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8 | Obama’s Unthinkable 2013 Agendaby Reince Priebus

14 | My Friend Andrew: Genius, Revolutionary, and Wonderful Guyby Hugh Hewitt

18 | iCar, Take the Wheelby Jonah Goldberg

27 | Obama and the Second Term CurseEVERY US PRESIDENT HAS FARED WORSE IN A SECOND TERM THAN IN THE FIRST—WHY SHOULD THIS ONE BE ANY DIFFERENT?by Michael Medved

36 | Big Lies on Big Oilby David Limbaugh

ADMINISTRATIONTERRY FAHY

Vice President/General Manager, Salem Los Angeles

CHET THOMPSONGeneral Sales Manager, 870 KRLA

CHUCK TYLERProgram Director, Salem Los Angeles

ADVERTISING INQUIRIESCHET THOMPSON

General Sales Manager, 870 KRLA (818) 662-3788

ART DIRECTOR LAYOUTCHAD BLAIR GRAPHIC VISIONS

www.krla870.com | 5

Tableof

Contents

If you thought Barack Obama’sfirst term was bad, you don’twant to see a second.

The verdict is in on the last threeyears. President Obama has produced a steady stream of brokenpromises, failed policies, and misplaced priorities. However, hestill claims a second term will be different. It will. It just won’t be better.

We have seen the liberal agenda thepresident has pursued over the lastthree years: government run health- care, cap-and-trade, pet projectsdisguised as “stimulus,” card-check,taxpayer-funded loans to now-bankrupt energy companies, andreckless deficit spending.

Now imagine what he would do in asecond term—when he does nothave to face reelection. We alreadyknow what the year 2013 would looklike, and it’s not pretty.

By President Obama’s own admission,he wants higher taxes. In 2011, he remarked at a press briefing, “Nobody’s looking to raise taxes rightnow. We’re talking about potentially2013 and the out-years.”

Now, his fiscal year 2013 budgetcalls for exactly that—$1.9 trillion inhigher taxes. But if he cannot getthat budget through Congress, hehas another option: do nothing. If thepresident and Congress take no action, taxes will automatically

Obama’s Unthinkable2013 Agenda

BY REINCE PRIEBUS

increase by $3.6 trillion in 2013.

The president once described himselfas “agnostic” on the idea of raisingeveryone’s taxes. As a first-termpresident, he wouldn’t dare do it, butas a second-term president not facing reelection, he has no incentiveto stop the tax increases if he is trulyindifferent.

Along with his plans for tax increases, the president’s 2013budget also calls for increasedspending—much of it in the samestyle as the failed $833 billion stimulus. Voters are demanding responsible government, but thepresident wants more budgetdeficits, which will require raisingthe debt ceiling yet again.

The credit rating agency Fitch haswarned that unless the United Statescomes up with a “credible plan” toreduce the budget deficit, it will joinStandard and Poors in revokingAmerica’s AAA credit rating. Obama

earned one credit downgrade in hisfirst term. Without any plan fordeficit reduction, it seems he wantsanother downgrade for a secondterm.

The 2013 forecast also includes aweak economy and unacceptablyhigh unemployment, thanks to thepresident’s policies. The non-partisanCongressional Budget Office said in January, “The economy will continue to grow at a sluggish paceover the next two years.” They alsopredict the unemployment rate willremain above 8 percent in 2013.

Without a Republican president tolead the repeal of ObamaCare, theunpopular act would come alive in2013. Medicare taxes would increase,and taxes on medical devices wouldbe imposed as well. Those new taxescould make some medical devicecompanies unprofitable, leadingthem to fire employees or cut services.

In a second Obama term, regulatoryagencies would ramp up their assault on jobs and domestic energy.The president has promised that theEPA can consider imposing moreregulations in 2013, which theagency has estimated would cost affected businesses as much as $90

billion a year. The inevitable result:fewer jobs and higher prices. That’s not all. If President Obamaresurrects cap-and-trade, the addedregulatory burden could cost taxpay-ers another $200 billion annually—as much as $1,761 for a family.

While the president pursues hisagenda, other areas of the budgetwould be inexplicably sacrificed. His2013 budget would force militaryfamilies and retirees to pay substantially higher prices for theirhealthcare—even as civil defenseworkers are unaffected.

Under the debt ceiling agreementfrom last year, military spendingwould be drastically cut if the president fails to lead on deficit reduction. As Defense SecretaryLeon Panetta has said, that would“devastate our national security.”

