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For a metapsychology ofthe psychoanalyst: SndorFerenczi's questAndr Haynal M.D. a b ca Professor of Psychiatry , University of Genevab Training and Supervising Analyst and FormerPresident of the Swiss Psychoanalytical Societyc 20 B, Gradelle, Geneva, CH1224, SwitzerlandPublished online: 20 Oct 2009.

To cite this article: Andr Haynal M.D. (1997) For a metapsychology of thepsychoanalyst: Sndor Ferenczi's quest, Psychoanalytic Inquiry: A Topical Journal forMental Health Professionals, 17:4, 437-458, DOI: 10.1080/07351699709534141

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For a Metapsychology of thePsychoanalyst: Sndor Ferenczi's Quest

A N D R E H A Y N A L , M.D.

"THE YOUNG CHILD is FAMILIAR with much knowledge . . . that laterbecomes buried by the forces of repression" (Ferenczi, 1923

[257], p. 350).1 Small children are often amusing because they put intowordssometimes a bit awkwardlywhat they (still) perceive with-out repressing; adults for whom the same material has already beenrepressed then receive their words as a kind of revelation. The effectcan either be the amusement of liberationa sort of "aha!" experi-enceor, because of their own repression, one that creates tensionand even hostility: "How stupid!" or "One doesn't say things likethat!" which corresponds to an intention to reinforce the adult'srepression and at the same time to inculcate in the child the "do-not-say," indeed the "do-not-think."

"Wise baby"he himself used the English term in the German text(Ferenczi, 1923 [257] and Ferenczi, 1932 [308], p. 274)is whatFerenczi was to remain all his life. In that, he differed from his fellowpioneers and even from his master, Freud. His perceptiveness

IDr. Haynal is Professor of Psychiatry at the University of Geneva; Training and Supervising

Analyst and Former President of the Swiss Psychoanalytical Society.Translated from the French by Linda Butler, Washington, DC.1 Ferenczi's writings are quoted, as customary, by reference to the year of their original

publication; the number in square brackets identifies the work in Balint's numerical list ofFerenczi's writings (S. Ferenczi, Bausteine zur Psychoanalyse, Vols. I-IV. Bern: Huber, 1964).

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preceded his encounter with psychoanalysis, so it is not surprising thatthe problems that would be central to the work of Ferenczi the psy-choanalyst had already emerged in Ferenczi the pre-psychoanalytic.

In saying that children are "wise," that the infant is wise, Ferenczithus introduced the idea that the child's perception, ideation, andexpression of feeling and sensation are not yet distorted by thedefenses, insincerity, and inauthenticity that will later be imposedupon them. In this core, we already find the notion not of a certain"childish innocence"as has recently been incorrectly understood; itis not a question of innocence in the "asexual" sense, but rather of aninfantile authenticity, to use today's vocabulary. That indeed was theprogram of Ferenczi the analystto attain sincerity and authenticity,not only in the analysand, but first and foremost in the analyst; as hewould later write to Freud, one should be able to "tell the truth toeveryoneto one's father, one's professor, one's neighbour and evento the king" (109 Fer., 5.2.19102). Similarly, he aimed at bringing outthe child in the adult, in the human being, for it is that part whichrepresents the individual's greatest value. And if he noted that "theidea of the 'wise baby'" could be discovered only by a "wise baby"(Ferenczi, 1932 [308], p. 274), he thus presented himself as one, assomeone close to the child, to the child's desires, and to sufferingsimposed by others.

It is interesting in this context to evoke the epistolary discussionthat took place between Ferenczi and Freud as early as 1911, whenthey hardly knew each other, in which Ferenczi wrote that, since verysmall children do not repress, they do not need the symbolic to repre-sent the repressed (228 Fer., 7.6.1911): "no need of indirect language"(226 Fer., 3.6.1911). In this exchange of ideas, we see alreadyFerenczi the proponent of the authenticity of the child. We also see thekernel of an idea he would elaborate in what was to be his swan song,"Confusion of Tongues Between Adults and the Child" (Ferenczi,1933 [294]); for Ferenczi, it is for this reason that children and adultsdo not understand and even "misunderstand" each other.

2Ferenczi's letters to Freud are designed "Fer." and those from Freud to Ferenczi by "Fr." Theletters are numbered according to the nomenclature of the Freud-Ferenczi Correspondence, ofwhich the first and second volumes were published by Harvard University Press (see Freud andFerenczi, 1991, 1996).

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In the pre-Freudian Ferenczi, we encounter the principal themesthat were likewise to preoccupy him as an analyst.

1. The first of these is communication in its most occult forms, inthe true sense of the term (Ferenczi, 1899). The profound relationshipsin hypnosis (Ferenczi, 1904a), as well as the study of communicationin love (Ferenczi, 1901), very early took their place in this line ofinquiry; later was added his preoccupation with the problem ofchange, notably in psychoanalysis.3

When he was still an intern at the St. Rokus Hospital, one of theoldest in Budapest, already he showed his bent for matters of thepsyche. Working under a very authoritarian and even spiteful supervi-sor ("a hard man," Ferenczi, 1917 [199], p. 288) who made him attendto prostitutes instead of letting him devote his energies to the study ofpsychological phenomena within the framework of the neuropsychia-try of the day, he experimented through exploring himself ("lackinganother material for observation, I carried out psychological experi-ments on myself" [Ferenczi, 1917 [199], p. 288] using the "free asso-ciation" method of the time as well as the "autonomic writing" "muchtalked about by spiritists" (Ferenczi, 1917 [199], p. 288).4

