Anadolu ve Rumeli’deki âyân ve hanedanlar›bertaraf etme politikas› güden Sultan Mahmud,1821’de bafllayan Rum ‹syan› ve buayaklanman›n bast›r›lmas›nda mühim bir roloynayan Mehmed Ali Pafla’n›n daha fazla toprakve vergi geliri talepleri karfl›s›nda kritik bir kararaflamas›na gelmiflti. Krizden ya Avrupal› büyükgüçlerle ve siyasetin yerli aktörleriyle pazarl›k veuzlaflmaya giderek ç›kacak ya da devlet ricali ve‹stanbul kamuoyunun yönlendirilmesiyleoluflturulacak “acil hal” ikliminde kurulacak örfiidareyle ülkedeki hâkimiyetini güçlendirecek birpolitik restorasyona kalk›flacakt›.

Mamafih sultan›n iktidar›n›n önündeki tekengel, ülke içindeki direnç de¤ildi. Sultan›nsaltanat y›llar› Avrupa’da, 1789 sonras›Cumhuriyet Fransas›’ndan bafllayarak kitleordular›n›n iyice büyümesine flahit olmufltu.Frans›z Devrimi sadece hürriyet ve adalet de¤il,eflitlik iddias›yla da gelmifl; yeni hükümetköylülere yük oldu¤u gerekçesiyle kald›rd›¤›zorunlu milislik yerine 18-25 yafl aras› bütüngençlere zorunlu yurttafl askerli¤ini getirmiflti.Napoleon’un yay›lmac› politikas› karfl›s›ndadi¤er Avrupa monarflileri de bu kervanakat›lmak zorunda kald›. Osmanl› hükümeti debüyük bir piyade ordusuna ihtiyaç hisseden budevletler aras›ndayd›.

III. Selim ve Alemdar Mustafa Pafla’n›n deneyipde baflaramad›¤› proje bu kez II. Mahmud’un

Driven by the policy to eliminate the ayans(local notables) and dynasties of Anatolia andRumelia, Sultan Mahmud now had to make adecision about answering the demands for moreland and tax revenues that were being made byMehmet Ali Pasha in return for his services inthe suppression of the Greek Rebellion, that hadstarted in 1821. The present crisis could beovercome either by negotiating and bargainingwith the European superpowers and the localpolitical actors or with a political restorationthat would be formed through a martial lawregime; this latter would be in a climate of “astate of emergency”, based on the manipulationof the ruling elite and public opinion inIstanbul.

However, the resistance within the country wasnot the only obstacle standing in the way of thesultan’s power. Starting with Republican Franceafter 1789, during the years of the sultan’s rule,the mass armies in Europe greatly increased insize. The French Revolution did not bring onlyliberty and justice; it also brought the promise ofequality. The new government, with theargument that the militia was a burden on thevillagers, introduced a national military servicethat was compulsory for all young peoplebetween the ages of 18 and 25. In response toNapoleon’s encroaching policies, the otherEuropean monarchies were forced to join thecaravan. The Ottoman state was among those

* ‹stanbul Üniversitesi

Yeniçeri, II. Mahmud dönemibinbafl›s›, Topçubafl›, Nizâm-›

Cedîd (III. Selim dönemi)binbafl›s›

Janissaries, a major during theera of Mahmud II, a Nizam›

Cedid major (era of Selim III)

(Brindesi)

|105|

states which felt a need for a large infantryforce.

The project that Selim III and Alemdar MustafaPasha attempted, but were unsuccessful with,now lay in front of Mahmud II: to form thenucleus of a new central army either within theJanissary corps or in the place of these, and todo this without dragging the Muslim andnon-Muslim subjects into politics.

Immediately after the news that the GreekRebellion had been suppressed had beenreceived, the sultan and the statesmen, theulama and the aghas of the corps who wereacting with the sultan went into action toestablish new troops within the Janissary Corps,under the name of the Eshkindji. Before long,what was expected occurred and the Janissariesrebelled. The sultan and his team, not missingthis opportunity, used violent means toeliminate the Corps. Thus, the last greatorganized force that had stood in the way ofrestructuring the military and the politicalcentralizing project was removed.

Asâkir-i Mansûre-i Muhammediyye andEuropean-Style TrainingImmediately after the official abolition of thecorps on 17 June 1826, the newly-establishedarmy was named the Asâkir-i Mansûre-iMuhammediyye. Mahmud II’s man inside thecorps who had worked for its abolition, AghaHüseyin Pasha, was made the commander-in-chief of the new army. ‹brahim Saib Efendi, whohad served in the last attempt as naz›r (chiefcommissioner) of the Eflkinci, was appointedchief commissioner of the Asâkir-i Mansûre;likewise, Mehmed Yekta Efendi, who was thekethüda kâtibi of the Janissary Corps, was thenappointed as scribe of the new army.

The military personnel were to form 8 regiments,making the existing manpower here total12,000 people; they were to be trained based oncontemporary European drills. However, therewere only a few soldiers and officers available forthe Ottoman government who were aware ofthe European style of military drills. NecibEfendi, the permanent representative ofMehmed Ali Pasha (the governor of Egypt),in Istanbul, who had found and brought MajorDavud A¤a of the Egyptian army during theEshkindji experience, was summoned once again

A S U L T A N I N U N I F O R M S U L T A N M A H M U D I I

|106|

Rönündeydi: ya oca¤›n içinde ya da oca¤›n yerine,yeni bir merkez ordusunun nüvesini oluflturmak,bunu da Müslim ve gayrimüslim tebaay› siyasetebulaflt›rmadan yapmak...

um ‹syan›’n›n bast›r›ld›¤› haberinin gelmesindenhemen sonra, sultan ve onunla birlikte hareketeden rical, ulema ve ocak a¤alar›, YeniçeriOca¤› içinde Eflkinci ad› alt›nda yeni birliklerkurulmas› için harekete geçti. Çok geçmedenmuhtemelen bekledikleri oldu ve ocakl› tak›m›kazanlar›n› kald›rd›. Bu f›rsat› kaç›rmayan sultanve ekibi de, fliddet kullanarak oca¤› ortadankald›rd›. Böylece, sadece askerî bir yenidenyap›lanman›n de¤il, siyasi merkeziyetçilikprojesinin de önünde duran son büyük organizegüç kald›r›lm›fl oldu.

Asâkir-i Mansûre-i Muhammediye ve Frenk TalimiOca¤›n 17 Haziran 1826’da resmen ilgas›ndanhemen sonra kurulan yeni orduya, Asâkir-iMansûre-i Muhammediyye ismi verilmiflti. Oca¤›nkald›r›lmas›na giden yolda II. Mahmud’un ocakiçindeki has adam› olan A¤a Hüseyin Pafla, yeniorduya serasker yap›ld›. Eflkinci naz›r› olarak sondenemede görev yapm›fl ‹brahim Saib EfendiAsâkir-i Mansûre nezâretine, oca¤›n kethüdakâtibi Mehmed Yekta Efendi ise Asâkir-iMansûre baflkitâbetine tayin edildi.

12.000 kiflilik sekiz tertipten meydana gelmesiplanlanan ordu personelinin, Avrupa’da caritalim metotlar›yla yetifltirilmesi öngörülüyordu.Ancak Osmanl› hükümetinin elinde Avrupataliminden haberdar olan az say›da nefer ve zabitvard›. Eflkinci tecrübesi s›ras›nda, zaman›ndaM›s›r ordusunda görev yapm›fl Binbafl› DavudA¤a’y› bulup getiren M›s›r Valisi Mehmed AliPafla’n›n ‹stanbul’daki kethüdas› Necib Efendi,bu kez de sultan taraf›ndan ça¤r›ld› ve Kahire’yebir mektup yazarak yeni nizâmî ordu içinMehmed Ali Pafla’dan talimci zabit talep etmesiistendi. Necib Efendi denileni yapt›, fakat yeniordunun kendi askerî gücünü dengelemek içinoluflturuldu¤unu düflünen Mehmed Ali Paflabuna yanaflmad›.

Gelen olumsuz cevap üzerine sultan, Nizâm-›Cedîd’in eski yüzbafl›lar›ndan Osman A¤a’yadöndü ve onu Asâkir-i Mansûre binbafl›l›¤›natayin etti. Mehmed Ali Pafla’n›n ‹stanbul’atalimci göndermeyece¤ine dair mektubuylaalâkal› arz›n üzerine, “Osman A¤a’n›n aslen

by the Sultan to write a letter to Cairodemanding an instructor for the new regulararmy from Mehmed Ali Pasha. This was done,but Mehmed Ali Pasha, suspicious that the newarmy was being organized to balance his ownmilitary power, did not cooperate.

Upon receiving a negative answer, the sultanturned to Osman Agha, one of the formercaptains of the Nizâm-› Cedid and appointed asthe binbafl› (major) of Asâkir-i Mansûre.Although he made remarks in the margin of theaccount that reported Mehmed Ali Pasha’sfailure to send instructors, stating that “OsmanAgha was really a cavalry commander and for thisreason he might be rather slow if in command of thevery detailed infantry training”, Mahmud IIselected the latter because there was no else athand for this post. Following his performance ofthe so called “tri-instruction drill”, carried out infront of the sultan, Cukadar Emin Agha, whohad formerly registered for the Nizâm-› Cedîdtroops of Sultan Selim III, was also nominatedas instructor of the 200 Enderun (inner-court)aghas. Also, a few instructors who had hadexperience with the former Sekbân-› Cedîd andEflkinci attempts were included as majors toinstruct in the ongoing drills at the Seraskerlik(Ministry of War). Vay Belim Ahmed Agha, theformer trumpeter of the Nizâm-› Cedîd cavalry ofthe Enderun aghas, was appointed as instructorof the cavalry, while a person by the name ofAhmed Usta was appointed as the instructor ofthe military band.