America has already been devastatedby the first term of PresidentObama. But for those who would stillconsider casting a vote for him inNovember, just consider what a second Obama term would bring—and hope we never see it.

Reince Priebus is chairman of the Republican National Committee. In

gram

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14 | www.krla870.com

COVER STORY

M y last on air inter-view with AndrewBreitbart was onthe afternoon ofthe day he died,

one in a long series of entertaining,informative, passionate and funnyconversations we had on air and offfor years. In those last nine minuteswe covered our guesses on the musical tastes of the GOP presidentialcontenders, Andrew’s own love ofThe The, our ongoing debate aboutretweeting the attacks made on himvia Twitter, about his latest crusade,the lawsuit filed the by his friendJames O’Keefe alleging slander byDavid Shuster, and the vast story ofMedia Matters’ network of influencethroughout the left and into theWhite House.

It was Andrew’s final media appearance,and it was vintage Andrew—alwaysfocused on the key point but alwayswilling to explore and expand theconversation to wherever his vibrantmind and keen humor would take it,moving at a velocity people rightlyfound dazzling.

The last time I was with Andrew wasat an event sponsored in part by KRLA870, a School Choice Awareness Weekforum on January 22 of this year, with

me as the moderator and Andrew andJuan Williams as the panelists withhundreds of passionate proponentsand opponents in attendance.

The forum itself was rollicking goodfun, a terrific example of how thesubject of school choice brings together diverse personalities andideologies behind the cause of shattering the education monopolyso that kids can get a good education.Andrew and Juan were a perfectpair, and it was about as easy a job tomoderate as there is since both werethe soul of courtesy to each otherand the audience, while also deliveringfirst rate commentary wrapped inhumor and deep in facts.

What was even more memorable,however, was the Green Room beforethe event. Our team from KRLA andSalem Communications had done itsusual terrific job of setting up a spacewhere the participants could get arun-through done, a bite to eat and acup of coffee, meet a few sponsors,and say thanks to the team whichthat night included KRLA’ s TerryFahy, Pamela Tyus, and Chet Thompson and Salem’s David Spady.

These warm-up proceedings areusually staid affairs, with mic checks

and detailed outlines passed around,introductions refined and small talkmanaged. Juan and I have donethese before so it also a chance tocatch up on the shared friendshipsof an east coast and a west coasttalking head.

Usually, but not when Hurricane Andrew blew into the room, full of the extraordinary energy thatmarked every single meeting I everhad with him, in my studio, at conferences, at gatherings of Hollywood conservatives—Andrewwas always on, always alive to themoment and intensely interested inthe people he was with.

(One small but revealing note. Eightout of ten guests on a radio showhang up immediately after the interview is complete. Andrew wasone of the few who would alwaysstay on the line, eager to talk to myproducer Duane Patterson, whom heknew to be an enormous force onTwitter at @radioblogger, with closeto a half-million followers. He lovedto probe Duane for his latestthoughts on the media revolution, an awareness of resources and talent that truly marked Andrew as different from most mediapoobahs.)

My Friend Andrew:Genius, Revolutionary,and Wonderful Guy

BY HUGH HEWITT

COVER STORY

Our Green Room on the 22nd was aperfect example of Breitbart goingfrom zero to 60 to 110 mph. Andrewmoved from buffet—he was on Atkins,dropping weight and getting into fighting shape for what seemed to havebeen a new CNN show in the offing—toserious conversations with David aboutschool choice, Juan about everything,and with me, well, about Twitter.

“Andrew,” I said, “I want to persuade youto stop retweeting the hate speech directed at you.”

This was exactly the right thing to say to Andrew Breitbartif what you wanted to do was set in motion a volcano ofcommentary on media and big media disaggregation,talking head bias and the grand strategy for transformingjournalism from its left-wing broken-power broker shambles to something resembling the impartial reporting of facts and events.

It was wonderful, and it swept along until we moved to the stage, and then it spilled into the public conversation, and then into Andrew’s memorable address at CPAC in which he not only paid me a high compliment but also eviscerated my position –classic Andrew—and then brieflyinto our final conversation.

I hadn’t wanted Andrew to retweet the hate speech abouthim because it wasn’t true and didn’t inform anyone abouthim in any true sense. Andrew wanted to retweet thesevile things because they said true things about the individual publishing them—they revealed the inner hatred and incoherence of the sender. They did, of course,but at a cost to Andrew. He was willing to pay that cost because of the truth those retweets exposed.

