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Pahayagan ng Partido Komunista ng PilipinasPinapatnubayan ng Marxismo-Leninismo-MaoismoANG

English EditionVol. XLIII No. 21

November 7, 2012www.philippinerevolution.net

Editorial

Aquino recently responded insolently to a flood of complaints onhuman rights violations by armed agents of the state by dis-missing the growing cases of state violence against the people

as nothing but "Leftist propaganda."

Aquino's Marcos-style cover-upof human rights violations

Aquino's denials remind usof how the former dictator Fer-dinand Marcos propagated thelie that there were no politicalprisoners, when up to 70,000people were imprisoned undermartial law.

Like Marcos, Aquino deniesthe existence of political pris-oners under his own regime. In

fact, up to 170 political prison-ers (out of a total 385) havebeen incarcerated under histwo-year rule. There have alsobeen 114 victims of extrajudi-cial killing; 127 victims of frus-trated extrajudicial killing; 70victims of torture; and 12 vic-tims of enforced disappear-ance. In the countryside, hun-

In this issue...

Lessons fromRamos-Misuariagreement 4

Crisis and

imperialistmilitarism 8

Killings ofchildrencondemned 10

He even pervertedly accusedthe people of "violating the hu-man rights of the military andpolice" by citing as an exampleurban poor residents throwingstones at demolition teams es-corted by state agents armedwith guns, tear gas and trun-cheons.

In making such dismissives t a t e m e n t s ,Aquino hasshown hisfascist anda n t i p e o p l e

character, his utter insensitivityto the sentiments and cries forjustice of the families of victimsof extrajudicial killings, en-forced disappearance and otherviolations of human rights per-petrated by the state.

Aquino manifested his grossdisregard for worsening humanrights abuses by state forcesonly days after soldiers of the27th IB massacred the Capionfamily in Davao del Sur. (Readabout the details of the massa-cre on p.10)

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2 ANG BAYAN November 7, 2012

dreds of communities havebeen militarized, resulting in areign of terror and abuseagainst the peasants, especial-ly women and children. TheAquino regime has increasinglyemployed force in tearing downurban poor dwellings to giveway to foreign-funded infra-structure projects.

In showing his indifferenceto gross violations of humanrights by labelling them as mere"propaganda," Aquino is stokingthe fascist military and police'sunbridled use of force. He, in ef-fect, defends the brutality of

military and police operationsagainst the people. His much-vaunted measures, like chargingthe butcher Gen. Jovito Palpa-ran, is all for show. In reality, itis Aquino and his regime who are"propagandizing."

Despite Aquino's braggado-cio, he is unable to conceal theworsening violations of human

rights under his regime's OplanBayanihan, which involves theoutright suppression of peas-ants, workers, urban poor, stu-dents and other exploited and

oppressed sectors who stand upand raise their voices againstthe reactionary regime's anti-people, antinational and anti-democratic policies.

The Filipino peopleare increasinglyi n f u r i a te d a th o w A q u i n oharps on beinga victim of theabuses of mar-t i a l l a wwhen hei s i n

fact, no different from the for-mer dictator in employingpropaganda. He has become anexpert at dishing out never-ending lies and half-truths inthe hope that the internationalcommunity will believe this tobe the truth.

Aquino has poured hundredsof millions of pesos of publicfunds to oil his propaganda cam-paigns. He and his yellow army

of spinmeisters come up withmanipulated economic

statistics and self-serv-ing surveys to

project a

p s e u -d o -r e -a l i t y

t h a td o w n -

plays the per-vasive socio-eco-

nomic problems ofpoverty, unemploy-

ment, rising prices, low

wages, hunger, home-lessness and landless-ness. He publicly bashesthe media and publicopinion makers who re-fuse to ride the Aquinofantasy bandwagon.

Aquino is so awash in hisown lies that he has become in-creasingly arrogant and over-

weening in the face of criticismand dissatisfaction over his per-formance.

On the other hand, he enjoysthe full support of his imperialistmasters in carrying out his cam-paign of deception and suppres-sion.

The broad masses of thepeople have no other recourse

but to expose and firmly op-pose the human rights abusesand the antipeople and antina-tional policies of the Aquino re-gime and continue assertingtheir national and democraticinterests. ~Ang Bayan is published fortnightly by the Central Committee

of the Communist Party of the Philippines

Ang Bayan is published in Pilipino,

Bisaya, Iloko, Hiligaynon, Waray and

English editions.

It is available for downloading at

the Philippine Revolution Web Central

located at:

www.philippinerevolution.org.

Ang Bayan welcomes contributions

in the form of articles and news.

Readers are likewise enjoined to send

in their comments and suggestions forthe betterment of our publication. You

can reach us by email at:

[email protected]

Vol. XLIII No. 21 November 7, 2012

Contents

: Aquinos Marcos-style

cover-up of human rigths violations

Akbayan is Aquinos puppet

Lessons from Ramos-Misuari agreement

Coco levy fund being plundered anew

Farmers protest actions

Crisis and imperialist militarism

NDFP condemns killings of children

Pamana, Kalahi-CIDSS: Anti-development

2 killed, 9 wounded in NPA TOs

Times Transit workers launchmarch-caravan

Olalia-Alay-ay murder case revived

2 US soldiers face rape charges

Protests vs. privatization

ANG

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ANG BAYAN Enero 21, 2012

Akbayan is Aquino's puppet

Akbayan's biggest contribu-tors are the Aquino sisters Kris(`10 million), Victoria (`5 mil-lion) and Aurora ["Ballsy"] (`2million). Aquino's cousins fromthe Lopa family also contributed(`1 million). Also countedamong the contributors areAquino regime officials like Phil-ippine Charity Sweepstakeshead Margarita Juico (`1 mil-lion) and Francis Hernando (`1million), a high-ranking Pagcorofficial.