While these developments were unfolding inIstanbul, the kaptan pasha Hüsrev, who had beenappointed to head up the fleet with a mission inthe Mediterranean, was returning to ‹zmir.Receiving news about the abolishment of theJanissary corps, he immediately found a formersergeant of the French army, namely MonsieurGaillard, to instruct 100 select men of the navyin the French-style drill. This exemplary forcewas close to being a continuation of similar onesthat had been established when Hüsrev Pashahad been governor in Egypt. Hüsrev Pasha, whocame to Istanbul in the autumn, continued tocarry out the drills with the soldiers. Finally, onMarch 11 1827, when invited to the palace,Hüsrev Pasha told the sultan that the drillsremaining from the Nizâm-› Cedîd were out ofdate and explained that the drills that werebeing practiced by his men were the most recentstyle employed in France.

Ü N ‹ F O R M A L I P A D ‹ fi A H S U L T A N I I . M A H M U D

|107|

A S U L T A N I N U N I F O R M S U L T A N M A H M U D I I

II. Mahmud

|108|

süvari binbafl›s› oldu¤u ve bu yüzden de oldukçateferruatl› piyade talimini kumanda etmekteyavafl kald›¤› notunu” düflen II. Mahmud, onubu makam için elinde baflka kimse olmamas›sebebiyle tercih etmiflti. III. Selim zaman›ndaNizâm-› Cedîd’e yaz›l›p sonradan Enderun’agirmifl olan Çukadar Emin A¤a’n›n bizzatII. Mahmud’un önünde icra ettirdi¤i “üçlütalim” tatbikat› be¤enilmifl ve Emin A¤ayaklafl›k 200 Enderun a¤as›n›n fenn-i harbmuallimli¤ine getirilmiflti. Ayr›ca Sekbân-› Cedîdve Eflkinci tecrübelerinden kalma birkaç talimcide Seraskerlik’teki talimlere binbafl› olarak dahiledildi. Enderun a¤alar›ndan eski Nizâm-› Cedîdsüvarileri boruzeni Vay Belim Ahmed A¤asüvari muallimli¤ine, Ahmed Usta ad›nda birkifli ise tranpet meflkine memur edilmifllerdi.

‹stanbul’da bu geliflmeler yaflan›rken, oca¤›nkald›r›ld›¤› s›rada Akdeniz’de bulunandonanman›n bafl›ndaki Kaptan›derya HüsrevPafla da ‹zmir’e dönmüfl ve burada buldu¤uFransa ordusunun eski çavufllar›ndan Gaillardnezaretinde donanmadan seçti¤i 100 adamaFrans›z talimi yapt›rmaya bafllam›flt›. Bu numunebirlik, Hüsrev Pafla’n›n M›s›r’da vali ikenkurdurdu¤u benzerlerinin bir devam› gibiydi.Güzle beraber ‹stanbul’a gelen Hüsrev Paflaburada da askerlerine talim yapt›rmaya devametti. Nihayet 11 Mart 1827’de saraya davetolundu¤unda sultana, Nizâm-› Cedîd’den kalmatalimin eski oldu¤unu ve kendi uygulatt›¤›n›nFransa’daki en yeni talim oldu¤unu anlatt›.

Gülhane Kasr›’na gelerek oraya ça¤r›lanaskerlerin talimlerini bizzat izleyen Sultan, üçlütalim yerine, daha h›zl› hareketlere dayananHüsrevî talimin uygulanmas›n› emretti. M›s›rvalili¤ini Mehmed Ali Pafla’ya b›rakmak zorundakalmas› ve kaptan›deryal›ktan da yine onuntazyikiyle azledilmesi dolay›s›yla M›s›r valisininhasm› olan Hüsrev Pafla ise, önce Anadoluvalili¤ine, iki ay sonra da A¤a Hüseyin Pafla’n›nyerine seraskerli¤e getirildi. Piyade talimi HüsrevPafla’n›n telkinleriyle de¤iflirken, Vay BelimAhmed A¤a’n›n yerini ‹talyan subayCalosso’nun almas› sonras›nda oluflan ilk düzenlisüvari birli¤i de Gülhane Bahçesi’nde yeni binifltarzlar›yla tan›flm›flt›. Calosso, süvari talimlerinegerek binici gerekse komut veren olarak bizzatkat›lan sultan›n da onay›yla süvarileri Macarhafif süvarisinin (hussar) e¤erlerine ve binifltarz›na al›flt›rmaya çal›fl›yordu. Ancak Osmanl›süvarilerinin bunlara al›flmalar› çok zor oldu.

The sultan came to Gülhane Pavilion in thegarden of Topkapi Palace to watch the drillscarried out by the soldiers; consequently heordered the implementation of the so-called drillof Hüsrev, based on more rapid actions, to takethe place of the tri-command drill. Forced toleave the Egyptian governorship to Mehmed AliPasha and being dismissed from the post ofkaptan pasha once again as a result of pressurefrom the latter, Hüsrev Pasha now had greatenmity for Mehmed Ali. He was first appointedto the Anatolian governorship, and then twomonths later was brought to the post ofcommander-in-chief in place of Hüseyin PashaA¤a. While the drilling of the infantry waschanged at the suggestion of Hüsrev Pasha, thetwo dozen cavalry troops which had beenformed after the appointment of the Italianofficer Calasso in the place of Vay BelimAhmed Agha were introduced to a new style ofriding in Topkapi Palace’s Gülhane Gardens.Calasso tried to introduce the Hungarian hussar(light cavalry) saddles and riding styles to thecavalry with the approval of the sultan, whojoined in the cavalry training, both as a riderand giving commands. However, it was difficultfor the Ottoman cavalry to become accustomedto this. For the Ottoman cavalry, which hadformerly ridden with their feet tucked undertheir bodies, as if sitting on a divan in a halfcross-legged position, the new style and stirrupsmeant that they had to stretch their feet down,and they felt very uncomfortable and unsafe onthe horses. In the words of the British lieutenantwho followed the Ottoman-Russian War of1828-29, George Keppel, “the Muslim cavalry,which managed the horse in such a magnificent wayhad gone and in his place had come an incompetentcavalry soldier...” The British navy officer A.Slade quotes from Calosso himself when notingin his memoirs “that the sultan has made amistake by making a reform in Turkish cavalryand replacing the irregular cavalry warrior hordeof the old system with a few battalions intructeda l’Europeènne.”

Drill Sergeant SultanBefore one week after the abolition of theJanissaries had passed, the sultan watchedhundreds of soldiers begin the French-styletraining in the palace gardens; he was inspectingthem on horseback, wearing a uniform consistingof an Egyptian fez, guns and a cavalry swordstrapped to the waist. This was his first

Ü N ‹ F O R M A L I P A D ‹ fi A H S U L T A N I I . M A H M U D

|109|

SÖnceden ayaklar›n› alt›na toplayarak at üzerindesanki divandaym›fl gibi yar› ba¤dafl halindeoturan Osmanl› süvarileri için, yeni e¤er veüzengiyle ayaklar›n› afla¤› uzatarak at binmekoldukça rahats›z ve güvensizdi. 1828-29Osmanl›-Rusya Harbi’ni takip etmifl ‹ngilizbinbafl› George Keppel’in ifadesiyle, “O at›n›harikulâde flekilde idare eden Müslüman süvarigitmifl yerine yeni tarz›n beceriksiz süvariaskerleri gelmiflti”. ‹ngiliz deniz subay› AdolphusSlade de, Calosso’nun bizzat kendisinin“Sultan›n Türk süvarisinde reform yaparak, yanieski sistemin sa¤lad›¤› düzensiz atl› savaflç›kitlelerini a l’Europeènne talim görmüfl birkaçtaburla de¤ifltirerek hata yapt›¤› görüflündeoldu¤unu” aktarm›flt›r.

Talim Çavuflu SultanOca¤›n kapat›lmas›n›n üzerinden daha bir haftageçmeden saray›n bahçesinde alafranga talimebafllayan yüzlerce neferi pencereden izleyensultan, üzerinde üniformams› k›yafeti, bafl›ndaM›s›r fesi, kufland›¤› tabancalar› ve süvarik›l›c›yla at› üzerinde onlar› denetlemiflti. Buonun bir “baflkomutan” olarak kay›tlara geçmiflilk görüntüsüdür. ‹lerleyen aylarda ise Enderuna¤alar›ndan oluflan 200 kiflilik birli¤in bizzatbinbafl›l›¤›na soyunarak onlara talimyapt›racakt›. S›rkâtibi Mustafa Nuri Pafla veMabeynci fiakir Efendi sultan›n erkân› (sonradanyâver-i harb) olmufllard›. Calosso’nun yeni süvaritalimini de bizzat tecrübe etmeye çal›flanII. Mahmud’un, defalarca attan düflerek boynunuk›rma tehlikesine maruz kald›¤› yabanc›gözlemcilerce kaydedilmifltir.

