7797967 the Korean Student Movement

Gwanju Human Rights Folk School 2004

The Korean Student Movement: Major Cases and Their Characteristics

Presented by Hogi Jeong

(Honam Culture Research Center, Chonnam National Unviersity)

I. Introduction: the Context and the Goals of the Lecture

The Korean student movement first appeared in the Japanese colonial period,

and has taken important roles in the social movements in Korea in times of disorder and

rapid change. The student movement has contributed to the democratization of South

Korea, especially through the following social movements: the April Uprising in 1960,

the struggle against the “June 3rd ROK-Japan Talk” in 1963, the Buma Uprising in 1979,

the May 18 Uprising in 1980, the June Uprising and the struggle for the realization of

the August 15th South-North Korean Students Meeting in 1987, the reunification

movement in 1989, and the May Struggle in 1991.

The student movement was not limited in the democratization movement in the

politics, but closely related to every social movement in the fields of labor movements,

peasant movements, movements for the poor, and educational movements. The student

movement activists participated in each field: one of the most frequent modes of their

participation was the so-called “site entering,” i.e., for them to get a job in the actual

working sites of the laborers. The government defined this “site entering” as a

disguised employment and suppressed it. Having moved into various fields and leading

the social movements, the participants of the past student movements are now

contributing to the development of the democracy and human rights in the Korean

society.

This lecture will introduce some of the major Korean student movements and

their contexts, focusing on their goals, activities, and sufferings. It will introduce the

student movements largely in two perspectives: first, through the major cases of student

organizations, and, second, the major cases of meetings and demonstrations occurred in

the process of the student movements in Korea.

The lecture will give a lot of space to the student movement in the 1980s when the

democratization movement was very active in South Korea.

II. Cases of student Organizations


1. The Case of The National League of Democratic Youths and Students (April 3,

1974)

● The Context

With the appearance of the Yushin System that denied even the perfunctory

democracy, the elated social movements became depressed in the early 1970s. The Park

Junghee Administration invoked the garrison decree, as the struggle against the military

training at school spread in 1971. The Park Administration took a strong measure: it

stationed the army in educational institutions, took 1,889 students to the police station,

and arrested 119 of them. As the Yushin System appeared after the leadership of the

student movement was arrested on a large scale and pressed to the army, the student

movement stopped taking overt actions. As observed in the case of “the NH Society” of

Korea University, also known as the “Minuji” case, in June, 1973, the case of “the

Black October Group,” or the case of “Hamseongji (cries)” of Chonnam National

University, the student movement in this period hoarded up its ability and conducted its

struggle through underground print materials.

The Park Administration, however, came to face with high criticism both from

the inside and the outside of the country due to “the Kim Daejung kidnapping case” in

August, 1974, and the raised antipathy against the Yushin System. The first

demonstration against the Yushin System took place on October 2nd, 1974, led by the

students at Seoul National University. With this demonstration, the student movement

renovated its stagnant atmosphere and reassured its leadership in social movements.

After the demonstration at Seoul National University, the anti-Yushin System

demonstrations spread not only through different universities and high schools around

the country but also through the societies of religion, journalism, and outside the public

office. This nationwide struggle resulted in “the Million Signature-Collecting

Campaign for the Petition for the Constitutional Amendment.”

The Park Administration took a very firm line on this people’s movement,

declaring the Emergency Measure No. 1 and No. 2 which said that no discussion on the

constitution would be allowed and that those who violate this measure will be brought

to the emergency court-martial and punished without the warrant of a judicial officer.

At the same time, the Park Administration fostered an intense social atmosphere,

purging the public officers (reprimanding 627 public officers including the then deputy

prime minister), controlling the press media, and holding a nationwide anti-communist

demonstration in the cause of the return of the fishing boat captured by the North

Korean marine while working in the Yellow Sea.


As the antipathy against the Yushin System grew intense despite this

suppressive atmosphere, the Park Administration invoked the Emergency Measure No.