Big comprador bourgeosielike Bansan Choa, Ben Tiu andRuben Tiu (owners of the Dis-

covery chain of hotels) who con-tributed `15 million, AntonioCojuangco staff Antonio Samson(`12 million), former Procterand Gamble president Johni Cua(`12 million), East-West Bankpresident Antonio Moncupa (`2million) and Phinma PropertiesCorp. president Willibado J. Uy(`1 million) also gave significant

amounts. So didBelle Group'sGregorio Yu(`5 million)

and Manuel Gana (`5 million),whose company is among thecorporate giants behind themulti-billion dollar Entertain-ment City project.

Up to 90% of the Akbayangroup's electoral funds werecontributed by only more than20 families or groups suppor-tive of and currently benefitingfrom the Aquino regime. Thus,during the 2010 elections, Ak-bayan was able to flood televi-sion and radio stations with itsexpensive political advertise-ments.

The disclosure of informa-

tion on Akbayan's election fundshas made it exceedingly clear tothe people that this party isnothing but a big swindler pre-tending to be "Leftist" and arepresentative of the oppressed.It has also become quite obviousthat Akbayan ison the pay-roll of

A q u i n oa n dthe bigl a n d -

The US-Aquino regime's all-out support for Akbayan comes asno suprise after the public disclosure of reports on the sourcesof the partylist group's campaign contributions in 2010. The

Akbayan group reportedly received more than`

112 million, most ofwhich came from the Aquino family and big businessmen, landlordsand personalities known to be close to and supportive of the Aquinos.

ANG BAYAN November 7, 2012

lords and comprador bourgeosieto serve as an instrument to de-ceive the people and create the

impression that Aquino enjoys"popular" support. Thus, duringAkbayan's assembly, no lessthan Aquino was invited as themain speaker. It was then thatAquino declared that his princi-ples and those of Akbayan areone and the same.

Akbayan's claims that it isa "socialist" group is pure hog-

wash in the face of its role as ablind supporter and apologistof Aquino. Because Aquino hasit in his pocket, Akbayan hasnever expressed support forthe struggle of the peasantsfor the free and immediate dis-tribute of land at HaciendaLuisita which is owned by theCojuangco-Aquino clan. Infact, Akbayan officers evenreprimanded some individualmembers of the group whowanted to side with the Haci-enda Luisita farmers.

Despite its claims of beinga "democratic" organization,Akbayan has been silent in theface of the Aquino regime's un-bridled anti-democratic at-tacks against the people. How

can Akbayan be expected totake a stand against the dem-olition of urban poor communi-ties when it owes debts ofgratitude to big businessmenwho have had their eye onlandholdings that they want"cleaned" of impoverished res-idents in order to give way to

their projects under Aqui-

no's Public-Private Part-nership (PPP) scheme?

Not a few Akbayan offi-cers have been appointedby Aquino to various posi-tions in his government toassist in hoodwinking the

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people. One of its ranking lead-ers, Loretta Ann Rosales nowheads the Commission on Hu-man Rights and has done noth-ing but shield the AFP from myr-iad cases of human rights viola-

tions. Like Aquino, Akbayanturns a deaf ear to the cries forjustice from tens of thousandsof victims of massacres, killings,illegal detention, torture, dem-olitions, beatings and otherbrutalities inflicted by armedagents of the state.

Aquino has likewise appoint-ed Akbayan's founder Joel Ro-camora as chair of the NationalA n t i -Po v e r ty C o m m i ss i o n(NAPC). The NAPC's only rolehas been to implement theWorld Bank-funded ConditionalCash Transfer program. Akba-yan is Aquino's co-conspiratorin deceiving the people intothinking that poverty can be re-solved by giving small amountsof doleouts, despite the absence

of genuine land reform or with-out raising the workers' mini-mum wage.

Akbayan is an active part-ner in enforcing the Aquino re-gime's Oplan Bayanihan war ofsuppression. Its officials are incahoots with the AFP and vari-ous government agencies insuppressing the democratic

mass movement and the peo-ple's armed revolution. Akbay-an uses progressive- or Left-ist-sounding words to cover upthe reactionary and fascistpolicies of the US-Aquino re-gime.

For the past two years un-der the US-Aquino regime, Ak-bayan has continually exposed

itself as a puppet and merce-nary of the ruling regime andthe reactionary classes. Its trueloyalty lies not with the people,but with its benefactorsthebig landlords, comprador bour-geoisie, bureaucrat capitalistsand US imperialism. ~

Lessons from the Ramos-Misuari agreement

I

t is important to learn the lessons of the past to avoid repeat-ing them. Particularly for the Moro people, there are many

lessons to be learned from the Moro National LiberationFront's (MNLF) capitulation to the Ramos regime through MNLFchair Nur Misuari's signing of the Final Peace Agreement of 1996(the Ramos-Misuari agreement). Through this agreement, theMNLF was formally subsumed under the constitution and powerof the reactionary state and was eventually gobbled up by therotten system.

