thus, our treatment, which caused a strengthening of partisan
identity, also caused a shift in subjects’ candidate preferences and evaluations of salient political
figures. This finding is consistent with the claim that partisanship is an active force changing
how citizens behave in and perceive the political world (p 720).
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Han (2009) in his work entitled, “Does the Content of Political Appeals Matter in
Motivating Participation? A Field Experiment on Self Disclosure in Political Appeals” presented
his effort work about the content of political appeals in motivating participation. Robust citizen
participation is essential to a healthy democracy. This study presents the results of the
experimental study designed to see if the content of political appeals matter in motivating
participation.
These findings of Han (2009) have important implication for how political organizations
can structure motivational appeals to enhance participation. In particular, the results highlight the
importance of relational goals in participation−appeals that cause targets to feel more affiliation
with the requester are more effective than appeals. Insofar as politics is about the interaction of
human beings to achieve a set of collective goals, motivation is at the heart of all theories about
politics. During an effective political appeal is central to the work of political parties, campaigns,
and other advocacy organizations. Study ascertained a clear condition under which the content of
political appeals matters in inspiring voting participation. Despite the centrality of political
appeals to politics, previous research on this topic had been limited and the findings that have
emerged are mixed. Some research had found that appeals containing political threats (Miller and
Krosnick, 2004) and then specter of social pressure (Gerber et. Al. 2008) are more likely to
motivate participation. In contrast, other research finds that appeals focusing on civic duty the
closeness of the election, neighborhood solidarity, or national and ethnic identities have no effect
on increasing participation (Gerber and Green 2009 Trivedi2005 ). This study argues that the
content of political appeals can matter.
Central to the effort to motivate participate is the ability to craft a persuasive appeal.
Accoding to Han (2009) , political organization uses multiple methods to motivate support for
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their cause, including leaflets, telephone calls, door to door canvassing, television and radio
commercials, and small group meetings. Han showed that successful appeals encourage greater
participation, while unsuccessful appeals do not. The strength of the appeal can thus be a crucial
determinant of the organization’s success (p 105). Research examining the differential effect of
appeal has found more evidence for the idea that the mode of interaction matters- interpersonal
appeals are more motivating than impersonal appeals−but only limited evidence that content of
the appeal matters.
Since cultural theory was introduced by Mary Douglas (966, 1970), it has become an
influential explanation of why people choose which potential hazards to fear and which to
ignore. According to De Castella(2009), Cultural theory maintains the four world views-
egalitarianism, individualism, hierarchism, and fatalism; it can be used to describe people and
societies. He enlightened cultural theory as patterns of social relationships which determined by
two variables. The first, “group,” is the extent to which people are incorporated into communities
or other social groupings. The greater the incorporation, the greater the group influence on
individual decisions and the lesser the individual’s choice. In strong groups, people interact
frequently in a wide range of activities and are influenced by group norms.
Local Literature
Vila (2004) stated in his article in Business World that candidates, specifically those
running for the presidency, therefore do not have reliable information that could help them in
choosing regions or provinces for campaign sorties. “We do not have data on voting behavior
that is low enough in the administrative structure of the country to be able to have a sharp
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instrument “, said Mr. Joel Rocamora, the executive Director of the Institute of Popular
Democracy.
According to Dr. Joel Mangahas, the College Secretary of UP and also the Director of the
Center for Public Administration and Governance Education at National College of Public
Administration (NCPA), that the only data presidential candidates and voters alike can rely on
for strategies and other information is the pre-election surveys. Even if they can only get still
pictures out of these surveys, candidates can use these to their advantage, as survey “certainly
have bandwagon effects”. And as for the voters, it can be a tool for reflecting if they are
choosing the right candidate.
Aaron Dish (2010) stated in his article “Do Mass Media Influence the Political Behavior
of Voters” that one should not forget another fascinating fact about the media. Their political
influence extends far beyond newspaper reports and articles of a right away political nature, or
television programs connected with current affairs that bear upon politics. In an exceedingly
abundant more subtle approach, they can influence folk’s thought patterns by other means, like
"goodwill" stories, pages coping with entertainment and common culture, movies, TV "soaps",
"educational" programs. All these types of information type human values, ideas of excellent and
evil, right and wrong, sense and nonsense, what is "trendy" and "unfashionable," and what's
"acceptable" and "unacceptable". These human value systems, in flip, form individuals' angle to
political issues, influence how they vote and therefore confirm who holds political power.