Thus, a kind of self-analysis was already unfolding, in solitude, inunhappy conditions. It was during this period that he conceived hisarticle on spiritism (Ferenczi, 1899), an astounding article wherealready there is a question of the functioning of the unconscious:"What we know today proves beyond any possible doubt that in the

3 He would write: "It is this confidence that establishes the contrast between the present and

the unbearable traumatogenic past, the contrast which is absolutely necessary for the patient inorder to enable him to re-experience the past no longer as hallucinatory reproduction but as anobjective memory" (Ferenczi, 1933 [294], p. 160). ("Dieses Vertrauen ist jenes gewisse Etwas,das den Kontrast zwischen der Gegenwart und der unleidlichen, traumatogenen Vergangenheitstatuiert, den Kontrast also, der unerlasslich ist, damit man dir Vergangenheit nicht mehr alshalluzinatorische Reproduktion, sondern als objektive Erinnerung aufleben lassen kann")(Ferenczi, Bausteine zur Psychoanalyse, 1964, Band III, S. 516).

4 "I believed that the late hour, fatigue and a little emotion favored the 'psychic splitting." I

would thus take a pencil and, holding it lightly, would place the point on a sheet of white paper;I was determined to abandon completely the instrument to itself, to let it write what it pleased.First came meaningless scribblings, then letters and a few words (which I had not thought of),and finally coherent sentences. I soon reached the point of carrying out veritable dialogues withmy pencil: I would ask it questions and received totally unexpected responses. With the eager-ness of youth I first questioned it about the grand theoretical problems of life, then moved on topractical questions. The pencil then made the following proposal: 'Write an article on spiritismfor the review Gyogyaszat, the editor would be interested' - (Ferenczi, 1917 [199], p. 288).

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psychic functioning there exists many unconscious (ontudatlan) andsemi conscious elements" (translated from the Hungarian). Further-more, he wrote, "there are cleavages in psychic life". He was alreadythinking that it is probable that most phenomena of spiritism are basedon the splitting of the psychic functions into two or more parts, onlyone of which is placed in the foyer of the convex mirror of theconscious mind, while the others function outside the conscious levelipntudat nelkiit) in an autonomous fashion. It is this that explains howthe medium can carry out [her experiments] outside the consciouslevel and unintentionally (translated from the Hungarian) (Ferenczi,1899, p. 478).

Ferenczi's conviction that occult phenomena would shed light onaspects of tranference, that the Gedankeniibertragung (the transfer ofthought) would make it possible to understand the Ubertragung(transference per se) and would persist throughout his evolution; itwas a conviction that was also shared by Freud. Furthermore, hisexperiments in hypnosis, and notably the deep "connection" ("rap-port") it entailed, suggested to him metaphors utilized to study regres-sive states in transference, states that made possible "the re-living ofthe events of the trauma in the analysis" (Ferenczi, 1934 [296],p. 242). This idea will reappear in his Journal as well (Ferenczi, 1985).

2. A second theme, which appeared some years before hisencounter with Freud, was sexuality, sometimes in its most unusualforms, as in the case of Roza K (Ferenczi, 1902).

In his article "Love and Science" (Ferenczi 1901), which precededby 4 years the "Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality" (Freud,1905b), he asked himself how the szerelem, or "sexual love" (whichHungarian is able to render, through a distinctive linguistic feature, ina single word, in contrast to szeretet, which means simply "love,"especially in its affective aspect), "frees up immense psychic energywhose destructive and constructive activity shows the individual andthe species at the height of his capacity to act" (Ferenczi, 1901, p.190). He emphasizes "the disadvantageous influence of prejudice forfree examination" and quotes Mobiusthe franc-tireur (he uses theFrench word in his text) of psychiatry of the timeas saying that thischapter of science is still to be written. This being the case, Ferenczideclares that "the only sources for the psychology of love, even today,are poetry and the literature of novels" (Ferenczi 1901, p. 191), and

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that one can learn more from Maupassant and Heine than fromweighty tomes of psychology. He also makes links between love,possessiveness, the masochistic love of the "misunderstood" person,jealousy, and these states of lovetoday we would call them regres-sive statesthat can "threaten the individual with psychosis, licen-tiousness, criminality or drunkenness" (Ferenczi, 1901, p. 192). Ascan be seen, Ferenczi the pre-psychoanalytic is in truth alreadypsychoanalytic without knowing it.

The biography of Roza K, "a veritable odyssey," is based amongother things on the autobiography of an individual who today wouldbe categorized as a lesbian, a transvestite, or perhaps even a transsex-ual. This article, as well as his activity in defense of homosexuals, hasbeen cited to show Ferenczi's sensitivity to the need to struggleagainst repression and to the importance he attached to the role of thedoctor, particularly the psychiatrist, in this struggle. What is strikingabout the case study itself is the author's capacity for subtle identifi-cation with this unfortunate woman and his willingness, even at therisk of raising speculations, to give her a certain intelligibility.