Osmanl›-Rusya Harbi s›ras›nda kald›¤› RamiÇiftli¤i’nde ve K⤛thane’de yeni kurulan Hassasüvari birliklerinin muallimli¤ine bizzat soyunanSultan Mahmud, Asâkir-i Mansûre taburlar›n›ntalimlerini izlemek üzere baz› perflembe günleriSeraskerli¤e de gitmekteydi. Sultan ile onarefakat eden devlet ricalinin ve ordukomutanlar›n›n, talim için ‹stanbul’a gönderilenredif birliklerinin ve ‹stanbul’daki Asâkir-iHassa süvarilerinin Haydarpafla Sahras›’ndaki veRami Çiftli¤i’ndeki manevralar›n› seyretmeyegitti¤ini de, Osmanl› resmî gazetesi Takvîm-iVekâyi’deki ilgili haberlerden biliyoruz. Sultan,Ayestefanos (Yeflilköy) köyünün biraz uza¤›ndabulunan denize naz›r köflkünün kara taraf›nda dabüyük bir talim meydan› infla ettirmifl veburadaki resmigeçit ve manevralarda zamanzaman haz›r bulunmufltu.

appearance in which he was recorded as the“head commander”. In later months he carriedout the drills, taking on the position ofcommander major of 200 soldier units formedfrom the Enderun aghas. The confidentialsecretary Mustafa Nuri Pasha and the palacechancellor fiakir Efendi had now become thesultan’s aides de camp. It was recorded byforeign observers that Mahmud II, trying to gainexperience in Calasso’s new cavalry drills, felloff his horse a number of times, and was indanger of breaking his neck.

ultan Mahmud took on the role of theinstructor of the newly-established Hassa(imperial) cavalry at the Rami Çiftli¤i andK⤛thane, where he resided during theOttoman-Russian War. He was also known tovisit the Ministry of War to watch theinstructions of the Asâkir-i Mansûre battalionson Thursdays. We know from news in theTakvim-i Vekayi, the official Ottoman gazette,that the sultan, leading statesmen and armycommanders who accompanied him alsowatched the reserve troops that had been sentto Istanbul for training, as well as the Asakir-iHassa cavalry in Istanbul while they carried outmaneuvers on the Haydarpafla Field and at theRami Çifli¤i. The sultan had a large drill fieldconstructed on the land side of the seasidemansion which was located a distance from thevillage of Ayastefanos (Yeflilköy), and wouldattend the parades and maneuvers that werecarried out here from time to time.

When one considers that the Ottoman sultanshad not been participating in campaigns andactivities of the corps for nearly two centuries,we can better understand the significance ofMahmud II’s participation as a “drill sergeant” inthe military instruction and drills. The DutchPrince Moritz von Nassau, who had first putmodern infantry training into practice in Europe,the Swedish king Gustav Adolphus who createdthe leading army on the continent, Friedrich I(1713-1740), the “king drill sergeant”, whoowned a strong Prussian army and his sonFriedrich II, and Peter the Great, who reorganizedthe Russian army were all the fore-runners of the“uniformed monarch” or the “soldier-king”model reified in the person of Mahmud II.However, it is not possible to say that MahmudII, in contrast to those mentioned above, was astrategist or a skillful commander-in-chief.

A S U L T A N I N U N I F O R M S U L T A N M A H M U D I I

|110|

Asâkir-i Mansûre-i Muhammediye’nin geçit resmi. II. Mahmud arka safta, siyah sakall›, at s›rt›nda önde / Official parade of the Asakir-i Mansure-iMuhammideye. Mahmud II, at the rear, black beard, on horseback (François Dubois, MSA, env. no. 11 / 1482)

Ü N ‹ F O R M A L I P A D ‹ fi A H S U L T A N I I . M A H M U D

|111|

A S U L T A N I N U N I F O R M S U L T A N M A H M U D I I

|112|

B

Osmanl› sultanlar›n›n neredeyse iki as›rd›r seferlereve ocak faaliyetlerine ifltirak etmedi¤idüflünüldü¤ünde, II. Mahmud’un “bir talimçavuflu” düzeyinde talim ve terbiye prati¤inekat›lmas› manidard›r. Modern piyade taliminiAvrupa’da ilk kez yürürlü¤e sokan Hollanda PrensiMoritz von Nassau, ordusunu k›tan›n baflta gelenaskerî gücü haline getiren ‹sveç Kral› GustavAdolphus, Prusya’y› güçlü bir ordu sahibi k›lan“Talim Çavuflu Kral” I. Friedrich (1713-1740) veonun o¤lu II. Friedrich ile Rusya ordusunuyeniden yap›land›ran Petro, II. Mahmud’unflahs›nda gözlenen “üniformal› monark” ya da“asker-kral” suretinin öncüleridir. Ancak SultanMahmud’un, an›lan bu isimlerden farkl› olarak, birstratejist veya mahir bir baflkomutan oldu¤unusöylemek mümkün de¤ildir.

Bafl›ba¤l› Neferler, Bafl›bozuk Savaflç›larAsâkir-i Mansûre Kanunnâmesi’ne göre, orduyayaz›lan herkes 12 y›l hizmetle mükelleftutulmufltu. Bekârlar›n evlenmeleri yüzbafl›mülâz›m› olana kadar yasaklanm›flt›. Ancak evliolanlar›n orduya girmesine bir mani yoktu.Nizâm-› Cedîd tecrübesinde, neferlerin bir ayl›ktalimden sonra izinli say›larak memleketlerinegitmelerine ve kendi iflleriyle u¤raflmalar›na izinverilmiflken, bu kez buna kap› kapat›lm›flt›.

afllang›çta 15 kurufl olarak belirlenen neferayl›¤›, 1827 y›lbafl›nda ç›kan bir kararla ‹stanbulile beraber Anadolu’da Konya, ‹zmir, Bursa,Bolu ve Kütahya’da; Rumeli’de ise bütüntertiplerde 20 kurufla ç›kar›ld›. Süvarineferlerinde bu rakam yüzde elli art›yordu. Bumaaflla bu ifle talip olanlar ço¤unlukla 15-25 yaflaras› iflsiz delikanl›lard›. Devrin Avrupa ordular›gibi sultan›n yeni ordusu da personelini,toplumun sosyopolitik ve sosyoekonomik olaraken alt zümresini oluflturan nisbeten fakir ya damülksüzlerden devflirecekti.

Asâkir-i Mansûre’ye yaz›lan bu delikanl›lar›nço¤u, Rumeli ve Anadolu’nun Türkçe konuflanMüslüman nüfusundand›. Süvariler için ise ilkadres göçer Türkmen afliretleriydi. Ancakistenilenin çok alt›nda rakamlarda orduya sevkedilebilen göçerler, f›rsat›n› bulduklar› ilk andafirar ediyorlard›. Osmanl›-Rusya harplerininBalkan cephesindeki mühim serhatflehirlerinden biri olan Silistre’de ise, piyadetertibinin yan›s›ra kurulacak süvari tertibinekabâil-i Tatar ve Türk ufla¤›n›n yan›s›ra Babada¤›,Maçin ve Silistre kazalar›nda bulunan H›ristiyan

Orderly Soldiers, Unruly WarriorsAccording to the Regulation of Asâkir-i Mansûre,everyone who was registered in the new armywas liable to 12 years of service. Bachelors wereforbidden from marrying until they had reachedthe rank of lieutenant captain. However, therewas no obstacle for those who were married.In the former Nizâm-› Cedîd, the soldiers hadundergone a month of training and then weregiven permission to go to their hometowns tocarry out their own businesses; now this doorhad been closed.

At the beginning, the soldier’s salary was statedas 15 kurufl; in a decision taken at the beginningof 1827 the salary for troops in Istanbul, Konya,‹zmir, Bursa, Bolu and Kütahya, and for alltroops in Rumelia, was raised to 20 kurufl. Forthe cavalry soldiers, this amount was increasedby fifty percent. Most of those who wanted sucha job at such a salary were unemployed youthsbetween the ages of 15 and 25. Like Europeanarmies of the era, the sultan’s new army andpersonnel consisted of the lower socio-politicaland socio-economic strata of society, the poorand landless.

Most of these young men who were enrolled inthe Asâkir-i Mansûre were from the Turkish-speaking population of Rumelia and Anatolia.The first address for the cavalry was thenomadic Turkmen tribes. However, the nomadswho could be sent to the army were well belowthe number desired and they would desert at thefirst opportunity. In Silistre, one of theimportant cities of the Balkan front dur›ng theOttoman-Russian War, it was decided that thecavalry troops which were to be establishedalongside the infantry troops would include notonly men of Tatar and Turkish tribal origin, butalso the Christian Zaporozhian Cossacks, whowere located in the provinces of Babada¤›,Maçin, and Silistre; these were the first and onlynon-Muslim component to be included in theAsâkir-i Mansûre.