The Moro Islamic Libera-tion Front (MILF) must con-

stantly hold fast to the les-sons of history especially asit enters a critical stage inits negotiations with theAquino regime, particularlyafter its signing of theFramework Agreement lastOctober. Although it servesmerely as a framework for afinal peace agreement, the

Framework Agreement al-ready possesses the samebasic flaws contained in theRamos-Misuari agreement of1996. If these are not recti-fied, there is danger that theFramework Agreement willbe used as a framework forthe surrender of the Morostruggle for national self-de-

termination.The MILF attained pres-tige as the representative ofthe Moro people mainly forits repudiation of theRamos-Misuari agree-ment and the prece-ding capitulationistTripoli Agreement of1976 between theMNLF and the Marcosregime and for banner-ing armed struggle. Itis but fitting to reflecton these lessons be-cause it is not on-ly the MILF's fu-ture and integrity as a

revolutionary force that are atstake but the aspirations of the

Moro people as a whole.The MNLF's final agreement

of surrender to the Ramos re-gime in 1996 was the result ofrelentless pressure from the USto forge an accord that wouldput an end to the Moro people'sarmed resistance. The US usedas its instruments the reaction-ary members of the Organiza-

tion of Islamic Cooperation(then known as the Organiza-tion of Islamic Conference) topush the MNLF to abandon itsgoal of seceding from the pup-

pet republic andaccept auton-

omy. Boththe TripoliAgreement

of 1976under the

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5ANG BAYAN November 7, 2012

Marcos dictatorship and the Ra-mos-Misuari final peace agree-ment give token recognition tothe Moro people's aspiration forself-determination. In essence,however, both agreements nulli-

fy this aspiration because theycall for autonomy for the Moropeople under an exploitativeand oppressive state.

The Ramos-Misuari agree-ment stipulated that whatevernew entity is established in theMoro people's homeland shouldcomply with the laws of the re-actionary state. The contents ofthe agreement first had to belegislated by the reactionaryCongress before they could takeeffect. It was the reactionaryCongress that served as the ul-timate guarantee that no provi-sion of the agreement would runcounter to the ruling classes'power and interests.

The Ramos-Misuari agree-ment already contained the

formula for rendering the MNLFirrelevant. Aside from subject-ing the MNLF to the GPH con-stitution, the Ramos-Misuariagreement stipulated the anni-hilation of the MNLF's armedcapability and the integrationof thousands of its fighters intothe Philippine National Policeand the Armed Forces of the

Philippines. Since the disinte-gration of the MNLF's armedforce, it has lost its politicalstrength and significance, mak-ing it easy for the GPH to disre-gard, reverse or distort what-ever agreement it has with theMNLF.

And so both Misuari and theMNLF's political demise became

a logical conclusion. Actually, asignificant portion of the Ra-mos-Misuari deal had yet to belegislated, especially parts per-taining to promised financial as-sistance and the mineral sharingagreement. Up till the MNLF andGPH's latest talks in March, the

reactionary Congress had notenacted a law to regulate miner-al mining and revenue sharing inthe Autonomous Region in Mus-lim Mindanao (ARMM). TheMNLF was in a ridiculous bind,

as it no longer had any formalrole in the ARMM after Misu-ari's term as governor was cutshort in 2002. On this pointalone, the MNLF was in no posi-tion to negotiate.

In short, aside from a cease-fire, the dissolution of theMNLF's armed force and a wa-tered-down version of autono-my, no other pertinent part ofthe 1996 agreement has beenimplemented. From being a rev-olutionary leader, Misuari hadbecome a traditional politicianin the ARMM, the bogus autono-mous region set up in a part ofthe Moro people's ancestralland.

On the other hand, US impe-rialism and the reactionary

state achieved their objectives:the liquidation of the MNLF as arevolutionary and fightingmovement, the continued ruleof traditional and reactionaryclans and warlords in leaguewith the reactionary rulingclasses at the national level, theunimpeded dominance of thesemicolonial and semifeudal

policies and measures of thecentral puppet state, the per-petuation of the Moro people'soppression and the ever wor-sening expropriation of the Mo-ro people's resources, and thecontinued exacerbation ofproblems and conflicts in Moro-land.

The entire Ramos-Misuari

agreement was superseded atthe stroke of a pen when theMILF and the GPH signed theFramework Agreement last Oc-tober. Misuari raised hellagainst the MNLF's abandon-ment, and even warned of re-newed conflict in Mindanao. But

Malacaang merely shruggedoff Misuari's rantings.

It is important to note thatlong before the MNLF's armedforce was disbanded, the rulingstate had subjected it to pro-

longed ceasefires to deprive itof military initiative and renderit passive. Before the final Ra-mos-Misuari agreement, theMNLF signed a formal ceasefireagreement in 1993. But as earlyas 1986, when Corazon Aqui-no's regime opened peace nego-tiations with the MNLF anew,the latter had already been puton the defensive politically andmilitarily. The Tripoli Agree-ment also called for a ceasefire,although its effectivity wasshort-lived. Dismantling theMNLF's armed force was there-fore merely the last stage in theprotracted process of weaken-ing it.

The MILF broke away fromthe MNLF in 1976 after the

Tripoli Agreement was signed.Even then, the MILF was ableto grasp the bankruptcy of au-tonomy under a fascist dicta-torship. The MILF's prestigerose and its leadership of theMoro struggle establishedwhen it took on the role of con-tinuing the Moro armed strug-gle for self-determination aft-

er the MNLF's formal surren-der to the Ramos regime in1996. The formal alliance be-tween the MILF and the Na-tional Democratic Front of thePhilippines (NDFP) was like-wise forged in February 1999on the basis of the MILF'sstruggle for the Moro people'sliberation and self-determina-

tion and its cooperation withthe national-democratic revo-lutionary forces against acommon enemy.