3. The third theme in the early Ferenczi that would remain with himthroughout his life was the idea of associationism, the unconsciousconnections between different elements of our imagination, thought,and representations. This idea, already present in his experiments with"automatic writing," would lead him to Jung, who in 1906 hadpublished his book on word associations (Jung, 1906a). Ferenczi, withthat capacity for enthusiasm for everything that struck him as likely touncover the mysteries of the human soul, immediately seized upon themethod of experimental study of word associations, bought achronometer and carried out his "experiments" everywhere, includingin the literary cafes he used to frequent (such as the Cafe Royal of thegrand boulevards of Budapest, near the old National Theater, sincedestroyed by the Stalinist bulldozers).

It might be noted that it was that same year of 1906, on 27 May,that Jung defended Freud's work on Dora (Freud, 1905c) against avirulent attack by Aschaffenburg at the Congress of Neurologists andPsychiatrists of South West Germany in Baden-Baden; it was at thatmoment that Jung brought his research together with the ideas ofpsychoanalysis (Jung, 1906b). He sent a copy of this publication onthis subject to Freud, and Freud's letter of thanks constituted the first

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missive of a long correspondence, encompassing more than 350letters, that was to continue without interruption until 1914.

Ferenczi, meanwhile, sought a personal contact with Jung at thebeginning of 1907. Jung, after a visit at the beginning of March 1907to Vienna (where he met Freud on 3 March and participated in ameeting of the Wednesday Society on the 6th), stopped by Budapestwhere he spent a few days with Dr. Fiilop Stein, a friend and colleagueof Ferenczi. It was on this occasion that Ferenczi was able to meetJung personally. Later, Ferenczi, pursuing his interest in tests of wordassociation, travelled to the Burgholzli, the Psychiatric Clinic ofZurich, to see Jung. We might note here parenthetically that theimportance of the Burgholzli has been much underestimated in thehistoriography of psychoanalysis; we should not forget that this wasthe first institution that accepted psychoanalysis as such and madeavailable to it, as material for observation, a larger clientele than thatof the private practitioners, notably of the world of psychoses. Let usrecall, too, the more or less long associations with the clinic of KarlAbraham, Ludwig Binswanger, Abraham Arden Brill, Imre Decsi,Max Eitingon, Sandor Ferenczi, Johann Jakob Honnegger, Smith ElyJelliffe, Ernest Jones, Alphonse Maeder, Hermann Nunberg, FranzRiklin, Hermann Rorschach, Eugenie Sokolnicka, Sabina Spielrein,and Fiilop Stein. In 1908, it was thanks to an introduction by Jung thatFerenczi, still in the company of Dr. Fiilop Stein, met Freud.

4. The fourth grand theme of Ferenczi's scientific preoccupationswas the child.5 This was the topic on which he would speak whenFreud invited him, the summer of the same year they met, to present apaper at the Psychoanalytic Congress of Salzburg. There, he evokednew perspectives on education for children inspired by Freudianworks (Ferenczi, 1908 [63]). He pursued this same line, among others,in his work on little Arpad (Ferenczi, 1913c [114]), a clinical essaythat showed Ferenczi the analyst at work in a multistage endeavor inthe best tradition of a clinical Sherlock Holmes: to discover the under-pinnings of symbolism in the "little Chanticleer" (Ferenczi, 1913c[114]). In his "Stages in the Development of the Sense of Reality" ofthe same year (Ferenczi, 1913b [111]), he developed the idea of theomnipotence of the child at the beginning of his evolution and, in

5Back in 1904, he had already taken an interest in the scientific literature concerning "thedevelopment and the functioning of the infantile psyche" (Ferenczi, 1904b).

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greater detail, the play of introjection and projection: the work ofMelanie Klein was without doubt powerfully influenced by Ferenczi'sideas.

Klein later wrote that she had a debt of gratitude toward Ferencziand that he had "a streak of genius" (Grosskurth, 1986, p. 73). Indeed,it was Ferenczi who encouraged her to go into the psychoanalysis ofchildren. Moreover, his position when Melanie Klein and Anna Freudwere separated by differences of opinion and tensions was misrepre-sented in widely circulated accounts. Ferenczi was close to the Freudfamily and had invited Anna to Budapest on a number of occasions(for instance, in 1914 [458 Fer., 18.2.1914], 1917, and 1918 [Young-Bruehl, 1988, p. 79). It even seems that Freud wanted Ferenczi tomarry his other daughter, Mathilda. The relationship with MelanieKlein, on the other hand, became difficult in keeping with the devel-oping tensions between Ferenczi and Jones during the 1920s.Nonetheless, Ferenczi remained "equidistant" between the two duringtheir quarrel.6 Michael Balint, his spiritual heir, was later to maintainthe same position in London.

Although Ferenczi was never actually a child psychoanalyst and hispredominant professional activity was always the analysis of adults,7the Wise Baby in him would always remain very close to the childwithin the adult, as can be seen in his last writings: "The Adaptationof the Family to the Child" (1928a [281]), "The Unwelcome Child andHis Death Instinct" (1929 [287]), "Child Analysis in the Analysis ofAdults" (1931 [292]), and in particular his last (completed) publishedwork: "Confusion of Tongues Between Adults and the Child" (1933[294]). This paper, presented at the Congress of Wiesbaden inSeptember 1932, was his spiritual testament. It was also the subject ofsome reservations on the part of his colleagues and even of Freud whowondered whether Ferenczi should or could present these innovativeideas at this time, or was it premature? With his concept of the analy-sis of the child in the adult, a new door undoubtedly opens, as was thecase with his prior work, which treats the conflictuality betweenadults and children in a new light (Ferenczi, 1931 [292]).