Particularly during campaigns, the price fortransporting soldiers was taken from regions thatwere far from the front or from where it wasdifficult to attain soldiers; this price often rose asmuch as 250 kurufl a month and tribal warriorsfrom the Turkmens, Kurds, Albanians and Lazwould be employed. However, these wouldquickly abandon the battlefield and when they

Ü N ‹ F O R M A L I P A D ‹ fi A H S U L T A N I I . M A H M U D

|113|

Potkal› Kazaklar›ndan da savaflç› al›nmas›nakarar verilmifl ve bu, Asâkir-i Mansûre içindegayrimüslim unsurlar› bar›nd›ran ilk ve tek birlikolmufltu.

Bilhassa sefer zamanlar›nda, asker al›m›yap›lmas› zor ya da cepheye uzak yerlerdenbunun yerine nakdî bedel al›n›yor ve bu paraylaayl›klar› 250 kurufla kadar ç›kan Türkmen, Kürt,Arnavut ve Lazistanl› kabile savaflç›lar› istihdamediliyordu. Fakat bunlar da, muharebemeydan›ndan kolayca firar etmeleri ve paralar›n›alamad›klar› zaman derhal ifli b›rakmalar›yüzünden Osmanl›-Rusya ve Osmanl›-M›s›rsavafllar›nda komutanlarca s›k s›k flikâyet konusuedileceklerdi.

Rumeli’de Bosna-Hersek ile Arnavut nüfusunço¤unlukta oldu¤u ‹flkodra, Yanya, Avlonya,Delvine; Anadolu’da Sürmene-Gönye aras› sahilfleridi; Do¤u ve Güneydo¤u’da Kürt ve Türkmenafliretlerin yo¤un oldu¤u yerler ve yine Kürt veYezidî afliretlerin yaflad›¤› Kuzey Irak da¤lar›,zorunlu askerli¤e direncin fliddetli oldu¤uyerlerdi. Yar› müstakil bir idareye sahip DavudPafla’n›n Ba¤dad’›ndaki Kölemen Oca¤›, 1831y›l›nda gönderilen askerî kuvvet marifetiylekald›r›lm›fl ve eyalet merkeze ba¤lanm›flt›.Kudüs ve Filistin’de ise, asker yazma teflebbüsleriahâlinin gösterdi¤i tepki sebebiyle sonrayab›rak›lm›flt›. Arabistan Yar›madas›’ndanII. Mahmud devrinde hiç asker al›nmad›.Cezayir Day›s› da yeni düzene dâhil olmad›.Tunus’tan ise sadece sembolik bir kat›l›msa¤land›. Asker ve vergi vermek istemeyenBosna, Arnavutluk, Güneydo¤u Anadolu veIrak’taki kabile ve afliretler üzerine, düzenli ordubirlikleri ve bafl›bozuk savaflç›lardan oluflturulankuvvetlerle 1830’larda pek çok harekâtdüzenlendi. Ancak bunlardan hükümetisevindirecek bir netice ç›kmad›.

Ordu için asker toplan›rken görevlilerin fliddetebaflvurdu¤u ve toplu firarlara varacak tepkilereyol açt›klar› olmufltur. ‹stanbul’da askertoplamak ad›na sokak ortas›nda kaba kuvvetebaflvuran görevlilerin sultan ve Sadarettaraf›ndan uyar›ld›klar› da kay›tl›d›r. Sefer vaktigönderilen emirlerle asker toplama faaliyetinegiriflen mahallî âyân ve nüfuz sahipleri de, zorlave h›zla askerlefltirdikleri kiflileri cepheye sevketmifl gözükmektedir. 1828-29 Osmanl›-RusyaHarbi’nde baflta Rumeli olmak üzere Müslümanahaliye hitaben yay›nlanan “12 yafl›ndan 70

were unable to take their salaries these troopswould immediately abandon their jobs, thusmaking them a frequent subject of complaintsfrom the commanders of the Ottoman-Russianand Ottoman-Egyptian wars.

There was violent resistance to the compulsorymilitary service in Rumelia, Bosnia-Herzegovinia and towns like Scutari, Ioannina,Avlonya and Delvinë, where ethnic Albaniansformed the majority of the population; the samewas true the north-eastern coastal cities inAnatolia between Sürmene and Gönye and theeastern and south-eastern provinces which wereheavily populated with Kurdish and Turkmentribes, as well as in the northern Iraqi mountains,where there were Kurdish and Yezidi tribes.Davud Pasha’s Köleman Corps in Baghdad,which had a semi-independent structure, wasabolished in 1831 by a military expedition andthe province was then directly connected to thestate center. In Jerusalem and Palestine,conscription was postponed due to theresistance of the local population. In theArabian Peninsula, the word conscription wasnot even mentined during the reign ofMahmud II. Similarly, the Algerian Dayi wasnot included in the new arrangement. Only asymbolic participation was sent from Tunisia.In the 1830s many expeditions were launchedwith regular troops and auxiliary forces ofirregular soldiers against the tribes in Bosnia,Albania, Southeastern Anatolia and Iraq, whodid not want to provide soldiers or taxes.However, such actions did not produce resultsthat pleased the government.

The officers responsible for gathering soldiers forthe army in some instances used force and thisled to mass desertions. It is recorded that officialswho used brute force in the middle of the streetto muster soldiers in Istanbul were reprimandedby the sultan and grand vizier. It seems that thelocal ayan and influential people, carrying outthe orders at the time of the campaigns tomuster soldiers for the central army often sent tothe front men who had been rapidly and forcefullymilitarized. The orders that were addressed toprimarily the Muslim citizens of Rumelia in theOttoman and Russian War of 1828-29read:“Those believers who are between 12 and 70and who know how to fight and can hold a weaponare called to Muslim war and jihad”, technically,this meant nefîr-i amm or “forced volunteers”.

A S U L T A N I N U N I F O R M S U L T A N M A H M U D I I

|114|

Hyafl›na harb ü darb erbâb› olan ve eli silah tutankâffe-yi mü’min ve Müslimînin gazâ ve cihâda”kat›lmas›, yani nefîr-i âmm olarak adland›r›lansefer vakti “zorunlu gönüllülük” ça¤r›lar›na dasavafl›n bafl›nda fazla bir karfl›l›k al›namam›fl,toplan›p cepheye sevk edilen askerler ise “iki topat›l›r at›lmaz” firara kalk›flm›flt›r. Cephedengelen yaz›lara göre, firar eden askerlerin peflinesüvariler tak›l›yor, süvariye söven Asâkir-iMansûre piyadeleri ise “Yine bizi gâvura esiredecekler” serzenifliyle önce düflman süvarisinedirenmeye çal›fl›yorlarsa da delillerin kaçt›¤›n›görünce onlar da firar kervan›na kat›l›yorlard›.

alil Rifat Pafla’n›n haz›rlad›¤› bir rapora göre,kuruluflundan 1837 fiubat›na kadar Asâkir-iMansûre’ye yaz›lan asker say›s› 161.036 idi.Ancak 1837 fiubat ay›nda eldeki mevcut54.670’i geçmiyordu. Yeni askerî nizam›nbafllang›c›ndan o tarihe kadar geçen süre içindekaybolan nefer toplam› 106.366 idi. Bunlar›n45.496’s› salg›n hastal›¤a kurban gitmifl, 21.928’iise harp s›ras›nda kaybolmufltu. Muharebelerdeöldü¤ü tesbit edilenler ise 1269’du. Firarîlerinsay›s› 20.117 iken, esir düflenler sadece 1055kadard›. Dikkat çekici di¤er iki rakam iseemeklili¤e hak kazanmadan azledilenlerleordudan emekli olmay› baflarabilenlerdi. ‹lki15.927 gibi oldukça yüksek bir rakamken, ikincirakam sadece 1834’ten ibaret... Bir yedek askerhavuzu olarak 1834 y›l›nda kurulan redifbirliklerinin toplam› ise 1838 Mart›nagelindi¤inde 85.000’i bulmufltu. Ancak bunlarsefer için haz›r kuvvet olma vasf›na SultanMahmud’un saltanat› s›ras›nda pek kavuflamad›.

Sultan›n Köle ZabitleriSultan ve baflta Serasker Hüsrev Pafla olmaküzere devlet ricali için yeni ordunun sahipolmas› gereken bafll›ca vas›f, siyasi iktidara sad›kve muti, “depolitize” bir askerî kuvvet olmas›yd›.Bu yüzden, ordunun komuta kademesini yabizzat kendileri ya da en yak›nadamlar›/köleleriyle doldurmufllard›. SeraskerHüsrev Pafla, Osmanl›-Rusya Harbi s›ras›ndaordu seraskerli¤ine getirilen A¤a HüseyinPafla’n›n kaimmakaml›¤›na kendi hazinedar›Halil Pafla’y› tayin ettirmifl, bununla dayetinmeyerek Sadrazam Selim Mehmed Pafla’y›da bu savafl vesilesiyle payitahttanuzaklaflt›rmaya çal›flm›flt›. Nitekim fiumla’yagidip ordunun komutas›n› alan sadrazam,sergiledi¤i performans sonras› II. Mahmud’ungözünden düflmüfltü.

At the beginning of the war there was no greatresponse war; men who had been gathered andsent to the front began to flee as soon as “twocannons were fired”. According to reports thatcame from the front, the cavalry pursued thefleeing nefîr-i amm and the Asâkir-i Mansûreinfantry, which, although at first trying to resistthe enemy cavalry, complaining that the former“would have us be captured by the infidels onceagain”, also joined the desertion caravan whenthey saw the irregular cavalry retreating.