In the same study made by Pedro Laylo and Laylo (1999), he conceptualized image as
stimulus-determined and perceive determined (p. 6). Stimulus determined refers to the image that
the candidate projects while perceived-determined refers to the perception of a voter relative to a
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candidate’s attributes. They also defined candidate whose views are similar or closer to his own
views or homophily.
Pablo (1998) also established a research about voting behavior; he wrote the Professor
Felipe Miranda agreed that ethnic blocs are very crucial in determining the outcome of the May
11, 1998 elections. A regional or linguistic group who tend to root for candidates belonging to
their group exemplifies ethnic vote. “Ethnic vote establishes the base you score added votes with
extra resources, and it’s something you’re born with (p. 1).”
Foreign Studies
There are factors affecting a voter’s political preference behavior. Newman and Sheth
(1987) proposed the theory of political science behavior in his published work entitled, “.A
Theory of Political Choice Behavior”. The theory has a broad definition of independent
variables that affect a voter’s behavior in choosing a candidate (p. 31). Political issues according
to the author have an effect on a voter’s behavior. It denotes that the individual beliefs of a
registered voter about the candidates stand on economic social and foreign policy issues coerce a
voter’s political choice behavior (p.33). Aside from political issues, Newman and Sheth (1987)
also expounded that social imagery, as used in the theory or socio- demographic characteristics
influences voters in picking their presidential candidates. It means that the candidate’s socio-
demographic qualities, based on his association with specific demographic, socioeconomic,
cultural-ethnic, or political-ideological segments of society, influence the behavior of voters (p
34). Candidate personality or candidate image also bothers the voting choice of voters. It
understands that emotional feelings like anger, hope, patriotism and pessimism stimulate by the
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candidate’s personality, expect a voter’s political choice behavior ( p 35). The author used
descriptive method to present his studies.
Farrel (2002) cited that the issue of voting behavior is certainly relevance to a number of
fields in political Science. According to him, countless studies in the voting behavior literature
on the ingredient that voters take into account when deciding which party or candidate to vote for
at elections, or which proposal to support at referendums (p. 1). He tried to explain the definition
of campaigning; he said that campaigning is the core feature of the Political Parties in
contemporary democracy. Election campaign see parties and their candidate wage battles for
votes and political office (p.2). It occurs not only in political realm; they are important in all
walks of life. Election campaigns have attracted, and continue to attract, considerable academic
attention (p.37).
Farrel(2002) also mentioned that media are by no means the only channel through which
campaigns reach their audiences. While inquiries into the effects of Political Campaigns cannot
ignore the mediating role of mass communication, equally they cannot restrict themselves to
looking only at the media (p.2). He has argued that public television is likely to be very central
weapon in election campaigning in many new democracies. A relatively poor supply of
campaign resources for parties and weak party loyalties in electorate on the hand, and likely
governmental control of an unusually important channel of political communication on the other,
make the partisan use and abuse of the media both highly likely and potentially a major , political
issue in itself (p 71).
Similarly, Berelson, Lazarsfeld and Mcphee (1954) explained in his research that the
registered voter gets his information about the presidentiables from reading, listening, and
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discussion. This is subject to selective gathering information, forgetting of disturbing elements,
reinterpretation of what the candidate really means – all mechanism familiar in social
psychology. According to him, political party does not particularly affect the voter’s perception
of where the candidates stand on the basis. Voters who feel strongly about their choice are more
likely to misperceive the candidates’ stands on the issues as favorable to their own positions. He
also indicate that voters who disagree with both candidates’ stands, as perceived, support their
own candidate more strongly than those who agree with both (p 233).
They examined three new variables: the degree of authoritarian personality, the degree of
intergroup prejudice, and the range of attitudes toward large corporations. Their findings proved
that socio-demographic characteristics are related to voter’s political choice behavior,
emphasizing the individual and his or her environment as mutually influencing systems.