6 He wanted both to expose his experiences and the ideas that came out of them and

recognized in the same breath the merits of Melanie Klein and Anna Freud, whose "systematicworks . . . are universally known and esteemed" (Ferenczi, 1931 [292], p. 128).

7 "I for my part have had very little to do with children analytically" (Ferenczi, 1931 [292],

p. 128).

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Ferenczi entered the psychoanalytic scene in 1909 with his first grandoriginal work (Ferenczi, 1909 [67]): one senses that in the current ofgreat traditions established by Freud, a new voice and a new sensibil-ity had seen the day. The "transference" of Ferenczi, without anydoubt, differs from the "transference" in the writings of Freud. It wasclear that this man, then 36 years old, would introduce new and origi-nal views, especially in his work of the late 1920s, which would makeof him "the father of modern psychoanalysis" (Green, 1990, p. 61).

It is fascinating to see how the themes that emerged so early in thework of Sandor Ferenczi were pursued throughout his entire life,across his entire creative activity. Just as, in our fantasy life, ourelaboration always turns around the same basic ideas, so it is that thescientific work of Ferenczi, so spontaneous and so inventive, seemsbut the elaboration of a handful of fundamental themes, an elaborationdrawn across various internal and external obstacles to the very end.

In the work of 1909, above and beyond the projective sides of thetransference on the blank screen of the psychoanalyst's person,already established by Freud, Ferenczi stressed the desire of introjec-tion, which he conceived as a kind of addiction: the subject, particu-larly the "neurotic," is driven by a constant desire to receive, to enrichhis inner self, to take "into the ego as large as possible a part of theouter world, making it the object of unconcious fantasies" (Ferenczi,1909 [67], p. 47). Here, in embryonic form, we find the idea of theformation of an internal object by introjection and, in his highlightingof the complementary aspects of introjection and transference, we findthe kernel of the later "projective identification" dear to his student,Melanie Klein (Klein, 1946). In the constitution of the transference, heapprehends displacement in the line of the continuity and contiguity ofthe associations, for example the role of minor physical resemblances,despite the "fact that a transference on the ground of such petty analo-gies strikes us as ridiculous" (Klein, 1946, p. 42). He thus makes a linkwith the work of dreams or with jokes examined several years earlierby Freud (Freud, 1905a), emphasizing as well that these introjectionsare for the most part unconscious.

We already glimpse in this article one of the future characteristicsof Ferenczi the mature analyst: he is far from rejecting what he

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learned in the profound relationship in hypnosis. But he links theseeffects to a revival of late parental influences, recovering in theprofound connection between the hypnotist and the hypnotizedlikethe connection between analyst and analysand in profound psychoan-alytic sessionsthe relationship between the loving mother and thefather representing authority, the "remains of the infantile-eroticloving and fearing of the parents" (Freud, 1905a, p. 93).

The link between this clarification of his experience (whereby helays the foundations of his future theory) and the small clinical jewelspublished the following years is obvious. Thus, the phenomenaof psychoanalytic treatmentnotably "On Transitory Symptom-Constructions During the Analysis" (Ferenczi, 1912 [85]) and "ToWhom Does One Relate One's Dreams?" (Ferenczi, 1913a [105])show clearly the plan of transference and countertransference. A littlelater, he presents an astonishing opening for different kinds of experi-mentation in analytic treatment ("Discontinuous Analysis," Ferenczi,1914 [147]).

Over the following years, the problem of transference was elabo-rated in the course of a close exchange between Sigmund Freud andthis intuitive, deep, curious, innovative Wise Baby that Ferenczi wasincreasingly becoming, even at the price of certain very painfulordeals. This implies, on the one hand, the discovery through experi-ence of the immense mobilization that transference brings about in ahidden manner in the two protagonists of the analysis. Freud hadalready been thrown off balance by the failure of the Dora case, thepublication of which was a long tale of confusion, ambivalences andunexpected incidents up until the narrative of the case could finally bemade public in 1905 (see Strachey, 1953, pp. 3-5). The following yearbegan the story of the "crown prince" Carl Gustav Jung and SabinaSpielrein, in which Freud became involved (Freud and Jung, 1961;Carotenuto, 1980). In 1911, it was Ferenczi who fell in love with oneof his patients, Elma Palos.

The pain originated in the affective mobilization of the analyst. AsFreud wrote to Jung:

To be slandered and scorched by the love with which we operate,such are the perils of our trade, which we are certainly not goingto abandon on their account. Navigare necesse est, vivere non

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necesse. And another thing: "In league with the Devil and yetyou fear fire?" [Freud and Jung, 1961,134 F, 9.3.1909].

A few months later Freud returned to the subject, again to Jung, in thefollowing terms:

Such experiences, though painful, are necessary and hard toavoid. Without them we cannot really know life and what we aredealing with. I myself have never been taken in quite so badly,but I have come very close to it a number of times and had anarrow escape [in English in the original]. I believe that onlygrim necessities weighing on my work, and the fact that I was tenyears older than yourself when I came to psychoanalysis, havesaved me from similar experiences. But no lasting harm is done.They help us to develop the thick skin we need and to dominate"counter-transference", which is after all a permanent problem forus; they teach us to displace our own affects to best advantage.They are a 'blessing in disguise'' [in English in the original][Freud and Jung, 1961,145 F., 7.6.1925].