He would not not battle, and he would never pass by achallenge. The early 19th century practice of dueling atdawn was referred to as “grass before breakfast,” and Andrew always showed up, early or late, often withoutseconds, and always let his opponents choose theweapons.

Andrew never lost. He would wade into an AnthonyWeiner press conference or an Occupy rally and fearlesslyconfront the lie of the day, usually with a smile. Protestorsat a Koch Forum? That’s where you’d find Andrew, not inside by the pool, but out front by the drive way, engaged.And winning.

The day after Andrew died I hosted a remote broadcast formy KTIE 590 affiliate in Temecula, California, to help promote a benefit concert being conducted by Gary Siniseand his Lt. Dan Band for a severely wounded Marine,LnCpl Juan Dominguez. Sinise was a good friend of Andrew’s and the loss hit him hard, as it hit so many ofthe people who saw Andrew in other than a television studio, as a loving husband, father, son and son-in-lawand loyal friend. (Andrew really connected with artists,from musicians like his close pals John Ondrasick andJude to producers, writers and of course actors and entrepreneurs like Gary Sinise.) On air guests both beforeand after Gary talked about Andrew’s unselfish mentoringand encouragement, how he sought out young or obscuretalent, gave them platforms, puished their work forward.Genuine grief—the real thing—cannot be manufactured,but around Andrew's death it was immense and raw, because Andrew had been immense and engaged.

National Review’s Jonah Goldberg was one of thoseguests, and he made a point that has lingered with me. Andrew, Jonah pointed out, refused to believe that the lefthad won and was winning, that the nonsense about thearc of history moving left was in any way real, and that allthat was required was courage.

Courage and technology.

And leadership.

Andrew supplied all three and for that reason he will bedeeply, deeply missed.

His legacy is vast, however, and not just in the platformshe built but especially in the people he placed upon them.One of his colleagues, Larry O’Connor, often guest hostsfor me when I am on the road or on vacation. Larry hasenormous talent in broadcasting and media, talent thatAndrew spied and immediately set to work. Andrew didthat again and again and again.

The very first time I met Andrew, Jude brought him to mystudio for what turned into a long conversation, most of iton air. Between that first meeting in studio and on air andour last conversation on the phone and on the air, Andrewwas always the same guy—on air or off, talking politics,sports, music, or families, a genuine, consistent man infull, a friend indeed, and a revolutionary for all the rightreasons and for all the right causes.

Hugh Hewitt is host of a nationally syndicated radio talkshow. Hugh Hewitt’s new book is The War On The West.


iCar, Take the WheelBY JONAH GOLDBERG

www.krla870.com | 19

before dinner again because an embryonic version ofSkynet will be our designated driver.

So far, so good. On the other hand, automated autoswould undoubtedly put countless Americans who make aliving driving cars, buses and trucks out of work, at leastin the short run. I’m no Luddite. Capitalism is supposed todestroy unproductive jobs to make room for productiveones. Still, in the short term, the turmoil could be brutal,economically and politically.

But let’s leave professional drivers out of it. Besides, truckand bus drivers do more than simply drive, and they mightkeep their increasingly redefined jobs for a good while longer.

What I find most disturbing to contemplate is what thiswould mean for American liberty.

Health and safety — p articularly for “the children” — havebecome all-purpose writs for social meddling. The list ofdangerous substances and activities we need to be protected from grows by the day. With the help of a mediaestablishment that turns anecdotes into epidemics in aheartbeat, the state ceaselessly empowers itself to constrain our freedoms for what the experts tell us is forour own good.

Let’s be fair: The experts aren’t always wrong, and evenwhen they’re wrong, their arguments aren’t necessarilyunreasonable given their assumptions. But if you followthe logic of mandatory seatbelts and motorcycle helmets,red-light cameras and anti-texting laws to their naturalconclusion, it’s easy to imagine that some bureaucratswill want to co-author your car's software.

And then what? Will you ever be allowed to go over thespeed limit again? Police are already drooling to see ourGPS data. Will that become automatic too? Will the copshave the power to tell your car to stop whether you wantit to or not? Will authorities be able to tell your car to takea detour to alleviate traffic? Make it turn around when itgets too close to certain off-limit areas?