4 on April 3rd, 1974, claiming that the National League of Democratic Youths and

Students tried to upset the government instigated by North Korea. The Emergency

Measure No. 4 was an oppressive action that allowed the government to sentence the

death penalty to those who participated in the demonstrations against it or criticized it,

as well as the members of the National League of the Democratic Youths and Students,

and to close down its violator’s school.

● The Outline

At the beginning of 1974, the student movement searched for a new direction

in their activities faced with the unprecedented iron-fisted rule in the form of the

Emergency Measure No.1 and No.2. With the recognition that their struggle against the

Yushin System could not have its effect through scattered, individual demonstrations at

different universities, the leadership of the student movement centering around Seoul

National University tried to form a nationwide, united organization for their struggle,

i.e., the National League of Democratic Youths and Students.

The leadership consisted of the senior student group that led earlier struggles

against the constitutional amendment for the third term of a president in 1969 and

against the military training at school in 1971, and the junior student group that

organized the demonstration at Seoul National University in October, 1973. The

leadership tried to build a network among different universities and regions, as well as

constant ties with the opposition personages and the religious figures. The plan,

however, was detected by the authority, and the members of the leadership were chased

and arrested by the investigation agencies. Consequently, the united demonstration

planned for April 3rd, 1974, turned out small-sized scattered demonstrations at different

universities. Altogether 169 persons concerned with the case of the National League of

Democratic Youths and Students had been arrested until the end of November, 1974.

● The Characteristics

The case of the National League of Democratic Youths and Students that

resisted against the Park Junghee Administration under the slogan of “Overthrow the

Yushin System,” has its significance in the history of the Korean student movement in

several ways. First, the progressive student activists formed through the case of the

National League of Democratic Youths and Students came to constitute the middle

leadership of the democratization struggle since the mid 1970s. A considerable number


of participants in the National League of Democratic Youths and Students supplemented

the personnel for the social movements, devoting their lives in the democratization

movement after their release from confinement, as well as connected each social

movement in different fields in an organic way.

Second, through the National League of Democratic Youths and Students was

tried, though elementary, a nationwide organization and task allotment through linking

different university and regional organizations. The leadership of the National League

of Democratic Youths and Students prepared for a nationwide demonstration following

the so-called “3.3.3 principle.” They tried to link different colleges of Seoul National

University with the first three axes of the organization: the College of Liberal Arts and

Sciences, the College of Law, and the Commercial College. They, then, tried to build a

network among different universities in the Seoul area with the second three axes: Seoul

National University, Yonsei University, and Korea University. The nationwide

organization was to be completed with the linkage among the third axes: Seoul National

University, Kyungpook National University, and Chonnam National University. The

leadership also tried build a network that include high school students and the

personages in the religious world.

Third, to evaluate the level of the social consciousness of the leadership based

on the “Declaration for People, Nation, and Democracy” distributed under the name of

the National League of Democratic Youths and Students, the characteristics of their

management system and plans for social reformation seem to have much to be desired.

Their line of struggle, however, became the guide post for the Korean society, being

further developed especially in the mid 1980s.

2. The Case of the University Student Union Presidents Taken to the Police

Station (May 17, 1980)

● The Context

Street demonstrations by university students and emergency declarations by

professors were spreading throughout the nation. The more intense the people’s

demand for democratization became, the worse the governmental suppression became.

The country was still under the martial law proclaimed at 4 p.m. on October 27, 1979,

after the death of the former president, Park Junghee. The presidents of the student

unions at 23 universities around the nation agreed upon holding nonviolent intramural

demonstrations until further notice, and announced their statement demanding the


withdrawal of the martial law. On May 14th, altogether 27 presidents of the university

student unions resolved to hold street demonstrations, and around 100,000 students

from 34 universities around the country participated in the street demonstrations. On

May 15th, the street demonstrations of university students reached its climax, including

the one in the square in front of the Seoul Station where more than 100,000 students

gathered and demanded the withdrawal of the martial law.