It was also in this same letter that the word countertransference ismentioned for the first time; a year later, it would appear in apublished work (Freud, 1910).

The implications of the affective forces that were clearly at play intransference led the trio Freud-Jung-Ferenczi towards the occult, anew pursuit that began during their journey to Clark University inAmerica in August 1909. Jung's thesis had been on the occult, and aswe have seen, the subject had interested Ferenczi from the outset. Itwas hoped that in the intersection of the lines of transference and themysteries of the occult, the Gedankenubertragung ("transmission ofthought," or literally "transfer of thought") would shed light on theUbertragung (the transference). With his usual enthusiasm, Ferenczicombed Europe for seers and prophetesses, and Freud participated inthe various experiments; the three took turns playing the role ofmedium.

This line of inquiry would not be exhausted for some years. Thus, in1925, Freud could still remark to Karl Abraham that Anna had a"telepathic sensitivity" (Freud and Abraham, 1965, 9.7.1925). Nor

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should we forget that at the famous meeting of the Secret Committeein 1921, in the Hartz Mountains, Freud read a memorandum on"Psychoanalysis and Telepathy," meant only for his intimate circleand which would only be published posthumously (Freud, 1941).8

For the time being, there was an exchange of ideas on the subjectbetween Freud and Ferenczi, a kind of exaltation and a resolve todeepen the impact of affective forces operating in transference andcountertransferencea resolve that apparently was not carried out,however, to the point that Freud's plan to publish an "AllgemeineMethodik der Psychoanalyse" (Freud and Ferenczi, 1991, 22 F,26.11.1908), a general methodology of psychoanalysis, would neversee the light of day. The same held true for the planned work onmetapsychology, and the only works that actually appeared were latersaid by Freud to be meant for "beginners" (Blanton, 1971, p. 48) andessentially negative9 (1113 Fr., 4.1.1928). Since his intuition of geniushad always guided him with the certainty of a sleepwalker, as it were,one can consider that his renunciation of these two systematic works(on metapsychology and technique) was not merely indicative of afailure of synthesis, but of a new way of constructing his theory and ofmoving forward in flushing out the deep forces of the human psyche;it was this ability that gave his work the characteristics of apostmodern edifice, moving from islet to islet, from insight to insight,making it, in its very structure, far in advance of the scientific idealsof his time (Haynal, 1991; Haynal and Falzeder, 1994).10

Ferenczi was always at his side during this period: it was notcoincidence that the crowning of his interest in technique was hispresentation at the Congress of 1918 in Budapest; this also marked theconsecration of Ferenczi's efforts to introduce psychoanalysis to his

8 Freud was supposed to have read his 1922 work on "dreams and telepathy" before the

Viennese Psychoanalytic Society but, for reasons unknown to posterity, did not do so. But thetext, already under press, appeared anyway in Imago (Freud, 1922) (also see Strachey's remarks,1958, p. 196).

9"Meine Ratschlage . . . waren wesentlich negativ."

10It may be worth clarifying that in Freud's Vienna and milieu, the term technique did notevoke first and foremost technology, as is the case today, but rather technique in the arts, thetechnique of the painter or pianist. We should not forget that for Freud, the first Hippocraticaphorism "Ho biols brakhus, he de tekne makra," in Latin "ars longa, vita brevis" was on every-one's lips, especially among medical students, and that in this context, obviously, "techne"equals "art." The technique of psychoanalysis, then, is the art of psychoanalysis, as opposed toits theory.

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city, and no doubt his hour of glory. It was at this same conferencethat Freud threw wide open the need for diversification in psychoan-alytic technique, notably by saying that it "grew up in the treatment ofhysteria But the phobias have already made it necessary for us togo beyond our former limits" (Freud, 1919, p. 165).n

One has the impression that, as of this moment, Freud expected hisstudents to bring him insights in the technical domain. It is known thathe proposedonly oncea prize for those who would illuminate thispath, especially the links between technique and theory. Already in1912, he had begged Ferenczi to take charge of this field ("I don'twant to see technique in the hands of Stekel," 272 Fr., 28.1.1912), andto this end was pleased at the rapprochement between Ferenczi andOtto Rank ("I am very pleased by the growth of your intimacy withRank, it promises good things for the future," 909 Fr., 24.8.1922; andto Rank on 8.9.1922: "As you know, your alliance with Ferenczi hasmy entire sympathy").

The rest is known and followed directly upon the radicalization ofthe concept of transference in 1926. In describing the development ofhis thought, Ferenczi (1926 [271]) stressed the importance for him andhis analysis of

Rank's suggestion regarding the relation of the patient to theanalyst as the cardinal point of the analytic material and [theneed to] regard every dream, every gesture, every parapraxis,every aggravation or improvement in the condition of the patientas above all an expression of transference and resistance [p. 255].

At a more personal level, Ferenczi during this period was dissatis-fied with certain aspects of his analysis with Freud and with thepersistence of certain inner problems, notably of a depressive nature,his depression having taken the form of hypochondriac symptoms. Itwas thus that he turned to another fellow analyst, Georg Groddeck,who became a partner in the exchange of ideas and even in mutualanalysis. It was under the influence of his interactions with Rank andGroddeck that Ferenczi was able to produce the works that give him

"Earlier, in 1912, h'e stated that "This technique is the only one suited to my individuality;I do not venture to deny that a physician quite differently constituted might find himself drivento adopt a different attitude to his patients and to the task before him" (Freud, 1912, p. 111).