I don't know, and neither does anyone else. But I wouldlike to imagine that when these debates come — and theywill — a sufficient number of Americans will have enoughof the right stuff to say, “We want a steering wheel.”

Jonah Goldberg is editor-at-large of National Review Online,and the author of the forthcoming book The Tyranny ofClichés. You can reach him via Twitter @JonahNRO

iStockphoto

There’s a great scene in the movie “TheRight Stuff” where theoriginal Mercury as-tronauts are checking

out the capsule for their first trips tospace. They’re horrified to discoverthat the German scientists in chargeof the program see the astronauts asnothing more than living props.

There is no window, the scientistsexplain. There’s no emergency hatchor even controls for the astronautsto use. It’s all automated. “We want awindow,” the astronauts demand.

The white-frocked experts reluctantlyagree to give the astronauts a window and piloting controls because they know the Americanpeople would hate to see the nation’sgreatest pilots treated like lab monkeys with no say in their fate.

I can’t help but wonder whether in 20years the American people will have

the right stuff to demand a steeringwheel in their cars.

If you haven’t heard, we — and by“we,” I mean the guys in the labcoats in Detroit and Silicon Valley —are very close to having a completelyautomated automobile ready for themarket. Driverless cars have beentested in numerous conditions. Audieven sent a four-wheeled robot tothe top of Pikes Peak. Volvo has onethat can let the “driver” read thenewspaper on the way to work, evenin busy city traffic. After a successfullobbying campaign by Google (whichhas logged thousands of hours withits self-driving cars), Nevada recentlypassed a sweeping robot-friendlylaw.

According to press reports, robotsare already far safer than humandrivers. Reaction times are better.Radar and GPS technology gives therobots a 360-degree view. Robotsdon’t get drowsy, and they don’t

suddenly cross the yellow line whenthey spill a hot latte in their laps. But let’s assume the technology will — as technology invariably does — get much, much better, and Americans will be able to sit backand play with their iPad 7s as theircars take them to work. What next?

Some consequences are pretty obviousand desirable. Traffic fatalities willplummet. In 2010, there were 32,885U.S. traffic fatalities — the lowesttotal since 1949, but still disturbinglyhigh. Computerized driving couldremedy that.

Automated cars could also be anenormous boon to the physically dis-abled. Insurance rates would crater,traffic would be more efficient,speeding tickets could become athing of the past (possibly bankrupting highwayman fiefdomslike Washington, D.C.). And —hooray! — we could all have martinis

Stockbyte

W ith big majoritiestelling pollstersthey believeBarack Obama’sfirst term has

pointed America decisively in thewrong direction, advocates of his re-election must promise the publicthat another four years would represent a dramatic improvement.

But to keep that promise and to wingreater policy and political triumphsin a return trip to the White House,Mr. Obama must magically over-come a “second term curse” whichrepresents one of the iron rules ofthe American presidency.

Since the origins of the Republic,every re-elected president met withmore frustrations and fewer notabletriumphs in a second term, than inthe first. The record of rocky, controversial, often scandal-plaguedsecond terms applied even to themost admired chief executives in ourhistory, very much including George

Washington (who coped withwrenching cabinet squabbles, a potential rebellion in Pennsylvania,and the searing unpopularity of Jay'sTreaty), Thomas Jefferson (whoseEmbargo Act left him widely reviled),James Madison (who saw the WhiteHouse burned by the Brits and theNew England states on the point ofsecession), Grover Cleveland (whopresided over the devastating Depression of 1893 shortly after inauguration for his non-consecutivesecond term), Woodrow Wilson (whosuffered a stroke and rejection of hisLeague of Nations plans), and evenFDR (who experienced the “little Depression” of 1937-38, the disastrous“Court Packing” plan, and huge congressional gains for the GOP opposition before seeking his unprecedented third term in 1940).

Republican heroes Dwight Eisenhowerand Ronald Reagan both weatheredmajor scandals in their secondterms (with the resignation of Ike’stop aide Sherman Adams and

Reagan’s humiliating Iran-Contradebacle) as well as witnessing majorgains for the Democrats two yearsbefore they left office (the Dems recaptured the Senate in 1986 afterGOP control in Reagan’s first sixyears, and won more than two-thirdsmajorities in both Houses two yearsbefore Ike’s departure). Even moredramatically, Richard Nixon wentfrom triumphant re-election (carryingforty nine states in 1972), to resignationin disgrace half way through his second term, while Bill Clinton’s return trip to the White House alsoproduced painful polarization and animpeachment crisis.