According to a report prepared by Halil RifatPasha, the number of soldiers enrolled from theestablishment of the Asâkir-i Mansûre untilFebruary 1837 was 161,036. However, inFebruary 1837 the number on hand was no morethan 54,670. From the start of the new militaryorder until that date, the number of soldiers thatwas lost was 106,366. Of these, 45,496 werevictims of contagious diseases; 21,928 were lostduring battle. The number that died duringbattles was 1,269. While the number of deserterswas 20,117, the number taken prisoner was1,055. Another interesting two numbers arethose who were dismissed before earning theright to retire from the army and those whomanaged to retire. The first was a rather highnumber, 15,927, while the second consisted of1,834… The Redif troops, established as a poolof reserve soldiers in 1834, totaled 85,000 in1838 March. However, these troops did notachieve readiness for battle during the reign ofSultan Mahmud.

The Sultan’s Slave Officers For the sultan and the statesmen, including thecommander-in-chief Husrev Pasha, the primaryquality required for the new army was that it bea loyal and biddable “depoliticized” militaryforce. For this reason, the commanding forces ofthe army were either filled by these menthemselves or their close men/slaves. Thecommander-in-chief, Hüsrev Pasha, appointedhis treasurer Halil Pasha as the secretary ofAgha Hüseyin Pasha when the latter wasbrought to the post of commander-in-chiefduring the Ottoman Russian War; not satisfiedwith this, Hüsrev also tried to distance thegrand vizier, Selim Mehmed Pasha, from thecapital on the excuse of this war. In fact, thegrand vizier, who went to fiumla and tookcommand of the army, fell from favor with thesultan after the performance he displayed here.

Ü N ‹ F O R M A L I P A D ‹ fi A H S U L T A N I I . M A H M U D

|115|

Sadrazam Selim Pafla’n›n azli sonras›nda yerine,savafl s›ras›nda Varna Muhaf›zl›¤› göreviniüstlenmifl olan Kaptan›derya Darendeli ‹zzetPafla getirildi. ‹kisi aras›nda husumet vard› ve biriddiaya göre s›rf bu yüzden ‹zzet Pafla SelimPafla’y› iaflesiz, paras›z ve levaz›mats›z olarakVarna’y› muhafaza halinde b›rakm›flt›. ‹zzetPafla’n›n üç ay süren sadareti sonras›ndaki halefiise Hüsrev Pafla’n›n Kafkas kökenli kölesiMehmed Reflid olacakt›. Onun sadrazam olarakordu komutas›n› yüklenmesiyle beraber ise, A¤aHüseyin Pafla Balkan geçitlerinin ve Rusçuk’unmuhafazas› gibi görevlerle komuta kademesindeikinci derece bir konuma düflürülecekti.

Mehmed Ali Pafla’n›n ordusuna karfl› giriflilen ilkmuharebede de bu manzara de¤iflmedi. AnadoluSeraskeri tayin edilen A¤a Hüseyin Pafla’n›nalt›ndaki bütün komuta kademelerine HüsrevPafla kendi adamlar›n› yerlefltirince, ordubirbirlerinden tamamen kopuk muhteliftopluluklar görüntüsüne büründü. Mehmed AliPafla’n›n, o¤lu ‹brahim Pafla idaresinde

After the dismissal of Grand Vizier, the kaptanpasha, Darendeli ‹zzet Pasha, who had taken onthe duty of Guard of Varna during the war, wasappointed in the former’s place. There washostility between the two; indeed, it wasclaimed that it was for this reason that ‹zzetPasha sent Selim Pasha without provisions,money or the necessary equipment as Guard ofVarna. After the stint of ‹zzet Pasha as grandvizier, which lasted for three months, hissuccessor was to be Hüsrev Pasha’s Caucasianslave, Mehmed Reflid. Along with taking on theresponsibility of commanding the army as grandvizier, A¤a Hüseyin Pasha was to fall to asecondary position in the commanding force asthe Guard of Ruse and the Balkan passes.

The first battle that the army undertook againstMehmed Ali Pasha did not change this situation.When Hüsrev placed his own men in thecommanding positions under A¤a HüseyinPasha, who had been appointed as Anatolianchief-in-command, the army appeared as a

Ordû-y› HümâyunHabercisi, Asâkir-iMansûre-iMuhammediyeordusuna mensup er(Sa¤da), ‹flkodral›,Asâkir-i Mansûre-iMuhammediyeordusuna ‹flkodra’danal›nan gönüllü er

The Ordû-y›Hümâyun Herald, asoldier of the Asâkir-iMansûre-iMuhammediye(on the right) from‹flkodra, a volunteersoldier of the Asâkir-iMansûre-iMuhammediye from‹flkodra

(Fenerci)

A S U L T A N I N U N I F O R M S U L T A N M A H M U D I I

|116|

gönderdi¤i M›s›r ordusunun Suriye’dekikarargâh›nda kumanda tek bir insan›n elindeiken Anadolu’da menfaatleri ayr› ve birbirlerinik›skanan birden çok kumandan vard›. Kald› ki,‹ngiliz subay Adolphus Slade’in de iflaret etti¤iüzere, zabitlerle neferlerin vas›flar› aras›nda pekde bir fark yoktu. Cehaletteki eflitliklerine uygunolarak, “bey” ile di¤er rütbeler aras›nda herhangibir derecelendirme yok gibiydi: “Miralay›ngözünde hepsi ayn› seviyedeydi. Miralay dakendi paflas›na (general) çubuk takdim etmektenfevkalâde memnundu. Hepsi bahflifle aç›k, hepsifalakaya maruzdu.” Slade’in ö¤rendi¤ine göre,1836 senesinde iki miralay falakaya yat›r›lm›fl veordudan azlolunmufllard›.

Osmanl› Ordusunun Avrupal› Talim Çavufllar›Talimci olarak Avrupal› subaylar›n istihdam›bafllang›çta “mahzurlu” bulunmufltu. Lâkin çokgeçmeden bu kararda esneklik gösterildi ve birH›ristiyan›n Müslüman neferlerin âmiriolmas›na kamuoyunun gösterece¤i tepki de gözeal›narak, Avrupal› subay ve talim çavufllar›n›nsözleflmeli istihdam›na baflland›. Asl›nda bu,Osmanl› Devleti’nde daha önceki devirlerde debaflvurulmufl bir yoldu. Ayr›ca, SultanMahmud’a Osmanl› siyasetinde rakip gözükenMehmed Ali Pafla, Yanya hakimi TepedelenliAli Pafla, Ba¤dad Valisi Süleyman Pafla ve yineBa¤dad’›n Memlûk valisi Davud Pafla da‹stanbul’un dolay›m› olmaks›z›n kendi birlikleriiçin sultandan önce Avrupa’dan hem silah hemde talimci subaylar getirtmifllerdi.

Yeni orduda istihdam edilen ilk Avrupal› subay,süvari birliklerine talimcilik yapan ‹talyan süvarisubay› Giovanni Timoteo Calosso idi. NapoleonBonaparte’›n Rusya seferine kat›lan Calosso,1821 Piemonte Devrimi’nin Avusturya güçleritaraf›ndan bast›r›lmas› sonras› yüzbafl›yken

number of groups that were completelyindependent from one another. While theEgyptian army that had been sent under thecommand of ‹brahim Pasha, the son of MehmedAli Pasha, was under the control of a singleperson at the headquarters in Syria, in Anatoliathere were many commanders who had manydifferent agendas and were jealous of one another.What remains, as indicated by Adolphus Slade,was that there was no difference between thequalities of the officers and soldiers. In keepingwith the equality in ignorance, there was nodegree of any kind between the “beys” or theother ranks. “In the eyes of the colonel all were ofthe same rank. And he was quite happy to presentthe pipe to his pasha. All of them were willing to begiven baksheesh while none of them were exemptedfrom bastinado.”

According to what Slade had learned, twocolonels were subjected to the bastinado andthen dismissed from the army in 1836.

The European Drill Sergeants in the OttomanArmyAt first, the employment of European officers asdrill sergeants was found to be objectionable.However, before long this decision was relaxed,and while taking into account the publicreaction of a Christian being in charge ofMuslims soldiers, the contracted employment ofEuropean officers and drill sergeants began.In fact, this was a method that had been appliedin earlier eras of the Ottoman State. Moreover,Mehmed Ali Pasha, who was seen to be therival to Sultan Mahmud in Ottoman politics,the sovereign of Ionnia, Tepedelenli Ali Pasha,the governor of Baghdad, Süleyman Pasha andthe Mamluk governor of Baghdad, Davud Pasha,had all brought both weapons and instructors

Hassa Topçusu

Imperial Cannoneer

(TSMK, Hazine, nr. 2367)

Ü N ‹ F O R M A L I P A D ‹ fi A H S U L T A N I I . M A H M U D

|117|

S

buradan ayr›lmak zorunda kalm›fl ve Fransa,‹sviçre, ‹spanya, Belçika ve ‹ngiltere’debulunduktan sonra Temmuz 1826’da en sonisyanc› Yunanl›lar aras›nda kendine ifl aram›flt›.Burada pek uzun süre kalmayarak Mora’dan‹zmir’e geçen Calosso, ‹stanbul’daki Frans›z elçisiGuilleminot’dan ald›¤› ça¤r› üzerine 1827 y›l›n›nhemen bafl›nda Osmanl› payitaht›na geldi. Elçitaraf›ndan Hüseyin A¤a’ya ve halefi HüsrevPafla’ya ›srarla tavsiye edildiyse de baflta ifleal›nmad›. Ancak sultan›n Vay Belim AhmedA¤a’n›n becerisinden umudu kesip baflka birsüvari talimcisi istemesi üzerine Hüsrev Paflahareket geçti ve Calosso’yu takdim etti. Onunlabizzat görüflen sultan memnun kald› ve bafllang›çolarak Enderunlu 280 iço¤lan›na binicilikdersleri vermesini istedi. Bu say› k›sa zamandatam 24 bölü¤e ulaflacakt›.