There are so many similari-ties between the Ramos-Misu-ari Final Peace Agreement of1996 and the MILF-GPH

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Framework Agreement interms of circumstance andcontent, because the sinisterand deceptive US imperialistsand the puppet regime havebut one objectivethe sup-pression of the Moro people'sarmed resistance.

NDF-Mindanao spokesper-son Jorge "Ka Oris" Madloshas urgently called on theMILF to learn lessons fromthe MNLF's experience andnot easily relinquish its mili-tary strength at the whim ofthe reactionary governmentand of US imperialism. Ka

Oris said this is the only waythe MILF could continue topreserve and defend the in-terests of its organization andthe entire Moro people. Aboveall else, it must hold in highregard the aspirations of thelong-suffering Moro people.

Aside from the very starklessons from the MNLF expe-

rience, a clear indication ofthe dangers that lie ahead forthe interests of the Moro peo-ple with the MILF entering in-to the Framework Agreementis the Aquino regime's recentannouncement of its intentionto open parts of LiguasanMarsh and the Sulu Sea to theexploration of big oil compa-

nies.There are up to a trillion

dollars worth of oil, gas andmineral reserves in the Moropeople's ancestral lands.Then and now, big foreign andlocal businessmen have hadtheir eye on these resources.The ruling regime has had thegall to auction off the Moro

people's natural wealth evenbefore a final agreement withthe MILF could be concluded.This is just one of the verygood reasons why the MILFshould proceed with extremecaution. ~

Coco levy fundsbeing plundered anew

Led by the Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP) and theKaisahang Pambansa ng mga Magsasaka sa Koprahan(KOPRAHAN), peasants launched protest actions last Octo-

ber to demand the return of the coco levy funds which were plun-dered by the Marcos-Cojuangco combine during martial law. Thepeasant protests were timed to coincide with the 40th anniversa-ry of Presidential Decree 27, Marcos' bogus land reform programunder martial rule.

In a mass action held at Mendiola on October 21, the peas-ants demanded the immediate distribution of the `56.5-billioncoco levy fund to small coconut farmers. To dramatize their justdemand, they showed how difficult it was to make copra and de-scribed the poverty of small coconut farmers and copra makers.

o t c l The coco levy was a tax imposed onthe sale of copra from 1973 to 1982 that was shouldered by thepeasant masses. It was a scheme by the dictator Ferdinand Mar-cos, then Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile and Marcos' closecrony Eduardo "Danding" Cojuangco. In exchange were promisesto develop the coconut industry and income for the farmers frominvestments that would allegedly be pouring in.

The opposite happened. Cojuangco and his ilk used the accu-mulated funds to establish the United Coconut Planters Bank(UCPB) headed by big landlords like Danding Cojuangco and Ma-ria Clara Lobregat. Cojuangco also used the funds to buy the ma-

jority shares at San Miguel Corporation (SMC), create the Coco-nut Industry Investment Fund (CIIF) and 14 holding companiesand purchase six oil mills, among others. The CIIF was chargedwith managing the coco levy fund. Since then, the value of theproperties bought with the coco levy monies has ballooned to anestimated `100-150 billion.

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The coconut farmers have been fighting to gain pos-session of the coco levy funds for three decades. In April2011, the Supreme Court declared Cojuangco as the le-gitimate owner of the controversial SMC shares. As a re-sult, some 3,000 coconut farmers filed a counter-petitionat the Supreme Court and demanded an investigation on

this unjust decision. Last January, the Supreme Courtruled that the coco levy funds could only be used for thebenefit of coconut farmers and for developing the entirecoconut industry. Thus, it was but fitting for the farmersto control the disputed SMC shares since these werebought using funds owned by the peasants.

On October 5, the SMC paid the CIIF `56.5 billion toenable it to gain full control of 24% of the SMC shares.The amount has been deposited at the National Treas-ury.

o t f Aquino has formed the Presiden-tial Task Force on the Coco Levy Fund ostensibly to man-age the fund. The task force's lead agency is the Nation-al Anti-Poverty Commission (NAPC) through Joel Roca-mora, former Akbayan president. According to theNAPC's plans, the Aquino regime will be using`11.17 bil-lion of the funds for government programs such as theDSWD's "Programang Pantawid" and the Department ofAgriculture's "land tenure improvement" which alreadyhave allotments from the government's general fund.The farmers fear that the fund will merely be used for the

coming election campaign.T p s The farmers are determined to

regain the coco levy fund. They refuse to allow the con-tinued plunder of the fund that should long have been re-turned to them. The deposit of the `56.5 billion fund inthe Aquino government's National Treasury is due totheir sustained struggle. But this only forms part of theamount that they should regain and that should redoundto the benefit of coconut farmers. The Aquino regime issure to launch its own maneuvers to prevent the coconut

farmers from gaining hold of the fund.To recover the coco levy fund and other properties

acquired using the fund, coconut farmers' groups in var-ious provinces plan to launch intensifying protest ac-tions. They are demanding the immediate enactment ofHouse Bill 3443, which was filed by Partidong Anakpawisand aims to use the coco levy fund as a Coco Farmer'sFund to rehabilitate and develop the coconut industry.

While the protests are directed against Aquino andCojuangco, they must be closely linked to the overall an-

tifeudal struggle. Among the other issues that should beresisted are the exploitative resikadasystem and the mo-nopoly of foreign capitalists over the market. The resika-dasystem involves arbitrary reductions by merchants inthe weight and corresponding value of copra being soldby coconut farmers due to the merchants' fraudulentoverestimations of the copra's moisture content. ~

Farmers' protest

actions

In Central Luzon (CL), more than 300farmers from Alyansa ng Magbubukid

sa Gitnang Luson (AMGL) and PartidongAnakpawis-CL launched a three-day pro-test action starting October 18. The firstday of the protest was spent in front ofthe Clark Special Eco Zone in AngelesCity, where other progressive organiza-tions joined in. Their main demands werethe repeal of RA 9700 (CARPER) and theenactment of HB374 or the GenuineAgrarian Reform Bill (GARB) filed by Par-tidong Anakpawis.