Similarly, Milbrath (1965) stated that most of the attitudes of the voters will probably be
conditioned by their education or his social class or his party identification− or any other
politically relevant but stable attributes−but it is also true that the voter’s attitude will reflect
changing events on the political scene. Although a person’s educational background or his
religion or his party identification seldom undergo change between different elections, some of
his partisan attitudes towards the affairs of politics do change in response to new events and new
situations (p 252).
The vote, in many ways, is a very crude of a man’s political hopes and fears, his
aspirations and commitments. A vote according to Milbrath (1965) is vote is a vote. Each person
cast a vote only once and it cast to more and no less than any others. It will be for one party’s
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candidate and no more partisan when cast by fanatic partisan identifier than when cast by a man
who mentally flips a coin to decide his vote.
According to Polliby and Wildausky (1980) in their works, “Presidential Elections:
Strategies of American Electoral Politics, the role of political parties in presidential elections is
to compromise and incorporate the wishes of a wide range of citizens in programs that
encompass a multitude of issues and stretch across a greater span of time than a brief term of
office that may or may not renewed. Only political parties can marshal the resources and develop
the strategy to recruit, train, support and guide a succession of highly qualified individuals to
advance those programs during their terms in office. Only political parties can provide an
effective means of holding elected representatives accountable to the people who elect them on
the basis of such programs, by being ready to deny their resources to unworthy incumbents
seeking reelection.
Nimmo (1976) said that County researchers found that voters give selective attention to
the content of campaign messages that support their images of candidates. Partisans tended to
perceive their preferred candidate’s stand on issues as favorable to their own, perceiving their
candidate’s stand as similar to their own and opponent’s stand as dissimilar; further, they often
failed to perceive any differences that they have with their own candidate or any similarity of
stands they might share with the opposition.
Local Studies
Gamalinda (1992) said very simply in his book “Opinions, Polls, and Presidents”, that
presidential campaign strategies have only one objective: to package, market and sell the
candidate as they would any product. Although a candidate with a relatively extensive history of
23
achievements is preferable, the success of his campaign will depend on the credibility (or
incredibility) of his made-over image, political machinery—a lot of money (p 284). Additionally,
he explained that American introduced the concept of presidential elections, Filipinos were
unshakably attuned to the politics of patronage, and none of the presidents, Manuel Quezon
down to the present line, did anything to alter that. Centered on personality and only incidentally
on issues, presidential elections have relied on candidates’ image to bring in votes.
Lorenzana (2005) in her research seeks to gather information and data on the day to day
conduct of political campaigns of selected political candidates. The study focused on the
practices, symbols and strategies that candidates employed as they went through campaign trail.
Moreover, the study penetrates into the experiences, thoughts, reflections and decisions of such
politicians in the light of running alternative political campaign. Political Culture has been
originally defined by Almond and Verba (1996) as the set of shared attitudes, beliefs and values
within an entire population with regard to politics. It is thus defined by the value system of that
group as well as its orientation towards social and political structures. Political culture includes
“an individual or group’s knowledge of institutions of and processes, evaluations of how well or
poor they work and emotional responses to the political system as a whole” (Mendoza, 1999).
Following the definition of politics as the making of common decisions for a group of
people with the use of power, political culture is then the consolidation of a group’s behavior,
attitudes, values and total paradigm with regard to power relations and various decision-making
processes that affect the state. The behavior of a group of people vis-à-vis politics can be
understood by probing its political culture (p 13).
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Lande(1973) stated in his research “Political Behavior in Philippines Region” that
relations between candidates and voters are quite weak in the Philippines. These links become
markedly weak because of the number of candidates increases.
