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Transcript of 110GD7
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The Global Dynamics ofEnvironmental Change 2:
Race, Class and the Politicsof Environmental Justice
Alf Gunvald NilsenSOS110/Autumn 2011
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ORIENTATIONS
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Summer 1978: Robert Burns and his sons drivetanker trucks along rural roads in 13 counties in
North Carolina, discharging liquidscontaminated with PCBs that had been removed
from Ward Transformer Agency, Raleigh
240 miles of road shoulder were contaminated
over the course of 2 weeks As the state of NCwas responsible for the clean-up, it was decidedto build a landfill for the soil in Warren County, a
rural area in NC with a majority population(62.5%) of poor African Americans
This was not a random choice rather, thechoice is symptomatic of a structural pattern inwhich racial minorities and low-income groups
are systematically more exposed to
environmental hazards than white majoritycommunities and well-off groups
In the US context, this means that poor andworking class African Americans, Latinos and
Native Americans are more exposed toenvironmental risk than the rest of society
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UCC-CRJ: Toxic
Wastes and Race(1987):
60% of AAs live incommunities with at
least one abandonedtoxic waste site
Out of the 5 largesthazardous wastelandfills in the US, 3 are
placed inpredominantlyAA/Latino communities
AAs are
overrepresented in thepopulations of thosecities with the largestnumber of abandonedwaste-sites
Greenpeace/Playing with Fire (1990):
The minority portion of the population in
communities with existing incinerators is 89% higherthan the national average
Communities where incinerators are proposedhave minority populations 60% higher then the
national average Average income in communities with existingincinerators is 15% below the national average
Communities of color have been systematically
targeted for the siting of noxious facilities such assewer treatment plants, garbage dumps, landfills,incinerators, hazardous waste disposal sites, lead
smelters, and other risky technologies, therebyexacerbating existing inequities
Robert Bullard
The community was politically and economicallyunempowered; that was the reason for the siting.
They took advantage of poor people and people of
colorWC Activist
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The announcement of the toxic wastesite triggered resistance from the
affected WC communities, who wereconcerned about the health andeconomic impacts of the site
Three years of unsuccessful legal
struggle ended in 1982, when the stateobtained permission to build the site the Concerned Citizens turned tonon-violent direct action
Ultimately, the waste site was notstopped, but in 1994 it was declared afailure, and community activists wereable to influence and control thedetoxification process from 1994 to
2004The WC struggle signalled the onset ofthe environmental justice movement an environmentalism that joins issues ofsocial justice and ecological concerns
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CONCEPTUALIZING ENVIRONMENTAL RACISM
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Unfortunately, scholars of environmental racism have notseriously problematized racism, opting instead for a de facto
conception based on malicious, individual actsLaura Pulido Rethinking Environmental Racism
Why is this a problem?
The focus on anindividual act lead usto miss the role ofstructural/hegemonicforms of racism
Racism is notconceptualized as thedynamic socio-spatial
process that it is
Political limitations racialinequality can only beattributed directly to
individual, hostile act, notsocial structures
A narrow/restricted understanding of environmental racism
Focus on individualfacility siting
Focus on intentionalityand indivual acts
An uncriticalunderstanding of scale
Environmental racism is only conceded if malicious intenton the part of the decision-maker can be proven
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Given the pervasive nature of race, the belief that racism can bereduced to hostile, discriminatory acts strains logic
There is a need to understand racial formations
the sociohistorical process by which racial categories are created,inhabited, transformed and destroyed
Omi/Winant Racial Formation in the United States
Racial formation A process of historically situated projects in whichhuman bodies and social structures are represented and organized
Structures Representations
A racial project is simultaneously an interpretation, representation, orexplanation of racial dynamics, and an effort to reorganize and
redistribute resources along particular racial lines
Racial projects connect what race means in a particular discursivepractice and the ways in which both social structures and everyday
experiences are racially organized, based upon that meaning
Omi/Winant Racial Formation in the United States
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All places are racialized and race informs all places This is reflected in thesocial organization of white privilege the privileges and benefits that
accrue to white people by virtue of their whitenessLaura Pulido Rethinking Environmental Racism
Why are white people not burdened with pollution and environmental
hazards to the same extent as communities of colour?