On the second day, the AMGL andAnakpawis-CL members gathered in Ba-rangay San Roque, Tarlac where a vio-lent demolition claimed the life of 15-year old John Khali Lagrimas. The pro-testers also condemned the continuinglandgrabbing by the Clark Airbase Mili-tary Reservation and the Aquino re-gime's puppetry to the US. They assailedthe series of Balikatan military exercises

in the region and Aquino's other policiesand programs that favor foreign capital-ists and cause the eviction of farmersand urban poor.

Among those that joined the protestswere leaders and members of Alyansa ngManggagawang Bukid sa Asyenda Luisita(AMBALA) and other peasant organiza-tions from other CL provinces affected byvarious destructive projects or pro-

grams. They went to Angeles City andheld a vigil at Barangay Pulung Bulowhere they launched another rally.

The next day, the farmers from Cen-tral Luzon and peasants Southern Taga-log merged in front of the Department ofAgrarian Reform (DAR) and the Depart-ment of Environment and Natural Re-sources (DENR) where they condemnedDAR's key role in perpetuating the haci-

enderos' control over vast landholdings.DAR has been massively revoking Certif-icates of Land Ownership Award (CLOA),Certificates of Land Transfer (CLT),emancipation patents and other docu-ments attesting that the land has beendistributed to the farmers. They also as-

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Crisis and imperialist militarism

The US is the most militarist country and the world's biggestarms supplier. The maintenance of a huge military infrastruc-ture in the US is a stark feature of intensifying inter-imperial-

ist rivalries for territory for investments, markets and oil reserves,

among others. The US' dominant power worldwide is based on thefact that it far outstrips other countries in terms of military might.

In the face of the currentcrisis besetting it, the US hasstepped up its militarism. Itsgoal is to consolidate its domi-nant position in various parts ofthe globe. The US has openly de-clared its plans to strengthen its

presence and power-projectionin the Asia-Pacific. It recentlyannounced that it would deployup to 60% of its warships in theregion, thereby worsening con-flicts among imperialists and di-rectly fomenting war.

This year, the US allocated

$1.3 trillion for "defense." Thisis almost 40% of its annualbudget. It includes $673 billionfor its armed forces, $166 bil-lion for military projects of oth-er agencies and $440 billion toservice debts incurred during

previous wars, among others.There are higher estimates onthe actual overall defense bud-get, especially since almost 40%of the Pentagon's expenses areconcealed from the public.

US imperialism has the big-gest and the most number of

sailed DAR's role in inciting discord among the ag-ricultural workers in Hacienda Luisita.

They slammed the DENR for allowing destruc-tive mining operations in Zambales and black sandmining in Lingayen, Pangasinan, for disregardingthe land problems of national minorities in Bayam-

bang, Pangasinan and illegal logging in Gabaldon,Nueva Ecija. On the last day, the AMGL and Anak-

pawis-CL joined the KMP's national protest atMendiola.

The KMP likewise lambasted proposals by Rep.Rufus Rodriguez of Cagayan de Oro and Rep. Ma-ximo Rodriguez of Abante Partylist of Mindanaofor another five-year extension of CARPER. The

KMP said 24 years of bogus land reform has donenothing to solve the land problem. ~

military bases. It has 539,000facilities in 5,000 various areaswithin and outside the US. Thisnumber excludes more than athousand secret bases and fa-cilities maintained by the Pen-tagon in more than 150 coun-tries. Among these are CSL (co-operative security locations),military equipment depots andcommunications bases secretlyconstructed in various coun-tries, including the Philippines.

It is estimated that up to $250billion is spent annually in run-ning these bases, and another$100 billion is spent on main-taining its huge warships thatpatrol all major sea routes inthe world.

The arms industry is one ofthe biggest businesses in theUS. Last year, the US earned

$66 billion in arms sales, whichis three times what it earned in2010. Most of the weaponswere sold to states in conflict,such as India and Pakistan; andIsrael and Egypt. It also soldsignificant volumes to SaudiArabia, Oman and the UnitedArab Emirates. The massivearms procurement in these

countries is due to the US' sa-ber-rattling against Iran.

The defense sector is one ofthe biggest employers of Ameri-can workers. More than 1.6 mil-lion Americans are directly em-ployed by the US Department ofDefense. About 1.4 million di-

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rectly serve the various militarybranches, 73,000 are with theNational Guard and 208,000 aremembers of the special reserve.Meanwhile, up to 370,000 peo-ple work in the three biggest de-

fense companies: 123,000 atLockheed Martin, 174,000 atBoeing and 72,500 at NorthropGrumman. One-third of all sci-entists and engineers in the USwork in the defense sector. Theunemployment rate would riseby an estimated 3% without theUS military's massive recruit-ment drives.

The alliance of the monopolycapitalist state and the giganticdefense companies or the so-called US "military-industrialcomplex" (MIC) buttresses andenhances militarism and war-mongering.