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his place in the history of psychoanalytic ideas, a place that is onlybeginning to be recognized.

Indeed, Ferenczi's contributions were largely ignored by twogenerations of analysts, partly as a result of Jones' biography of Freud,which treated Ferenczi in an entirely inadequate manner. To quoteBalint, "The aftermath of Jones' biography was a spate of acrimoniouspublications" (Balint, 1969, p. 220).

The reevaluation of Ferenczi's place is a consequence of therenewed realization by almost the entire psychoanalytic community ofthe central role of transference in analysis. By the same token, there isthe revived importance accorded in analysis to the mother (above andbeyond the oedipal link) and, for many, to traumatism. Historically,this was part of Ferenczi's legacy in the 1920s, when he was more orless close to Freud, who moreover recognized on a number of occa-sions the importance of Ferenczi's contributions. Thus, he said he"value[d] the joint book [of Ferenczi and Rank] as a corrective of myview of the role of repetition or acting out in analysis" (Freud andAbraham, 1965, letter to the Committee, 15.2.1924, p. 345).

Ferenczi's research made it possible to conceive of a field of inter-actions and finally of intersubjectivity (though, to my knowledge, henever used the term). But this interactionism never became facile; hispassionate engagement with the Freudian heritage protected him fromthat, as well as from the trap of simplification. His various experi-ments with changing the analyst's role ("active therapy" and "relax-ation therapy") were caricatured both in the work of Jones and in otherwritings on Ferenczi. But these experiments, along with his realizationof the importance of the psychoanalyst's attitude in the analytictreatmentwhich could be said to have broken a taboo12 by takinginto, account the analyst's feelings and inner reactionsended upby centering his interest on countertransference and (its logicalconsequence) on the metapsychology of the analyst's mentalprocesses during analysis, his cathexes, his legitimate pleasures atwork, that is, his way of functioning (Ferenczi, 1928 [283], p. 98),wanting to create a transparency in this respect, opening up a wholeline of psychoanalytical thinking as it appears in the works ofWinnicott, Little, Heimann, Bion, and the contemporary literature on

12Although the so-called "neutrality" does not exist in the original writings of Freud, it doesappear in Strachey's English translation.

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countertransference (Coltart, Bollas, etc.), on the emotional experi-ences of the analyst and their value for a better understanding if the"dark spots" of his/her analysand. The emphasis put on projectiveidentification as a means of communication has also in Ferenczi hisforebear (see his Clinical Diary, passim).

His taste for experimentation led him still further, and after a fewexperiments of "mutual analysis" with Georg Groddeck,13 he contin-ued "mutual analysis" even with several analysands, keeping a recordof these in his Clinical Journal (Ferenczi, 1985 [1932]).

The direction of Ferenczi's workhis preoccupation with the roleof deepening regressive states, the reliving of traumatism in theanalytical interaction, and above all the central role of countertrans-ference (and hence the need for a metapsychology of the analyst)became the subject of controversies with Freud, especially from 1927up to Ferenczi's death (Haynal, 1987, 1991, chap. 12). As Balintrecalls, these controversies were traumatic for the analytic communityand for years were taboo subjects cloaked in silence. Ferenczi, if notactually erased from the history of psychoanalysisin certain NorthAmerican psychoanalytic institutes he was not even taught, remainingpractically unknown to the students14at least he came to be seen(along with his erstwhile friend Rank) as one of those madmen who,according to Jones, slipped into psychosis, as in some Greek myth ordrama as punishment for their alleged revolt. In reality, what thesemen had dared to do was bring an original contribution to the practiceof psychoanalytic theory.

A part of Ferenczi's legacyhis ideas about countertransference,traumatism, the metapsychology of the analystwas transplanted byMichael Balint to London, where it found fertile soil in the EnglishMiddle Group and later reinforced the inquiries of the "Kleinian"group. Melanie Klein's projective identification of 1946 has its rootsin Ferenczi's work and certainly not in Abraham's. So, too, do theworks of Rosenfeld and Bion (indeed, Bion initiated a contribution to

13Perhaps he would have also liked to carry out such experiments with Freud. Let us notforget that when Freud fell ill with his cancer, Ferenczi offered to analyze him, an offer thattouched Freud greatly but that he declined, choosing this time the route of somatic treatment,among others the Steinach operation supposed to be a hormone therapy (cf. Jones, 1957, p. 104).

14The tactic of Totschweigenthe silence of death (the idea came to me through a personalletter from Patrick J. Mahony of 10.2.1991). Clearly, the "political" interests of the movementget the upper hand, as is the case in other movements (e.g., the "non-persons" of Soviet history).

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the metapsychology of the analyst's thought processes as it wasoutlined in the wishes of Ferenczi).