In this perspective, white racism is understood as thosepractices and ideologies carried out by structures, institutionsand individuals, that reproduce inequality and undermine the
well-being of racially subordinate populations
The question of scale: Racismcan exist at individual, group,
institutional, societal and globalscales in distinct butinterrelated ways.
The question of intention: WP bothunderlies/is distinct from
institutional/overt racism refers tohegemonic structures, practices andideologies that reproduce the privileged
status of white groups
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Extant research on environmental racism
Siting:
1) Reproduces flawedunderstanding of urbandynamics as it separates
environmental inequalities fromlarger socio-spatial processes
2) Makes siting the only mechanismconsidered in terms of racial
discrimination
Intentionality:
1) Reduces likelihood of viewingcollective actions as racist
2) Allows for continual contractionof the definition of racism
3) Exonerates large social arenasfrom contributing to racial
inequality
In this perspective, racism is seen as anaberration, rather than a structural feature
of a social formation
NB! The issue of scale and racism: The social relations that are relevant tounderstanding racism do not solely reside within the spatial unit under
consideration A specific place is constructed through their links to otherplaces and the scale where racist outcomes are observed may not
coincide with the scale where these outcomes are produced
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ENVIRONMENTAL RACISM:
THE CASE OF LOS ANGELES
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In Los Angeles, non-whites in particular working class Latinosand African Americans are disproportionately exposed to (i)
uncontrolled toxic waste sites, (ii) TSDFs, and (iii) air toxins
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Environmental racism in LA has to be understood in terms of theproduction of a historical geography of white privilege
1848-1920s
1) Early suburbanizationreflected WMC refusalto live near immigrants
communities of colour a choice based on WP
2) WWC provided withsuburban housing
developments toprevent social unrest
1920s zoning lawsconcentrated industry innon-white areas
Created anindustrial/residentialgeography whereindustry developed innon-white spaces
WWII Era
GD/WWII intensifiedsuburbanization, on thebasis of state subsidies
New white arrivals wentto suburbs; AAs/Latinos
to ghettos/barrios incentral/eastern LA
Residential segregationentrenched throughred-lining/targeting of
public funds
1960: Av. Income in C/ELA = $5916 Suburban
LA = $8575
Well-paid jobs to thesuburban areas
Contemporary LA
Persistence ofresidential segregation:
ImmigrationResidential mobility
Economicrestructuring
Increase of Asian andLatino population
C/S/E LA
Industrial/land use
associated withenvironmental hazars
C LA AAs/Latinosmore exposed to
hazards
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THE ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE MOVEMENT
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Initial opposition in Warren County:
NIMBY residents concerned with pulbic
health issues and economic impact of thewaste site Concerned Citizens opposedthe site through counter-expertise andsuggested alternative waste sites
WC took NC/EPA to court This created asituation where the argument against thesite had to be made on technical grounds The court approved design changes andallowed the project to proceed (S-82)
CC enlists support of civil rights activists withsubstantial activist skills and experience Turn to disruptive collective action The keyissue came to be the lack of transparency
and participation in decision makingprocess
This was linked to the AA communitys effortsto mobilize voter registration campaignssince 1965 Landfill opposition linked to
black political power
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September October 1982: Direct action at the project site Non-violent collective action that was familiar to an AA
community that had participated in the civil rights struggle
This signalled the emergence of the environmental justicemovement as a form of subaltern environmentalism
At the heart of this movement has been a concern with public health andenvironmental threats to the places where people live, work, and play
E.g. WC the concept of contamination by synthetic materials enabled civilrights activist to extend their criticism of the ways in which state policies and
public decision-making discriminates against African AmericansNot only was Warren County predominantly black and
predominantly poor, but it was politically impotent. And thatwas just the recipe for dumping
Dollie Burwell, WC Activist
They use black people as guinea pigs. Anytime there issomething that is going to kill, well put it in the black areato find out if it kills and how many. They dont care. They
dont value a black persons life
M. G. Harris, WC Activist
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Subaltern environmentalism Grassroots environmental activismconducted by marginalized groups that are faced with both social
inequalities and environmental inequalities The latter is evident in thedisproportional exposure of minorities and poor people toenvironmental hazards and/or the inequitable distribution of natural
resources The aim of subaltern environmentalism is to empowermarginalized groups and to challenge their exclusion from
environmental decision-making
Summer 1982: Local chapter of NAACP brought lawsuit againstNC state, on the grounds that the high percentage of minority
residents was one factor influencing the siting decision
Court ruling: There is not a single shred of evidence that racehas at any time been a motivating factor for any decision
taken by any official State, federal or local in this long saga
This raises the issue of conceptualizing environmental racism interms of intentionality as a problem for activism
EJ mobilization often starts as a reaction to a specific siting
decision or increasing numbers of waste facilities in an area
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This strategic focus links activism to a distributional paradigm of justice:
Is there a morally proper distribution of social benefits and burdens
among societys members?