● The Outline

After the nationwide street demonstration on May 15th, 95 representatives from

55 universities around the country gathered together at Ehwa Women’s University and

held the first meeting of the university student union presidents from 5:30 p.m. on May

16th. They decided to stop all demonstrations both on the campus and in the street

temporarily, and were discussing their future measures, when hundreds of the policemen

made a raid on the campus and arrested 18 members of the leadership.

At midnight on May 17th, the martial law was expanded and airborne units

marched into different universities. The students at school were taken to the police

station indiscriminately, and agents from the joint investigation headquarters went to the

houses of the student union leaders and of the students who returned from the army, and

arrested them at discretion. More than 200 students from about 38 universities around

the country were either taken to the police station or arrested around May 17th.


The leadership of the student movement decided to stop the street

demonstrations that had been held for several days in a large scale, so that they would

not give the cause for the military authorities to expand the martial law. The new

military authorities expanded the martial law when the students’ demonstrations were in

a state of lull, and oppressed the leadership of the student movement who formed the

core of the demonstration for the withdrawal of the martial law and democratization.

The new military authorities tried to shut out the resistance against the expansion of the

martial law in advance, by separating the student movement from the people.

The leadership of the student union of Chonnam National University hid

themselves at the news that the leadership of each university student union had been

taken to the police station. Around 11 p.m. on May 17th, a number of young people,

students, professors, the leaders of different social movement organizations, and the

opposition personages were taken by the martial army. When the leaders of the student

union of Chonnam National University were still in refuge, the May 18 Uprising took


place. With this case, the May 18 Uprising became isolated, and the struggle to search

for the truth of the Uprising became fractured.

3. The Case of the Student Federation for Salvation of the Nation (October 17th,

1986)

● The Context

The Student Federation for Salvation of the Nation was originated in the

“Danjae’s Theory Study Group.” It was the first group of students that professed for an

ideological movement, and insisting the followings: the immediate dismantlement of the

ideology circle system which was the basic frame for the student movement in Seoul

National University, the exposition of sectarianism, the abolition of the student number

system and other vestiges of the feudalistic system in the student movement

organizations. As an alternative to the existing system, the group also suggested to

make a united organization for the student movement.

The Student Federation for Salvation of the Nation assembled the student

activists’ will that was scattered before due to the absence of a united organization,

formulating main principles and rules and organizing the group through persuading

other students. The Federation had its inaugural meeting along with more than 100

students in Room 404 of the Natural Sciences College in Seoul National University on

March 29, 1986.

● The Outline

The Student Federation for Salvation of the Nation displayed full-out activities

as “the Struggle Committee for Autonomy Against American and Democratization

Against Fascism” was inaugurated on April 10th, 1986. The Federation divided their

struggle sectors into the struggle for autonomy against America, the struggle for

democratization against Fascism, and the struggle for the promotion of the Korean

reunification, based on the NLPDR (National Liberation People’s Democracy

Revolution).

In May, 1986, the Federation carried out their movement through “the Special

Struggle Committee for May,” demanding the punishment of those responsible for the

massacre in Gwangju and the constitutional amendment for democracy. On May 21st,

they occupied the U.S. Cultural Center in Busan and staged a sit-down demonstration.

As the Federation was exposed to the intelligence service, many relevant persons were


arrested.

Under such conditions, the Federation pushed on a plan to organize a student

movement federation in order to construct and solidify the nationwide solidarity. The

Federation was dismantled practically when the Jeon Duhwan regime quelled the

founding ceremony of “the Patriotic Students Struggle Federation” held in Konkuk

University on October 28.


The Student Federation for Salvation of the Nation that created a sensation

amongst universities and in Korean society from the end of 1985 until the early 1986.

Their arguments and activities have their significance in the history of student

movement in Korea. They pointed out the U.S. as the source of the dominating power

in Korean society and argued that the ultimate reformation of the Korean society would

be possible only through the anti-America struggle. In this context, the Federation

suggested the Anti-American Save-the-Nation and Reunification Front as the main body

of the reformation. The federation has its significance in professing for an ideological

movement for the first time in Korea.