Massive arms production forwar has already formed part ofcapitalist production since the1880s. But a distinct monopo-

ly/alliance for this purposeemerged only during the SecondWorld War when the USstrengthened and enlarged itsarmed forces for its imperialistexpansion in Europe, Asia andLatin America. Huge monopolycapitalists in military produc-tion arose and merged with thebureaucratic structure of the

imperialist state.The MIC is a product of the

continuing monopolization ofmilitary production. The wor-sening of the overall crisis ofcapitalism and the attendant in-tensification of imperialist con-flicts are promoting the steppedup militarism and warmongeringthat companies in the arms in-

dustry have been profiting from.Defense companies are part-

ners in, and directly intervene,in forming US defense policies.Defense monopoly capitalistshave the biggest say in choosingUS defense officials. These com-panies definitely land the big-

gest contracts through directnegotiations or "closed bid-ding." As a reward, many formerUS defense officials are givenseats in these companies' boardof directors.

The merger of the imperial-ist state and the defense indus-try signifies war's central placein imperialist policy. This alli-ance creates situations of con-stant tension and war. Such sit-uations pave the way forstrengthening US hegemony andenlarging the superprofits ofmonopoly capitalists.

For the past 30 years, thebiggest defense companies inthe US hardly changed. In the1980s, the list was led by theten biggest companiesGeneralDynamic, McDonnell Douglas,United Technologies, GeneralElectric, Lockheed, Boeing,Hughes Aircraft, Rockwell In-ternational, Raytheon, MartinMarietta, Grumman and North-

rop. During Bush's "war againstterror" in 2001, the "Big Five"consisting of Boeing, Raytheon,Lockheed Martin, NorthropGrumman and General Dynamicsbecame dominant. Currently, inthe "New Pacific Century" un-der Obama, Lockheed Martin,Boeing, Northrop Grumman,General Dynamics, Raytheon,

L-3 Communications and UnitedTechnologies are enjoying aheyday.

Like other areas of industry,mergers and the creation of big-ger monopolies continue withinthe MIC. Lockheed and Martinmerged in 1995 while Grummanbought Northrop in 1994. Rock-well International and McDon-

nel Douglas were both gobbledup by Boeing in 1996 and 1997.Parts of General Electric (the18th company in the currentlist) were bought by Honeywell,currently the 15th largest com-pany. L-3 Communications is adivision of Lockheed Martin. In

the 1980s, there were up to 51separate giant companies oper-ating within the MIC. By 1997,there were only five, and by2001, only four. Currently, thebiggest defense contracts are

cornered by practically threecompanies: Lockheed Martin,Northrop Grumman and Boeing.In 2011, the three companies'estimated combined income was$143 billion.

These companies monopolizeresearch and arms manufactur-ing contracts in the US. The val-ue of these contracts is humon-gous. From January to Septem-ber 2012, the Obama regime al-lotted $245 trillion for contractswith these companies. One ofthe biggest contracts is for ship-building companies like Hunt-ington Inggalls, in line with theUS' direction of establishing itsmilitary hegemony in the watersof the Asia-Pacific.

As a result, the US state en-

joys a monopoly over the bene-fits of these companies' re-search and the purchase of themost advanced weaponry in themarket. For instance, more than75% of arms manufactured bydefense companies like Lock-heed Martin and Northrop Gum-man are bought directly by theDepartment of Defense and oth-

er US departments.With the size of these com-

panies, the weapons they sell toother countries are enough forthem to monopolize the interna-tional arms market. More than60% of the weapons sold world-wide in 2010 came from 44 US-based companies. Foremostamong these was Lockheed Mar-

tin which sold $36 billion worthof arms. The ten biggest compa-nies cornered more than half ofsales amounting to $230 billion.Including the sale of militaryservices, defense companiesearned up to $411 billion in2010. ~

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NDFP condemns unabatedkillings of children

T

he National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) con-

demned the relentless killings by the Aquino regime of childrenin pursuit of its antinational and antipeople US-dictated policyof neoliberal globalization.

The latest incident was themassacre of the family of DaguilCapion on October 18 in Baran-gay Kimlawis, Kiblawan, Davaodel Sur (not South Cotabato, waswas earlier reported in AB). Da-guil Capion's pregnant wife Juviwas killed along with two of theirchildrenJorge ("Pap"), 13, andJan-Jan, 7. Another daughter,Becky, 5, was wounded.

The entire incident was wit-nessed by the Capions' 11-yearold daughter Ressa.

The massacre occurred when13 soldiers led by 1Lt. Dante Ji-menez rained bullets on the hut

where Juvi and her childrenwere sleeping on the morning ofOctober 18. The unit is underthe 27th IB led by Lt. Col. NoelAlexis Bravo.

Witnesses said Juvi was stillalive after the first volley of fire.She begged the military to spareher children. But when the sol-diers entered the hut, they shot

everyone one by one. Neighborsand relatives of the Capions whofirst arrived at the scene wereable to hear Lieutenant Jimenezorder the soldiers to finish themoff. All of those slain had gun-shot wounds to the head.

Daguil Capion is a leader ofthe B'laan tribe. He and his wifeJuvi are members of Kalgad, an

organization actively resistingthe operations of SagittariusMines Inc. (SMI). SMI is a mul-tinational company with hugecapital investments from Xstra-ta Plc, a Swiss company based inthe United Kingdom, and Indo-phil Resources, an Australian

company.Days after the bloody inci-

dent, Becky and her elder sisterRessa were accosted by Jose-phine Malid while they were ontheir way to meet Bishop Dinu-aldo Gutierrez in Marbel, SouthCotabato. Malid is a member ofTribal Foundation, an SMI-supported non-government or-ganization.