Most recently, George W. Bush’s initiatives for Social Security and immigration reform both collapsedin his second term, before HurricaneKatrina, a Democratic takeover of Congress and the economic meltdown of 2008 shattered hisstanding with the public.

Lincoln never confronted the second

Obama and theSecond Term Curse

EVERY US PRESIDENT HAS FARED WORSE IN A SECOND TERM THAN IN THE FIRST—

WHY SHOULD THIS ONE BE ANY DIFFERENT?BY MICHAEL MEDVED



term catastrophes and reverses that afflicted his predecessorsand successors since he suffered assassination just fiveweeks after his second inauguration. William McKinley(another popular president who had just concluded a triumphant war) also met an assassin’s bullet just sixmonths into his second term in office.

The Second Term Curse goes far beyond the influence ofcoincidence or superstition—it’s far more substantive,logical and inevitable than the celebrated “Year ZeroCurse” (which saw nine consecutive chief executiveselected in years ending in zero between 1840 and 1980 either dying in office or grievously wounded, until GeorgeW. Bush broke the awful string in 2000).

The problem for second term presidents involves their diminished influence and lame duck status; even beforethe 22nd Amendment made it officialin 1950, all chief executives (withthe single exception of FDR) ob-served the traditional two termlimit, meaning that their ability topunish enemies or reward friendscame with a sharply reduced shelflife. Moreover, second term presidentsregularly feel upstaged by the jock-eying within their own partiesamong potential successors. (Thisproved particularly distracting inJames Monroe’s second term with such impressive contenders as Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams, JohnC. Calhoun and Henry Clay all seeking actively and unapologetically to replace the aging chief executive).

Moreover, any president deemed successful enough toearn re-election completed much of his promised agendaduring his first four years, so a lack of energy usuallycharacterizes complacent, stay-the-course chapter twosin the White House.

Considering the unbroken pattern of diminished effectiveness for re-elected presidents, how can Obamapartisans claim he will shatter tradition and prove moreeffective if the electorate renews his White House lease?Given the current conclusion of 75 percent of the publicthat our country is headed down the wrong path, there’sno reason to expect that the president would be able tochart a more reassuring course or demonstrate more effective leadership in a second term of office.

In fact, there’s every reason to believe that, for this president in particular, the second four years would prove

more challenging than the first four. For one thing, there'sscant chance that he’ll enjoy the comfortably large Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress thatmade his legislative victories of 2009-2010 possible. Thebrightest possible prospect for the incumbent party in theupcoming elections involves hanging on to a narrow Senate majority (perhaps even less than the 53 votes theDemocrats currently control) and eking out a switch ofpower in the House by the barest imaginable margin.

And even if the President manages to defy current projections and to win a solid Electoral College majority,he will experience no “honeymoon” period with media andpublic comparable to the euphoria that greeted the earlymonths of his term. The Obama campaign has already ac-knowledged that they can only win re-election by stressinga “choice,” not a “referendum”—they must demonize the

Republican opposition with theirvast political war chest (perhaps asmuch as a billion dollars) ratherthan trumpeting their own first-term accomplishments, therebynecessarily intensifying, rather thansoothing, the divisions and bitternessthat currently poison the Washingtonatmosphere. A toxic, slashingly negative campaign to recapture theWhite House can only exacerbatethe unavoidable negative factors

that apply to even the most easily re-elected second-termers.

The political operatives and spin doctors who argue thenecessity of the president’s re-election must make thedifficult case that their candidate will defy all precedent sothat the original installment of his troubled presidentialadventure will give way to a more optimistic sequel—a delayed delivery of hope and change. And those who con-sider the Obama first term a full-blown disaster, as wellas all those who feel mildly disappointed that the giftedpresident so clearly underperformed his supporters’soaring expectations, face a grim message regarding apotential second term: you ain’t seen nuthin’ yet!

Michael Medved’s daily syndicated radio talk show reachesone of the largest national audiences every weekday between 3 and 6 PM, Eastern Time. Michael Medved is theauthor of eleven books, including the bestsellers What Really Happened to the Class of ’65?, Hollywood vs. America,Right Turns, The Ten Big Lies About America and 5 Big LiesAbout American Business.