In North America, on the other hand, the principal current, ego-psychology, haughtily ignored Ferenczi's contributions. This is notsurprising, since Ferenczi warned of the dangers attendant upon anoverly emphasized and unilateral ego-psychology: "The criticalopinion, which has been forming in me during this period, is thatpsychoanalysis practices in far too unilateral a fashion . . . a psychol-ogy of the Ego" (1165 Fer., 25.12.1929). The fact that Geza Roheim(1950), in New York, dedicated his monumental Psychoanalysis andAnthropology to the memory of Sandor Ferenczi may have contributedto Roheim's remaining virtually unknown in psychoanalytic circles inhis country of adoption until recently. Franz Alexander in Chicagoand Sandor Rado in New York did come back to some aspects of theFerenczi heritage, notably through their interest in technique and theirtaste for innovation. But it is Clara Thompson, Ferenczi's analysand,who can be considered his main direct successor on the North Ameri-can continent, through her general orientation and more specificallythrough her articles on countertransference and the role of theanalyst's personality (Thompson, 1956).

In France, no doubt, the work of Jacques Lacan bears the mark ofhis reading of Ferenczi, whose role he recognized as being"inaugural" and who he says "anticipates by far all the themes subse-quently developed on the topic" of transference (Lacan, 1958, p. 613),notably in Ferenczi's work "Introjection and Transference" of 1909.In recognizing the direct line that leads from Ferenczi to Balint, Lacanlikewise identified a historical continuity: "Outside the foyer of theHungarian School with its firebrands now dispersed and soon to beashes, only the English in their cold objectivity have been able toarticulate this gaping hole that the neurotic experiences in wanting tojustify his existence, and through that, implicitly to distinguish fromthe interhuman relationwith its warmth and its deceptionthisrelationship with the Other where the individual finds his status"(Lacan, 1958, p. 606).

There is no doubt that Ferenczi enriched the analytic world in thesecond part of our century through the attitude that he inauguratedatthe price of a long and sustained inner strugglethat of contact withone's own experience. He also put theory and the construction of

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hypotheses back where they belong: in a free inquiry on analyticpractice. Thus, it was no longer a question of the introjection of anauthority and its ipse dixit or autos efa, but a beacon in an exchangebetween fathers and peers on experience and its formulation. Thisleads to a more fraternalor, one might say, a more "egalitarian"relationship between the analyst and the analysand, which is whatmade it possible for Ferenczi to imagine a "mutuality" or "mutualanalysis," even if he quickly had to recognize the limits and theexceptional nature of such an undertaking.

It has been feared that this passage from the father to the brothers isan anti-oedipal movement (Grunberger, 1974) and that Ferenczi'sinsistance on a "free inquiry" in the spirit of Aufkldrung would endan-ger the gains of psychoanalysis and ultimately contribute to its banal-ization. The rapid development of this approach to psychoanalysis indifferent cultures and parts of the worldin the British "MiddleGroup," in the North American interpersonal school, in certain aspectsof Kohut's self psychology, as well as, especially, in French psycho-analysisand the various degrees of influence exerted in the variousschools, make it clear that the seed has germinated.

To understand the history of psychoanalysis, we can distinguish threeseparate strands: a history of the ideas of psychoanalysis, a history ofthe persons who thought these ideas, and a history of the"psychoanalytic movement," that is, the interactions between thepersons who constituted it. Each of these strands can be looked intoindependently, although they are tightly interwoven.

Ferenczi, who had anticipated so many Freudian discoveries byfollowing his intuitions, entered into personal conflict with Freudbecause of certain of these intuitions. Freud, of course, was seeking,quite rightly, to protect his work, but at the same time was havingdifficulties followingor perhaps did not intend to followtheexplorations of the man he called his "Grand Vizir"15 (1164 F,

15 Is it possible that Freud's reference to Ferenczi as his "Grand Vizir," the first minister of

the Ottoman Empire, showed a certain ambivalence? After all, the Ottoman Empire was forcenturies the principal enemy of Austria and at that time was still its rival in the Balkans.

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13.12.192916). Although the dialogue between the two was neverbroken, the crisis witnessed ebbs and flows, and their divergenciescould not be resolved before Ferenczi's death: Freud returned in 1937to a theme that Ferenczi had been formerly raising (Freud, 1937,p. 236). Still, the tensions between Ferenczi and the Freud family werenot as important as the other members of the former Secret Committeeseemed to think. A letter from Anna Freud is significant in this regard:"If there is one man whom I associate with the development ofpsychoanalysis, who, for me, is inextricably linked with psychoanaly-sis itself, it's Ferenczi. My respect and my admiration for his personand his performance go back so far" (letter from Anna Freud toMichael Balint, 23.5.1935).17

In 1910, at the Second Congress of Psychoanalysis in Nuremberg,Freud had used Ferenczi to propose the establishment of the Interna-tional Psychoanalytical Association. One of Ferenczi's arguments tothe assembly on this occasion was that a grouping of analysts hadbecome necessary because psychoanalysis, although a "purely scien-tific question . . . touches so much on the raw the vital foundations ofdaily life, certain ideals that have grown dear to us, and dogmas offamily life, school and church" (Ferenczi, 1911 [79], p. 299). Withinsuch an association, analysts could lend one another support andexchange experiences without always having to return to the discus-sion of preliminary hypotheses.

But although Ferenczi went along with Freud's wishes, he was nottaken in. Thus, he (1911) said frankly:

I know the excrescences that grow from organized groups, and Iam aware that in most political, social, and scientific organiza-tions childish megalomania, vanity, admiration of empty formal-ities, blind obedience, or personal egoism prevail instead ofquiet, honest work in the general interest [p. 302].

On the other hand,

16 "Thus, you have without any doubt distanced yourself from me externally. Internally,

I hope, not to the point that I should expect of you, my Paladin and secret Grand Vizir, a steptowards the creation of a new oppositional analysis."