4. The Case of the Constituent Assembly Group (May, 1986 ~ February, 1987)

● The Context

The demands for democratization through a constituent amendment raised since

the February 12th general election in 1985, brought on the political situation that the

entire country was divided into two groups, with the meeting between the governmental

and the opposition parties at the Presidential Residence on April 30th, 1986. Some

supported the constitution protection while others supported the constitutional

amendment. The social movement sector in Korea, including the student movement,

carried out their struggle to establish the constitution for unification and to abolish the

fascist constitution.

The foundation of the Promotion Committee for the Constitutional Amendment

by the New People’s Party (Shinmindang) in May, 1986, further instigated the

nationwide struggle against the dictatorship of the Jeon Duhwan regime, and led to the

“May 3rd Incheon Meeting.” As the New People’s Party participated in the “National

Assembly Special Committee for the Constitution,” the political situation of the

conservative vs. the united seemed to be formed. The Jeon Duhwan regime, however,


suppressed the social movement after the Asian Game in September, 1986, claiming that

the discussions on the constitutional amendment were breaking up the public opinion,

and made various political moves to converse the opposition parties into their system.

● The Outline

Around May, 1986, the Constituent Assembly Group asserted the establishment

of the people’s democratic constitution through convening the Constituent Assembly,

not through amending the constitution to introduce the direct presidential election

system. They insisted on convening “the People’s Assembly for the Constitution

Establishment” for their struggle. The group’s affiliated student organization, “the

Student Struggle Committee for the People and Democracy” organized “the National

Student Struggle Committee for the People and Democracy against Imperialism and

Fascism” in may, 1986. The student organization carried out activities around the Seoul

area during the summer vacation, 1986, including the sit-in demonstration at the

headquarters of the New People’s Party and the propagation in the Seongnam industrial

zone.

The Constituent Assembly Group argued that South Korea was under the

indirect rule of the imperialism as its new colony, and advocated the political

independence of the nation. They also observed that the South Korean society had

experienced a condense development of capitalism through subordinate relationship

with the powerful, and defined the Korean capitalism as the monopolistic capitalism of

a new colonial state.

The Constituent Assembly Group recognized the then situation as expecting a

revolution, thus, decided to take the preparatory tasks for the impending revolution.

One of the most important tasks was to equip the people with the consciousness as the

subject of the state power. Recognizing that the constitutional issue was not only a

matter of the “comprehensive system reformation struggle” (the struggle for all the

democratic rights), but also a “medium for the power struggle,” the group insisted on

defining the period as a “constitutional struggle period.” They argued that the

constitutional problem could be solved only through exposing the problems of the

power (i.e., the problems of the subject and the methodology in establishing the

constitution), specifically, through summoning the constituent assembly. From their

viewpoint, the New People’s Party’s proposal of the constitutional amendment for the

direct presidential election was a mere timeserving measure.

Though a great number of students were arrested related to the Constituent

Assembly Group, to limit the category to those at the core of the organization, the


number sums up to around 20.


The Constituent Assembly Group had its aims in resisting the authoritative Jeon

Duhwan Administration, and claimed to overthrow the regime, to establish a democratic

constitution, and to secure the basic rights of the people. Their activities and inclination

contributed to the expansion of the student movement into various fields of the

democratization movement in Korea, and left a great influence on late social

movements as well as the student movement.

5. The Case of the National Council of the University Student Representatives

(August, 1987 ~ March, 1993)

● The Context

Through the experience of the June Uprising in 1987, the Seoul Council of the

University Student Representatives recognized the difficulties in the qualitative and

quantitative expansion of the people’s struggle due to the lack of systematic

organization, and suggested to establish a nationwide leadership that can unite the

consciousness and practices of the struggle. In 1987, the student movement had two

factions: the National Liberation faction and the Constituent Assembly Group faction.