Ressa and Becky were told toride a vehicle owned by SMI andbrought to the office of the De-partment of Social Welfare andDevelopment (DSWD) in Kibla-wan. Their grandmother op-

posed the move, and the twochildren were transferred to theSocial Action Center at the Mar-bel Archdiocese in South Cota-bato.

Ka Coni Ledesma, who headsthe NDFP Special Office for theProtection of Children said theAquino regime and the miningcompanies are colluding to plun-

der the country's mineral re-sources, destroy the environ-ment, kill Lumad leaders andperpetrate the forced evacua-tion of national minority com-munities from their ancestrallands, victimizing adults andchildren alike.

Meanwhile, BAYAN-Socksar-gen assailed the AFP for exclud-

ing 10th ID chief Maj. Gen. ArielBernardo from court martialproceedings against those in-volved in the massacre.

In Bukidnon, the so-calledNew Indigenous People's Armyfor Reform (NIPAR) has beenformed. NIPAR is a paramilitary

group under the 8th IB's Civil-ian Active Auxiliary (CAA)headed by Alde "Butchoy" Salu-sad. The group is responsiblefor the murder of a number ofLumad leaders, the forced evac-

uation of communities and thehostaging on October 7 of JuliaManlus-ag, the wife of SitoyManlus-ag, and their four chil-dren age 9, 6, 4 and ninemonths.

The hostage-takers objec-tive was to convince Manlus-agand his family to return to theirvillage and support the "good

works" of the mining, loggingand plantation operations offoreign and comprador compa-nies in Bukidnon. Manlus-agand other Lumad families havebeen camping in front of theBukidnon provincial capitol foreight months now to demandjustice for Jimmy Liguyon, a Lu-mad leader killed by Salusad in

March.Ledesma added that theAquino regime is the biggest vi-olator of children's rights. It islikewise responsible for the un-abated killing of children in thecourse of violating the social,economic and cultural rights ofminority peoples. ~

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PAMANA and Kalahi-CIDSSare counterrevolutionaryand anti-development

Contrary to the Aquino regime's much-vaunted claims,the Payapa at Masaganang Pamayanan (PAMANA) andKapit-Bisig Laban sa Kahirapan-Comprehensive and In-

tegrated Delivery of Social Services (Kalahi-CIDSS) programsdo not promote development. These two programs are both be-ing implemented as part of the counterrevolutionary war OplanBayanihan (OPB).

The `1.9 billion fund al-lotted for these programs are

merely used for showcasepsywar programs of the US-Aquino regime and squan-dered by their implementorsat the Office of the Presiden-tial Adviser on the PeaceProcess (OPAPP).

In Eastern Visayas, thefunds are poured into areasbelieved to be strongholds

of the revolutionary move-ment, including Samar prov-ince which has received a`17.6 million allotment. InJune, PAMANA waslaunched in 60 villages in sixSamar towns to counter theNew People's Army. The mil-itary, police and local gov-ernment units all cooperatein its implementation.

Local governments areobliged to allocate the Inter-nal Revenue Allotment (IRA)of their towns or barangayseven if the funds are alreadyinadequate for basic needs.In 2010, Kalahi-CIDSS wasalso launched in Balangigaand Maslog towns in EasternSamar; and in Laoang, Mon-

dragon and San Roque,Northern Samar.

This program is clearly apart of Oplan Bayanihan sinceit is mainly implemented bysoldiers belonging to AFP Civ-il-Military Operations (CMO)Battalions instead of agen-

cies and civilian personnel ofthe reactionary government.

In conjunction with theseprograms, other propagandaactivities against the revolu-tionary movement are con-ducted as well as the estab-lishment of intelligence net-works in the area.

In Samar province, thearea must first be mappedand its characteristics de-

scribed as a requisite forproject implementation. Forinstance, before an areacould have a potable waterproject installed, the propo-nents must first submit a mapof all brooks and naturalstreams within the barangay,even if these are not beingused as sources of water. Mil-itary agents join the teamsthat map and survey the area.

This September, in Leyte,the 19th IB took pictures ofresidents, who strongly re-sisted the move by exposing itover the radio.

By 2013, a road-buildingproject along the NorthernSamar-Samar-Eastern Samarboundary will be in full swing

to facilitate the entry of bigmining companies. The AFP isamong the main promoters ofthis project because it alsointends to use the roads torapidly transport its fascisttroops during military opera-tions. ~

2 killed, 9

wounded in NPA

tactical offensives

Two soldiers were killed andnine others were wounded in

tactical offensives by the NewPeople's Army (NPA) in Bukidnonand Leyte this October.

In Bukidnon, 1Lieutenant Pal-lar, two soldiers of the 8th IB andsix CAFGU elements were wound-ed in a harassment operation by a

team of Red fighters from the Er-nesto "Boyboy" Roa Command atthe center of Barangay Bunacao,San Fernando on the night of Oc-tober 24. Among the woundedCAFGU elements were men of thenotorious bandit Nonong Salusad.

In Leyte, two soldiers werekilled and a trooper wounded in anambush by the NPA Mt. Aman-dewin Command on elements ofthe 78th IB in Barangay Cagbana,Burauen on October 17.

After the ambush, one of thesoldiers tried to rape a 12-yearold girl from the same village. Shewas able to escape and report theincident to her relatives. ~

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Olalia-Alay-ay

murder case

revived

The 26-year old murder caseof trade union leader Ro-

lando Olalia and his aide LeonorAlay-ay has been revived afterRet. Lt. Col. Eduardo "Red" Ka-punan voluntarily surfaced onOctober 6. Kapunan is one of theprincipal accused in the Olalia-Alay-ay killings.