Talim yapt›raca¤› neferlerin kendisine itaatetmekte tereddüt göstermemesi için sultan›ntavsiyesiyle “Rüstem A¤a” ismini alm›fl olsa daCalosso’ya hiçbir zaman sevk ve idare göreviverilmedi. Calosso’dan sonra Osmanl› hizmetinegiren hemen her Avrupal› subay, t›pk› onun gibi,rütbe ve liyakatlerine uygun pozisyonlarda istihdamedilmemekten ve neferler ile halk›n kendilerinekarfl› düflmanca tav›rlar›ndan flikayet edeceklerdi.

Yeni orduda piyade s›n›f›n›n ilk yabanc›talimcisi ise, Napoleon’un ordusunda çavufllukyapm›fl M. Gaillard, nam-› di¤er “Hurflid A¤a”olmufltu. Mehmed Ali Pafla’n›n ordusundabafltalimci, bir Frans›z generali olan Boyer iken,Osmanl› hükümetinin ordusunu bir çavuflaemanet etmifl olmas› kayda de¤erdi.

‹lerleyen y›llarda ‹stanbul, siyasî sebeplerleülkelerini terk eden ‹talyan subaylar›n ak›n›nau¤rad›. M›s›r ile karfl›laflt›r›ld›¤›nda Osmanl›Devleti’nden daha düflük ücretler almalar›na vetalim çavufllu¤undan öteye geçememelerinera¤men Akdeniz’in en do¤usunda bulduklar› bus›¤›naktan memnundular. 1829 May›s›nda‹stanbul’a gelen Frans›z General Kont Hulôt ve‹ngiliz D›fliflleri Bakan› Palmerstone’un 1834y›l›nda gönderdi¤i General Chrzanowski gibibaz› yüksek rütbeli subaylar ise, teklif edilen“talimcilik”i yeterli bulmay›p bir süre sonraOsmanl› topraklar›n› terk etti.

‹lerleyen y›llarda bu macerapest subaylar›nyerini, Osmanl› ordusundaki yenidenyap›lanmay› yak›ndan takip etmek isteyenAvrupal› büyük devletlerce gönderilen resmî

from Europe for their troops without themediation of Istanbul.

The first European officer to be employed in thenew army was the Italian cavalry officerGiovanni Timoteo Calosso, who trained thecavalry troops. Calosso, who participated inNapoleon Bonaparte’s Russian Campaign, wasforced to leave his home country after thesuppression of the revolution in Piedmont of1821 by the Austrian forces; at this time he wasstill a captain. After going to France,Switzerland, Spain, Belgium and England, hefinally started to look for a job among the Greekrebels, in July 1826. Calosso, who did not stay inGreece for long, went from the Peloponnese to‹zmir, in response to the summons he hadreceived from the French ambassador inIstanbul, Guilleminot; at the beginning of 1827he arrived in the Ottoman capital. Even thoughhe had been highly recommended to HüseyinAgha and his successor, Hüsrev Pasha, by theambassador, Calosso was not immediatelyemployed. However, when the sultan lost hopein Vay Belim Ahmed Agha’s skills anddemanded another cavalry commander, HüsrevPasha went into action and presented Calosso.The sultan met with him personally and waspleased; as a start requested that he give the280 palace servants riding lessons. This numberquickly reached 24 divisions.

o that the soldiers who were to be trained wouldnot hesitate to obey him, on the sultan’s recom-mendation Calosso took the name “RüstemAgha”; however, Calosso was never given anydispatch or administration duties. After Calosso,almost every European officer that enteredOttoman services would also complain thatthey were not employed in suitable posi-tions to their rank and capability, and that thesoldiers and people displayed animositytowards them.

The first foreign drill sergeant for the infantryclass of the new army was M. Gaillard, who hadbeen a sergeant in Napoleon’s army; he becameHurflid Agha. While the head instructor inMehmed Ali Pasha’s army was the French general,Boyer, it is worth recording that the Ottomangovernment entrusted the army to a sergeant.

In future years there was an influx of Italianofficers, due to political reasons in their own

A S U L T A N I N U N I F O R M S U L T A N M A H M U D I I

|118|

Asâkir-i Mansûre-iMuhammediye’nin

talimi

Military drills forthe Asâkir-i

Mansûre-iMuhammediye

(Muhammed Necati,TSM, Hazine, 2045)

|119|

|120|

country. They were pleased by this further pointeast on the Mediterranean, even when theycould not rise beyond the rank of drill sergeantand received lower pay from the Ottoman Statein comparison to Egypt. However some highranking officers, like Count Hulot, who arrivedin Istanbul in May 1829, and GeneralChrzanowski, who was sent in 1834 by theBritish minister of foreign affairs, Palmerstone,were not satisfied with the rank of “drillsergeant” and soon left Ottoman soil.

In future years the place of these adventurousofficers was taken by official military missionarieswho were sent by the great European states in adesire to keep track of the restructuring that wastaking place in the Ottoman army. FromPrussia, Britain, France, and Austria infantry,cavalry, cannoneers, fortification officers andengineers (sometimes their salaries were paid bythese states) came into Ottoman service. Manyof these carried out drills; some gave technicaladvice on reforms to forts and fortifications,cannons or the production of weapons. Afterthe first Ottoman-Egyptian Battle and thedefeat there, the sultan approached Russia; theRussian cavalry and infantry, brought in 1834,joined the foreign drill sergeants. However,when the Ottoman soldiers reacted morenegatively to the Russian instructors than theother foreigners, this attempt turned out to benot very productive.

In the name of establishing diplomatic closenesswith the European states, the Ottomangovernment demanded military advisors, oneafter another; sometimes they were at a loss athow to employ the officers from differentcountries, who were sometimes sent at the sametime. Taking into account the reactions that theEuropean states might display to one another,military missions were sometimes held backfrom being sent, sometimes protests wereregistered about the sending of officers fromother states. At first, some leading statesmen,lead by Hüsrev Pasha, did not want to share thepower inside the new army, not even withforeign officers, making an excuse of theirChristianity and obstructing these Europeanofficers from taking greater duties.

Officers, Engineers, PhysiciansIn the beginning both the commander-in-chief,Hüsrev Pasha, who had placed slaves among the

Asâkir-i Mansûre-iMuhammediye binbafl›s›

A major of the Asâkir-iMansûre-i

Muhammediye

(Mahmud fievket Pafla)

Ü N ‹ F O R M A L I P A D ‹ fi A H S U L T A N I I . M A H M U D

|121|

Waskerî misyonlar ald›. Prusya’dan, ‹ngiltere’den,Fransa’dan, Avusturya’dan gelen ve bazenmaafllar› da bu devletlerce ödenen piyade,süvari, topçu, istihkâm subay ve mühendisleri,Osmanl› hizmetine al›nd›. Bunlar›n ço¤utalimcilikle u¤raflt›, az bir k›sm› ise kale veistihkâm, top ve silah imalât›n›n reformundateknik dan›flmanl›k yapt›. ‹lk Osmanl›-M›s›rSavafl› sonras›nda al›nan ma¤lubiyet üzerinesultan Rusya ile yak›nlaflma yoluna gidince,1834’te getirtilen Rus süvari ve piyadeleri deyabanc› talimciler aras›na kat›lacakt›. AncakOsmanl› neferleri Moskovlu bir muallime di¤erecnebilere gösterdi¤inden de fliddetli tepkigösterince bunlardan pek verim al›namad›. Diplomatik yak›nl›k kurmak ad›na Avrupadevletlerinden birbiri pefli s›ra askerîdan›flmanlar isteyen Osmanl› hükümeti, bazenayn› anda gönderilen farkl› ülke subaylar›n› nas›listihdam edece¤ini bilemedi. Avrupal› devletlerise birbirlerinin gösterece¤i tepkileri hesabakatarak bazen askerî misyon göndermekten geridurdu, bazen de kendi yerine baflka bir devletinsubaylar›n› göndermesini engellemek içinprotestolarda bulundu. Baflta Hüsrev Pafla olmaküzere yeni ordu içindeki iktidarlar›n› yabanc›subaylar da dâhil kimseyle paylaflmak istemeyenbaz› devlet ricali, H›ristiyanl›klar›n› bahaneederek bu Avrupal› subaylar›n daha üst görevleralmas›na mani olmufllard›.