Those in the National Liberation faction, which formed the majority of the student

movement then, constituted local organizations, such as the Seoul Council of the

University Student Representatives, the Student Union Federation in the Honam Area,

and the Busan Student Union Council. After the June Uprising, these local

organizations contrived a national union, and pushed on the establishment of the

National Council of the University Student Representatives, centering around the

student unions of each university.

The National Council of the University Student Representatives had its

inauguration on August 19th, 1987, in Chungnam University where approximately

30,000 students gathered from 95 universities around the country. In the declaration

that the students adopted for the inauguration were included their claims for the

dictatorial military regime to resign, for the United Democratic Party (Tongilminjudang,

the opposition party) to reflect the people’s interests and demands in its political

negotiations with the government party, for the army to keep neutrality, and for the US

to stop intervening in the domestic affairs of South Korea.


With an indirect election through the representatives of the 6 regions and 19

districts in the country, the students elected Inyeong Lee (Student President of Korea

University) as the chairman, and Sangho Woo (Student President of Yeonsei University)

and three other students as the vice-chairman of the National Council of the University

Student Representatives.

● The Outline

The National Council of the University Student Representatives carried out

activities through the following struggles for autonomy, democracy, and reunification:

the fair election monitoring group during the presidential election in December, 1987;

the struggle to achieve the South-North Youths and Students’ Meeting on June 10th and

August 15th in 1988; the November struggle to liquidate the Gwangju issue and the 5th

Republic; Im Sukyeong’s participation in the Pyeongyang commemoration in 1989;

organizing the August 15 national meeting in 1990; the struggle to commemorate and

succeed the spirit of the May 18 Uprising.

Facing the presidential election in December, 1987, those in the student

movement were divided into two factions according to their positions: those who

advocated the “critical support” to Kim Daejung, and those who advocated the

“unification of the candidate for the opposition parties.” In this context, the Constituent

Assembly Group came to participate in the National Council of the University Student

Representatives from 1988.

To highlight some of the major activities of the National Council of the

University Student Representatives until its dissolution in March, 1993:

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III. Major Meetings and Demonstrations Related to the Student Movement

1. The April Revolution (February 28th ~ April 26th, 1960)

● The Context

The April Revolution started as the resistance against the injustice and illegal

conducts of the Lee Seungman Administration during the presidential election on March

15th, 1960. Its actual cause, however, was the explosion of the people’s anger against

the Lee Administration’s contradictory structure in general. Through the March 15

election, the Lee Administration of the 1st Republic committed unfair conducts

mobilizing all the state institutions in order to grasp the political power again. The state


power oppressed the opposition parties and terrorized the candidates of the opposition

parties and the voters even in broad daylights. The police suppressed the

demonstrations against the violence and injustice of the Lee Administration, instead of

monitoring the unfairness of the election. The political gangs, especially, such as the

anticommunist youths groups used violence all around the country and many were

victimized by them. As the result, Lee Seungman won the election with 9,663376 votes

amongst 11,196,490, and Lee Gibung became the vice-president with 8,337,597 votes.

The Democratic Party, on the other hand, won 1,843,758 votes.

● The Outline

The demonstrations to censure the unfair election started from the protest

against the Lee Administration stopping the people from participating the campaign

meeting of Jang Myeon, the vice-president candidate of the Democratic Party on

February 28th, 1960. It was high school students in the Gyeongsangbuk-do area who led

the demonstration. After the demonstration, the situation seemed to resume peace, but,

students’ demonstrations for the freedom of the schools and for

As for the ideological aspect of the student and the intellectual’s movement in the

1980s, one of the most distinctive features is the appearance of the class perspective and

the nationalist perspective. In other words, the students and the intellectuals in South

Korea took their people’s or their nation’s interests and tasks as theirs. Even in the

fields of culture, art, and academia, the national democratization was the most important

task

7797967 the Korean Student Movement

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