An analysis of agency andcausation in institutional and
social processes that lead toobservable distributive outcomes
A monolithic focus on outcomesobscures the way in which
environmental injustice manifestsitself for different groups
This is problematic given that distributional inequalities are symptoms of a
wider matrix of social structures and power relations
The role of social structures and power relations is obscured when the focus ison the relationship between (i) an identifiable responsible agent and (ii) an
observed undesirable outcome
An alternative strategic focus would be (i) the structural forces that influencediscriminatory outcomes and (ii) the aspects of environmental decision-
making that compound structural injustice through environmental inequality
A shift from critique of outcome of siting decisions to a critique of the
legitimacy of decision-making WC detoxification
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GLOBALIZING ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE
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The ideas of environmental racism and environmental justicecan also be used to understand and to challenge unequal
environmental exposures on a global scaleTwo levels of inequality can be cited
Extraction-based corporations
are expanding their operationsinto eco-systems across theglobal South, often dispossessingpopulations in the process
Environmental exposure triple threat:
From TNCs in the global South
From global toxics trade
From global emissions
The restructuring of the world economy in the current phaseof increasingly global production is leading to an
increasingly global pattern of environmental injustice
J. Timmons Roberts Globalizing Environmental Justice
Climate debt Climate Justice
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At a globalenvironmental level
ecological imperialismhas resulted in theappropriation of theglobal commons (i.e.the atmosphere and
oceans, which are usedas sinks for waste) andthe carbon absorptioncapacity of thebiosphere, primarily to
the benefit of a smallnumber of countries atthe centre of thecapitalist economy. Thecore nations rose to
wealth and power in partthrough high fossil fuelconsumption andexploitation of the globalSouth.
B. Clark/R. York
The richest 20% of the worlds populationcontribute 60% of current GHG emissions if
past contributions are taken into account: 80%
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However, theconsequences of
carbon emissions areglobal in scale Changes that ultimatelyflow from local patternsof resource use are
global in terms to thedegradation of theatmosphere and thealteration of thebiosphere The global
South is far morevulnerable to theadverse impacts ofclimate change This isso both in terms of (i)
large-scale naturaldisasters and (ii) gradualprocesses ofenvironmentaldegradation
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Climate debt
Poor countries, communities andpeople have contributed least tothe causes of climate change, yetare its first and worst victims.
Developed countries haveconsumed more than their fair share
of the earths atmospheric space
Adaptation debt:
The global North should financethe cost of adaptation to climate
change in the global South
Emissions debt:
a) The global North must reduceits levels of carbon emission
b) The global North must providethe finance and technology
needed for the global South tomeet energy needs without
using fossil fuels
Together the sum of these debts
emissions debt and adaptation debt constitutes their climate debt, which ispart of a larger ecological, social and
economic debt owed by the richindustrialised world to the poor
majority
The Other Debt Bolivia andthe Climate Justice
Movement