Mektepli Zabit, Mühendis, HekimOrdu komuta kademelerine kölelerini yerlefltirenSerasker Hüsrev Pafla ve buna göz yumup kendiside saraydaki Enderun a¤alar›ndan zabit tayineden Sultan Mahmud’un, zabit yetifltirecek birharp mektebi kurma niyetleri bafllarda yokgibiydi. ‹lk M›s›r ma¤lubiyetinden sonradiplomatik ve askerî destek bulmak için Londrave Paris’e giden Nam›k Pafla’n›n tavsiyesiyle1834 yaz›nda ilk kez böyle bir teflebbüstebulunuldu. Serasker’in aleyhte müdahelesindençekinildi¤i için, ilk harp mektebi s›n›f›na, HassaOrdusu teflkilat›nda ancak sanki Nam›k Pafla’n›nhassa f›rkas›na ba¤l› bir taburmufl gibigösterilmek suretiyle yer verilebilmiflti.

Osmanl›-Rusya Harbi’nin patlak verdi¤i 1828y›l›nda ‹stanbul’da bulunmufl ‹ngiliz subayCharles MacFarlane’e göre, Osmanl› komutakademesinde yeterince tahsilli ikinci mülaz›m veüstü subay bulunmad›¤› için, bütün ifl az say›dakiüst subaya kalmaktayd›. Neferlerin binbafl› ya damiralaylara gösterdi¤i sayg›, bilgi ya da

ranks of middle commanders, and SultanMahmud, who, ignoring this, had appointedofficers from the Enderun aghas at the palace,had no intention to establish a military schoolto train officers. After the first Egyptian defeat,on the recommendation of Nam›k Pasha, whohad gone to London and Paris to find diplomaticand military support, such an undertaking wasattempted. The first military school class wasgiven a place in the organization of the ImperialGuards (Hassa), making it appear to be abattalion connected to Nam›k Pasha’s ImperialGuards division, due to fear of thecommander-in-chief’s intervention.

ith the outbreak of the Ottoman-Russian War,according to the British officer CharlesMacFarlane, who was in Istanbul in 1828, asthere was no lieutenant or superior officers inthe Ottoman commanding ranks with enougheducation, all of these tasks were given to thesmall number of superior officers. The respectshown by the soldiers to the majors and colonelswas more for their clothing and medals thantheir knowledge or skills. Most of the officersdid not know how to read and write; they didnot have much knowledge about militaryscience other than routine matters.

The Mekteb-i Harbiyye, the Ottoman MilitarySchool, which was established to trainbureaucrat-officers for the army, of course did notchange this situation at once. Officer cadets fromIstanbul, made up from the Anatolian andRumelian Muslim population, at first did notreceive very technical education in the schoolthat had been established, which was referred toas the Ottoman Ecole Militaire on paper. TheMaçka Barracks were allocated to the school,which in the first years had a teaching staff madeup from the ulama for the most part; here therepairs to the main buildings and the con-struction of the auxiliary buildings were finishedin the autumn of 1835. In the copy of theTakvim-i Vekayi dated 12 June, 1835, it is men-tioned that some rooms within the RamiBarracks were transformed for the lessons of theMekteb-i Harbiyye. In addition to the four towersat the corners of the barracks, the sultan’spersonal summer house and apartments and thetwo-floored rooms on both sides of the mosquewere allocated to the officers. The sultan gave theinstructions that the rooms on both sides of thematbah (kitchen) also be allocated to the Mekteb-i

A S U L T A N I N U N I F O R M S U L T A N M A H M U D I I

|122|

becerilerinden çok, üzerlerindeki mintana veniflanlar›nayd›. Zabitlerin ço¤u okuma yazmabilmiyor, askerî nazariyelere dair rutin ifllerdenfazlas›n› ö¤renmiyorlard›.

Orduya bürokrat-zabit yetifltirmek üzerekurulmufl Mekteb-i Harbiyye elbette bu tabloyubir anda de¤ifltirmedi. ‹stanbul, Anadolu veRumeli’nin Müslüman ahalisinden zabitadaylar›, k⤛t üstünde Osmanl› École Militaire’iolmak iddias›yla kurulan mektepte bafllang›çtapek de teknik bir e¤itim görmemekteydi. ‹lky›llar›nda ulema a¤›rl›kl› bir hoca kadrosu olanmektep için Maçka K›fllas› tahsis edilmifl, buradagiriflilen tamirat ve ilâve inflaatlar›n bitifli 1835güzünü bulmufltu. Takvîm-i Vekâyi’in 12 Haziran1835 tarihli nüshas›nda ise Rami K›fllas› içindebaz› odalar›n Mekteb-i Harbiye dersleri içinuygun hale getirildi¤inden bahsolunmufltur.Buna göre, k›fllan›n dört köflesindeki kulelerininyan›s›ra, padiflaha mahsus kas›r ile hususî daireve nihayet caminin her iki taraf›ndaki ikiflerkatl› odalar da zabitlere tahsis edilmiflti.Mutfa¤›n (matbah) iki taraf›nda da Mekteb-iHarbiye odalar› tesis edilmesi yönünde bizzattalimat veren, s›n›f›n döfleme tahtalar›na meyilverilerek hocalar›n oturduklar› yerden bütün

Harbiyye; he requested that when decorating theclasses, the floors be angled so that the teacherscould see all the students from where they sat andeveryone could hear their voices. When thesultan saw that only two rooms had beendesigned in this way, he did not hesitate toexpress his anger. Teaching in the Mekteb-iHarbiyye began at the end of 1836; however, asan institution it can be said that it took on aserious identity only at the end of 1837.

Richard Burgess, who was in the Ottomanterritory in 1834, mentions that schools hadbeen opened in the barracks of Istanbul and thathere approximately 1,500 young officers, underthe age of 20, were receiving lessons every day.Three months after opening, David Porter, whotoured both schools, stated that after carryingout weapon drills the young soldiers were givenlessons in these classrooms and many wereliterate and numerate. In fact, preparations for atopography class had begun, and the studentshad drawn up plans for a road under theguidance of German instructors.

From 1826 on, the education of the engineerswhich the army was in need of was carried out

Ü N ‹ F O R M A L I P A D ‹ fi A H S U L T A N I I . M A H M U D

|123|

talebeleri görebilmesinin ve seslerini herkeseduyurabilmesinin sa¤lanmas›n› isteyen sultansadece iki odan›n buna uygun yap›ld›¤›n›görünce tepki vermekten geri durmam›flt›.Mekteb-i Harbiye’de ö¤retime 1836 y›l›sonlar›nda baflland›¤›, ama kurumun ancak1837 sonlar›nda ciddi bir hüviyet kazand›¤›söylenebilir.

1834 y›l›nda Osmanl› topraklar›nda bulunmuflolan Richard Burgess, sultan›n ‹stanbul’dakik›fllalar›n tamam›nda mektepler açt›rd›¤›ndan veyafllar› yirminin alt›nda yaklafl›k 1500 gençzabitin buralarda her gün ders gördü¤ündenbahsetmifltir. Aç›ld›ktan üç ay sonra her ikimektebi de gezdi¤ini belirten David Porter, gençaskerlerin k›fllalardaki silahl› talimlerinden sonrabu s›n›flarda ders ald›klar›na ve ço¤unun okur-yazar ve say› sayar hale geldiklerine flahitolmufltu. Hatta bir topografya s›n›f›n›n dahaz›rl›klar›na bafllanm›fl, talebeler Almanhocalar›n nezaretinde bir yolun planlar›n›ç›karm›fllard›.

Ordunun ihtiyac› olan mühendis kadrosunune¤itimi için, 1826 tarihi itibariyle yaklafl›k yar›mas›rl›k bir gelene¤e sahip iki kurum mevcuttu:

in two institutions with nearly half a century oftradition: the Mühendishane-i Berrî and theMühendishane-i Bahrî…As the number of studentsfor the Mühendishane, located in Hasköy, waslow, it was not possible that two engineers beallocated to every brigade, despite this beingrequired in the Regulation of the Asâkir-iMansûre.

The duties of the engineers in the new army intimes of peace was to first measure the drill fieldand calculate how many soldiers could be placedthere; from here they were to establish whatform the battalions would take in drill, and howmany different types of tasks they could carryout. They had more duties during times of war.After the tents had been established ‘based onthe principles of the science of engineering’, theybuilt the earthworks and trenches, making thenecessary fortifications around the troops andsurrounding them with trenches, determiningthe location of the night watch-houses andsetting out the boundaries, establishing bridgesover the rivers that the army would have tocross on its way, determining the region wherethe battle was to take place with the help ofhendese (geometry), making maps, and many

Asâkir-i Mansûre-iMuhammediye piyade vezabitleri (sa¤dan sola)1- Topçu neferi2- Humbarac› neferi3- Yüzbafl›4- Kola¤as›5- Piyade neferi6- Bahriye neferi7- Piyade neferi8- Piyade zabiti9- Harbiye Mektebiö¤rencisi10- Bahriye zabiti

The infantry and officers(from right to left) of theAsâkir-i Mansûre-iMuhammediye1- Cannoneer private2- a Bombardier private 3- a captain4- a lieutenant captain5- an infantry private6- a naval private7- an infantry private8- an infantry officer9- a student of theMilitary School10- a naval officer

(Mahmut fievket Pafla)

A S U L T A N I N U N I F O R M S U L T A N M A H M U D I I

|124|

Yeni Ordunun Alâmet-i Farikalar›: Fes, Üniforma, Bando

Yrd. Doç. Dr. Gültekin Y›ld›z

III. Selim’in Nizâm-› Cedîd’i gibi, II. Mahmud’un Asâkir-i Mansûre’sinde de neferlere mavi bere,k›rm›z› pantolon ve k›rm›z› ceketten oluflan Frans›z tarz› bir üniforma giydirilmesi kararlaflt›r›lm›flt›.Ancak bu kez, sadece askerler de¤il bizzat padiflah›n kendisi de kamunun önüne benzeri birk›yafetle ç›kacakt›.