When Kapunan surfaced,

AFP officers hedged for days,trying to prevent the fugitivecolonel's transfer to a civiliandetention facility even if Antipo-lo RTC Branch 98 PresidingJudge Maria Consejo-Gengoshad already ordered him re-manded to the Rizal ProvincialJail. Instead, the military hadKapunan transferred to the Na-

tional Bureau of Investigationdetention center.

Kapunan is one of 13 ac-cused in the killing of Olalia andAlay-ay. He was one of the offi-cers of the RebolusyonaryongAlyansang Makabansa (RAM)which was then led by Col. Gre-gorio Honasan and Juan Ponce-Enrile, now both senators. The

Olalia family has demanded thatKapunan and his co-accusedname the real masterminds be-hind the heinous crime.

Days after their abduction,Olalia and Alay-ay's bodies werefound on November 13, 1986 inAntipolo City, bearing marks ofsevere torture.

Olalia then chaired the Kilu-sang Mayo Uno (KMU) and waspresident of Partido ng Bayan(PnB). Olalia's killing was part ofan attempt then by militarygroups under Corazon Aquino'sregime to block the participationof the democratic mass move-ment in the 1987 elections.


Times Transit workers launch

march-caravan from Vigan to Manila

Fed up workers of Times Transportation Company, a bus firm ply-ing the Ilocos Sur-Manila route decided in the last week of Octo-

ber to launch a march-caravan from Vigan to Quezon City. Theyreached the office of the National Labor Relations Commission(NLRC) at Banaue Street on the morning of November 5 and immedi-ately held a protest picket.

The workers opposed the NLRC's failure to implement a decade-old Supreme Court decision favorable to the workers. The TimesTransit drivers, conductors and mechanics had struck after a dead-lock between workers and management during negotiations for aCollective Bargaining Agreement (CBA).

Meanwhile, employees of Pambato Cargo Forwarders Inc. (PFIC)

in Iloilo City launched a protest action to oppose the dismissal ofseven workers on October 31.The company, which serves as a cargo forwarder nationwide

claimed that it was losing and had to reduce its workforce. The lay-offs were done without going through any democratic process. Theworkers said that the management and their union had just signed afive-year CBA last month that guaranteed the workers' job security.

The union filed a complaint at the NLRC on October 30 and weresupported by KMU and BAYAN-Panay. ~

2 US soldiers face rape charges

in Okinawa

Two American soldiers were formally charged by a local prosecu-tor in Okinawa, Japan on November 7 for raping a woman in Cen-

tral Okinawa.The soldiers, Seaman Christopher Browning and Petty Officer 3rd

Class Skyler Dozierwalker, both 23, are from Fort Worth Naval AirBase, Texas. They have been accused of raping a 20-year old womanat dawn on October 16. The woman was walking home from work ataround 4 a.m. when she was accosted and raped by the two foreign-ers who she later identified.

The local police arrested Browning and Dozierwalker at their ho-tel near the scene of the crime, just hours after the rape. The twosoldiers remain in the custody of the local police. Browning also fa-ces a separate robbery case.

This is not the first time that American soldiers stationed in Oki-nawa have been involved in rape. In 1995, a 12-year old girl wasgang-raped by three soldiers. In the Philippines, a similar case thatalso hogged headlines involved the rape of Filipina "Nicole" by LanceCorporal Daniel Smith in 2005.

The Japanese people have long been demanding the pullout ofAmerican troops from their country. Half of the total 52,000 Ameri-can soldiers in Japan are stationed in Okinawa, a region in southernJapan comprising 41 municipalities in the Ryuku island chain. ~

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13ANG BAYAN November 7 2012

Olalia and Alay-ay's kill-ings formed part of the bru-tal fascist campaign againstactivists under the CorazonAquino regime. Months be-fore, fascist soldiers had also

killed Leandro Alejandro,then the secretary-general ofthe Bagong Alyansang Maka-bayan (BAYAN). This was fol-lowed by the Mendiola Mas-sacre in January 1987 andthe Lupao Massacre in Feb-ruary 1987. The fascist cam-paign of killings and brutalitywas further stepped up when

C o r a z o nAquino de-clared all-out wara g a i n s tthe demo-c r a t i cm a s smovementand the

armed revolu-tion also in1987. ~

Health activists slam privatization

of medical services

More than 1,000 government health workers walked out of theirjobs on October 23 to oppose plans to privatize public hospi-

tals and other medical services. The protest action was led by the Al-liance of Health Workers (AHW) and the Health Alliance for Democ-racy (HEAD).

More than 500 health workers, patients and members of urbanpoor groups rallied in front of the Philippine Orthopedic Center(POC). At the Philippine Heart Center (PHC), more than 100 healthworkers and members of progressive groups joined coordinated massprotests. Health workers and employees of the Philippine GeneralHospital (PGH), Jose Reyes Memorial Medical Center and NationalCenter for Mental Health also participated.

The AHW belied government claims that privatization will resultin better services and will benefit patients, saying that handing overlaboratory services to the private sector which charges higher feeswill cause patients further hardships. The privatization of public hos-pitals is in line with the Aquino government's program to privatizemedical services throughout the country under the Public-PrivatePartnership scheme.

At the PHC, room rates have been raised and the employees' haz-ard pay reduced. At the POC, PGH and San Lazaro Hospital (SLH),charity wards have been phased out and replaced with semi-private

Philhealth wards. The bidding process has already begun for the Re-search Institute for Tropical Medicine in Muntinlupa, the POC inQuezon City and the SLH in Manila. ~

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