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How much truth is therein President Obama’slatest favorite mantrathat we consume ad i s p ropo r t i o na te

share of the world’s oil, especiallyconsidering how little of the world’sreserves we have?

Recently, Obama said: “But here’sthe thing about oil. We have about 2,maybe 3, percent of the world’sproven oil reserves. We use 25

percent of the world’s oil. So thinkabout it. Even if we doubled theamount of oil that we produce, we’dstill be short by a factor of five.”

First, let’s look at the raw numbersand then examine Obama’s misleadingframing of the issue. This is importantbecause he uses these statistics tojustify his reckless expenditure offederal funds to pursue alternative“green” energy sources, such as thedisgraceful and scandalous Solyndra

project.

The United States has some 20 billion barrels of oil in reserves. By“reserves” we’re talking “proven”reserves, meaning those that arecertain to be recoverable in futureyears from known reservoirs underexisting economic and operatingconditions. That is, we have 20 billionbarrels of oil that is recoverable atcurrent prices and under lands currently available for development.


Photodisc - Andy Sotiriou

Big Lies on Big OilBY DAVID LIMBAUGH

That definition excludes many oil reserves that Obama has declaredoff-limits. According to the Institutefor Energy Research, we have morethan 1.4 trillion barrels of oil that istechnically recoverable in the UnitedStates with existing technology. Thelargest deposits are located offshore,in portions of Alaska and in shale deposits in the Rocky Mountainstates. So the United States hasmore recoverable oil than therest of the non-North Americanworld combined. The Heritage Foundation says this is enoughto fuel every passenger car inthe nation for 430 years. There-fore, “it is merely semantics —not a scientific assessment ofwhat America has the capacityto produce — that allows criticsto claim repeatedly that Americais running out of energy.”

When you add in recoverableresources from Canada andMexico, the total recoverable oilin North America exceeds 1.7trillion barrels. “To put this incontext, Saudi Arabia has about260 billion barrels of oil inproved reserves.”

Another critical point: Evenusing the restrictive definitionof reserves Obama is using, the 20-billion barrel figure is misleading, because Obama isclearly implying it is a fixed, or static,number — as though with every barrel of oil we consume, we arepushing the oil energy doomsdayclock another second toward theapocalypse. But in fact, that numberis not static, but constantly in flux.

The institute tells us that in 1980, forexample, the United States had 30billion barrels of oil in reserves. Butover the next 30 years — through2010 — we produced 77 billion barrels. Now, how can it be that we

produced almost 21/2 times more oilthan we had available, consumed agreat deal and still ended up withplenty left over?

Obama’s own Energy InformationAdministration is predicting a steadyincrease in reserves on land currently available for exploration.Heritage’s David Kreutzer says, “It

projects that improvements in technology and the economics of extraction, production, and sales actually will lead to a 23.7 percentincrease in U.S. reserves — evenafter extracting billions of barrels ofoil in the interim.”

There’s more. Obama’s formulationconflates two different measures.True, we might have only between 2 and 3 percent of the world’s recoverable reserves — as narrowlyand misleadingly defined — but wedon’t consume 25 percent of theworld's oil reserves, which is what

Obama wants you to believe. Weconsume closer to 22 percent — butit’s not of reserves; it’s of the world’soil production. But, as Heritagenotes, “we consume about 22 percentof the world’s production of every-thing,” not just oil. Consumption isdetermined by income, not by avail-able resources — and for those whoare always knocking the United

States, we also produce about22 percent of the world's total output of all goods and services.

Admittedly, we don’t produce 22 percent of the world’s total oil output; it’s more like 6 to 10percent. But experts say thisnumber will increase even if wedon’t access the other abundantsources that Obama has declared off-limits.

For overblown and in somecases completely fabricated environmental concerns, Obamais preventing us from greatly expanding the pie of our oil reserves, from offshore drillingto Alaska to Keystone to fracking,and at the same time throwinggovernment money down theratholes of projects that aren’tsound and economically prudentenough to warrant substantial

private investment dollars.

He’s told us he wants to bankrupt thecoal industry, get us out of gas-driven cars and into electrical clunkersand onto bike paths, and increasethe price of gas.

Why don’t we believe him?

David Limbaugh, brother of radio talk-show host Rush Limbaugh, is an expertin law and politics and author of newbook Crimes Against Liberty, the definitive chronicle of Barack Obama’sdevastating term in office so far.


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870 Magazine vol. 6

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