17 Balint Archives, Geneva.

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The psycho-analytically trained are surely the best adapted tofound an association which would combine the greatest possiblepersonal liberty with the advantages of family organization. Itwould be a family in which the father enjoyed no dogmaticauthority, but only that to which he was entitled by reason of hisabilities and labors. His pronouncements would not be followedblindly, as if they were divine revelations, but, like everythingelse, would be subject to thoroughgoing criticism, which hewould accept, not with the absurd superiority of the paterfamil-ias, but with the attention that it deserved [p. 303].

The true history of this association, particularly of the Secret Com-mittee of the Seven Ringholders of the elect around Freud that was towatch over its "policy," in a certain sense is "neither written nor to bewritten," to use Lacan's words (Lacan, 1956, p. 474). Perhaps withone reservation: we are only beginningthrough the various corre-spondences of Freud's inner circleto understand the unfolding ofevents. It seems clear today that the circle of the Ringholders was setup thanks to the manipulations of Jones, who used the tensions aroundJung to this end (Paskauskas, 1988). It was thus that, little by little,and notably in the 1920s, Ferenczi was crushed by the political forcesof two ambitions to establish respectable and organized world centersof psychoanalysisthat of Jones in London, and that of Abraham inBerlin.

Access to the various correspondences gives us a greater awarenessthan in the past of the tensions that existed within Freud's entourage,and especially within the Secret Committee, between Ferenczi and(for a certain time) his ally Rank on the one hand, and betweenFerenczi and Jones and Abraham on the other. This is the politicalhistory of the Freudian movement and its clashes between tempera-ments: Ferenczi, more intuitive and even playful; Abraham, moreconceptual, systematic, of a more classificatory bent; and Jones,struggling for the scientific respectability of this same psychoanalyticmovement in the English-speaking world. The diverse temperamentscorresponded to diverging positions on the subject of "lay"nonmedicalanalysis. Freud and Ferenczi were both radically on theside of lay analysis, while Jones wanted to take more into account thedifferent sensibility of certain American groups. Abraham and Jones

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favored policies institutionalizing analytic training through theschools they created in Berlin and London; Freud and Ferencziremained with the original practitioners: more marginal, more out ofthe ordinary, true pioneers lacking a strong desire for organization. Onthe one side, a certain conservatism, on the other the aim of deepeningthe instrument of analytic treatment and theory at the price of some-times painful setbacks, which Freud experienced many times and fromwhich Ferenczi did not shrink. The price of such setbacks, forFerenczi, was repeated reappraisalsan ongoing effort to strike abalance between his desire for authenticity on the one hand and hiswish to take into account institutional considerations on the other.

The institutional tendency was demonstrated in his retrospective in1928:

Eighteen years ago, the International Psychoanalytical Associa-tion was established at my initiative; it groups all those who areinterested in psychoanalysis and who do their best to preserve thepurity of psychoanalysis according to Freud and to develop it asa separate scientific discipline. In establishing this Association, Ihad decided on the principle of admitting only those persons whoadhered to the fundamental theses of psychoanalysis [today,personal analysis is also a part of the entrance requirements]. Ibelieved, and I still believe, that a productive discussion is onlypossible between people who share the same way of thinking.Those who have adopted other basic principles as a starting pointwould do just as well to have their own center of activity. Thisprinciple, which we continue to apply today, has earned us thenot necessarily flattering term "orthodox", a term to which thesense of reactionary has been unjustly joined [Ferenczi, 1928[306], p. 242].

Still, when Freud asked him to accept the presidency of the Inter-national Psychoanalytical Association a few years later, in 1932, topull him from "the island of dreams where you live with the offspringsof your imagination" (1216 Fr., 12.5.1932), Ferenczi chose to remainwith the "offsprings of his imagination"to explore his own fantasiesrather than rejoin the "fray," the pathology and vanity of which he hadclearly come to recognize. "I truly believe I can accomplish

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something useful by pursuing my present mode of work" (1217 Fer.,19.5.1932), he wrote. Ferenczi, faithful to his own functioning, his"metapsychology of the analyst," thus chose to deepen his under-standing of the human soul and its mysteries. The Wise Baby, in a lasteffort, applied himself to knowing as deeply as possible the babywithin himself, his analysandsin each of us.

Toward the end, in trying better to define his position, he focusedon the problem of orthodoxy (Ferenczi, 1931 [292], p. 98), defininghimself as a "restless spirit" and as the "enfant terrible"18 of psycho-analysis. While stating that "Freud is certainly orthodox" (p. 99), hehastened to add: "Let us thank the fates that we have the good fortuneto be fellow workers with this great spiritthis liberal spirit, as wecan proclaim him to be" (Ferenczi, 1931 [292], pp. 126-127).

Ferenczi was not to free himself from this ambivalence until thefinal year of his life, as witnessed in his Clinical Diary (Ferenczi,1985), which, according to Balint (Balint, 1969, p. 14), later won theadmiration of Freud. Thus, the straight line represented by the life andwork of Sndor Ferenczi resolved itself in the affirmation of self, in aconclusion that, in its form, remains as impressionistic and full ofsensitivity and sometimes contradictions as the author himself hadalways been. The Wise Baby would remain faithful to himself to theend: the metapsychology of the/this analyst can be summed up in asingle word: authenticity.

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