According to Lande, Personal alliances between candidates and local political leaders or
individual voters serve as relatively strong links, and are relatively relied upon to mobilize voter
support. Many of these alliances cut across party lines. He also stated that the Socio-economic
variables have relatively low explanatory power with respect to aggregate political behavior in
general, and political party preferences in particular. This is the case especially in local-level
politics. Linguistic- regional and local loyalties are among the major determinants of individual
voting decisions in the Philippine in national and subnational elections respectively. Language
group and local loyalties are most marked in the most rural, most isolated and least modern
localities. Violence, actual, threatened and anticipated is a fairly common occurrence at elections
in the Philippine. It is most likely to be used to influence the outcome of elections for sub-
national elections (p 94).
Mangahas (1998) mentioned that Religion plays an important role in a voter’s political
choice behavior. As reflected in the 1998 SWS National Exit Poll, Estrada attained 81 percent of
the Iglesia Ni Cristo, 63 percent of the Muslims, and 35 percent of the Aglipayans. There was no
sign of a Catholic vote. In the charismatic groups, Estrada also got 52 percent of the Jesus is
Lord Movement, 39 percent of the El Shaddai, and 43 percent of the Jesus Miracle Crusade.
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CHAPTER III
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
This chapter presents the researchers design and methodology that were used in order to
collect information.
Research Design
The researchers used the qualitative method to attain the objective and purpose of this
study. This method is intended to gain insight into people’s attitudes, behaviors, value systems,
concerns, motivations, aspirations, culture of lifestyles. This exploration aimed to collect and
validate data through the use of interviews which will be presented to the respondents. Berja
(2010)
Respondents of the Study
The respondent of this study are the first time registered voter of Barangay 181, Zone 16,
Pangarap Village, Caloocan City. The researcher used a survey form to evaluate the level of
political socialization of the respondents. The researchers use the random sampling technique-
(Cluster Sampling Technique,) in selecting the respondent.
Cluster sampling is a sampling technique in which the entire population of interest is
divided into groups, or clusters, and a random sample of these clusters is selected. Each cluster
must be mutually exclusive and together the clusters must include the entire population. After
clusters are selected, then all units within the clusters are selected. No units from non-selected
clusters are included in the sample.
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The respondent were both male and female with age range from eighteen (18) to twenty
(21) years of age.
Research Locale
The study will be conducted at Barangay 181, Pangarap Village Caloocan City. It is small
community located in the Northern part of Caloocan City.
Among all cities in the Philippines, Caloocan together with Pasay and Manila City
implement the so called "Zone Systems". A Zone is a group of barangays and it is implemented
for strategically purposes. Caloocan City has 16 Zones and the second biggest zone in Caloocan
is Zone 16 where Barangay 181, Pangarap Village belongs.
Most of the residents in Barangay 181 speak English and Filipino as their primary
language. A considerable amount of the population also speaks other languages and dialects.
Like many other places in the country, Roman Catholicism is the religion with most followers in
that barangay, but there is a significant number of the members of Iglesiani Cristo and other
Christian denominations.
Instrumentation
Qualitative researchers use interviews to find out people’s experiences, perceptions,
values, and opinions. Interviews can be used for many different purposes and take many different
forms. They can happen repeatedly over a long period of time or only once, can be short or long.
The common element in all interviews is that researchers ask different people questions on a
particular topic. Ideally, this takes place with individuals or groups in face- to- face settings,
although interviews can also be done over the telephone or Internet.
27
More particularly, the kind of interview which will be presented by the researchers to the
respondents is in a semi-structured form. It comprises a list of questions, topics, and or issues
that are prepared prior to the interview or discussion. This list of questions is developed to ensure
continuity between the subjects and to help interviewers cover essential topics. Because the list
serves as a guide only, the interviewers are free to ask whatever questions they feel will result in
information appropriate to the purpose and focus of the interview. This is why it is called semi-
structured. Making a list beforehand, however, ensures that critical topics to be covered are not
missed Berja (2010).
Data Gathering Procedure
The researchers will be asking permission from the chairman of Barangay 181, Pangarap
Village Caloocan City. It will be conducted through submission of formal letter of request
provided by the secretary of the College of Arts and Sciences’ Dean.
As soon as the request will be approved, the researchers will proceed to the said barangay
and will administer the interview and test intended for the respondents. The respondents will be
given ten (10) to fifteen (15) minutes in answering the interview and survey form.
Statistical Treatment of Data
28
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