Oysa en büyük iç siyasî rakibi olan Mehmed Ali Pafla, kurdu¤u orduda nefer ve subaylara Avrupatarz› üniforma giydirmiflse de kendisi geleneksel k›yafetini terk etmemiflti. Sultan Mahmud iseüzerindeki kaftan› ve bafl›ndaki sar›¤› atarak kadîm Osmanl› padiflah› suretini geriye dönüflsüzolarak ortadan kald›rmakta tereddüt etmedi. Askerî talim ve manevralara da k›rm›z› fleritli süvariüniformas›, lacivert paltosu ve siyah çizmeleriyle ç›kt›. Böylece belki de, rakibi ile girdi¤i “imajsavafl›”nda Avrupa kamuoyu nezdinde öne geçmek istiyordu.

O tarihlerde ‹stanbul’a gelen ve sultan› görme imkân› yakalayan yabanc›lardan bir k›sm› bu yenik›yafeti fazla basit bulurken önceki Osmanl› padiflah k›yafetine göre daha erkeksi bulanlar da vard›.M›s›r yoluyla Tunus’tan ithal edilen fes ise Osmanl›lar kadar yabanc›lar›n da pek hoflunagitmemiflti. Çünkü fes ne kavuk ve sar›k ne de flapka idi.

Yeni ordu nefer ve zabitlerinin, Asâkir-i Mansûre Kanunnâmesi’nde bafll›k olarak yer alan“flubara” yerine fes giymeleri yönündeki de¤ifliklik, girdikleri ilk devletleraras› savafl olan 1828-29Osmanl›-Rusya Harbi arefesinde gerçekleflmiflti. fiubaralar günefle ve ya¤mura dayanamay›p k›sasürede y›prand›¤›ndan bunun yerine yeni bir bafll›k bulunmas› gündeme gelince, Seraskerlik birkaçnumune fes yapt›rarak askerlere giydirtmiflti.

Ordu idarecilerine en münasip gözükeni sâde fes/dal fes olmufl, sultan da bu tercihi memnuniyetlekarfl›lam›flt›. Bir “din ve devlet meselesi” haline getirilen yeni askerî bafll›k, fleyhülislâm kona¤›ndaeski fleyhülislâm, serasker, Asâkir-i Mansûre’nin ilk seraskeri A¤a Hüseyin Pafla ve kapudan paflaile oca¤›n kald›r›l›fl› s›ras›nda öne ç›km›fl dersiam Ah›shal› Ahmed Efendi ve Akflehirli Hac› ÖmerEfendi’nin de aralar›nda bulundu¤u hocalar›n huzurunda resmen görücüye ç›km›flt›.

Müzakere sonucunda halk aras›nda dedikodulara sebep olmamas› için fes püsküllerinin birazk›salt›lmas› yönündeki teklif genel kabul gördü. Hemen orac›kta fleyhülislam taraf›ndan püskülü“yar›m parmak” kesilen fes Osmanl› askerinin yeni bafll›¤› olmufltu.

Askerlerin bu yeni bafll›¤a al›flmas› baya¤› zor oldu. Günefl ve ya¤murdan koruyamamas› ve süvarik›l›c›na karfl› siper olmamas› festen flikâyet nedenleriydi. Sultan feste diretmifl ve neferlere güneflekarfl› bafll›klar›n› kenarl›kla takmalar›n› önermiflse de neferler uleman›n da deste¤iyle bu teklifireddettiler; böylesi bir ç›k›nt›yla namazda al›nlar› secdeye varam›yordu.

II. Mahmud da bu defa namaz k›larken bafll›klar›n›n önünü arkaya çevirmelerini teklif etti.

Yeni üniformalar›yla Avrupa savafl sahnesine ilk kez Osmanl›-Rusya Savafl›’nda ç›kan düzenliOsmanl› ordusunun fesi kadar, pantolon ve ceketi de Bat›l› gözlemcilerin dikkatini çekmiflti:süvarilerin dar turuncu fleritli Rus tipi darca mavi ceketleri ve bald›rlar›nda darlaflan mavi

Asâkir-i Mansûre-iMuhammediye’nin

musiki neferi

A member of theAsâkir-i Mansûre-i

Muhammadiye band

(Mahmut fievket Pafla)

Ü N ‹ F O R M A L I P A D ‹ fi A H S U L T A N I I . M A H M U D

|125|

pantolonlar›, piyadelerin savaflta kaçmalar›n› zorlaflt›racak kadar bol ve büyük flalvar›ms›pantolonlar›; hassa askerlerinin k›fl›n mavi yaz›n beyaz renkte ve dizden sonra daralan pantolonlar›,yine hassa süvarilerinin yazl›k olarak verilmesine ra¤men kal›n ve kaba beyaz pamukludan mamulüniformalar›.

Bafll›k ve üniforma gibi, piyadelerin ayaklar›na ne giyece¤i de yeni ordunun ilk y›l›nda problemolmufltu. Ayaklar›na süvariler gibi çizme geçirtilen piyadeler ‹stanbul’dan E¤riboz’a giderkenTekirda¤’da çamur deryas›na tak›lm›fllar ve yürüyemez hale gelince onu ç›kar›p ayaklar›na eskisi gibiçar›k giymifllerdi. Daha önce Rumeli Ordusu’na gönderilmifl neferler de benzeri s›k›nt›lar›yaflam›fllard›. Bunun üzerine 1827 A¤ustosunda Seraskerlik’te yap›lan toplant›da piyadeleresüvariler gibi çizme de¤il, üç ayda bir “galavra ta‘bîr olunur ayak yemenisi” verilmesi kararlaflt›r›ld›.Bunlar›n imali için bir devlet tabakhhanesi kurulacakt›.

Ancak yeni deri ayakkab›lar›na al›flmakta zorlanan pek çok zabit ve nefer, bunlar›çar›klaflt›rmay›/terliklefltirmeyi, yani arkas›n› topuklar›n›n alt›na al›p giymeyi tercih etti.

Üstelik ço¤unun ayakkab›s›, öyle idarenin istedi¤i gibi siyah boyal› ve cilal› da de¤il, aksine çamurluve sanki hiç f›rça yüzü görmemifl gibiydi. ‹stanbul’daki Amerikal› misyoner Walsh’un aktard›¤›nagöre, neferler di¤er Avrupa teçhizat› gibi f›rçalar› da alm›fllar, ancak bunun domuz k›l›ndanyap›ld›¤›n› ö¤renince ona dokunmamay› tercih etmifllerdi. T›pk› 1829 y›l›nda, al›fl›ld›k üstü genifl,bald›rlar› dar, flalvar›ms› potur yerine neferlere giydirilmek istenen dar kesimli pantolonlar gibi.

Asâkir-i Mansûre ile birlikte Osmanl› zabitleri, üniformalar›n sol gö¤sü üstüne rütbelerininanlafl›lmas› için verilen niflanlar› takmaya bafllad›. Seraskerlik’ten üst rütbelilere elmastan, altrütbelilere ise alt›n ve gümüflten ‘ay y›ld›zl› niflanlar’ verilmekteydi.

Ayr›ca süvari zabit ve neferlerine verilecek üst bafl aras›nda ‘ay ve y›ld›z flemse’ de bulunmaktayd›.Taburlardaki askerlere verilen eflya aras›nda ise ay y›ld›zl› boyun kay›fl› vard›. Ayr›ca her alay›nyeflil sanca¤›nda da s›rma ifllemeli ay-y›ld›z bulunuyordu.

T›pk› asker k›yafeti gibi orduda ve devlet merasimlerinde çal›nan müzik de bu süreçtealafrangalaflt›r›lanlardand›. Asâkir-i Mansûre’nin tabur ve alaylar›nda muz›ka tak›mlar› kurularak,bunlar›n çalaca¤› marfllarla talimlerde ve ordu karargâhlar›nda askerlerin teflvik edilmesiöngörülmüfltü. Bu maksatla Avrupa’dan müzik aletleri sat›n al›nd›.

‹stanbul’daki Sardunya temsilcisi Marki Groppalo arac›l›¤›yla getirtilen Piemonteli ProfesörDonizetti’nin pek çok enstrümanla 17 Eylül 1828’de ‹stanbul’a gelifli bu sahada bir dönüm noktas›oldu. Enderun ve Darüssaade a¤alar›ndan kurulmufl saray bandosunun, yani Muz›ka-y›Hümâyun’un yabanc› subay Manguel’den sonraki flefi olan Donizetti, 1831’de Üsküdar’da aç›lanMuz›ka Mektebi’nin idaresini üstlendi.

II. Mahmud ad›na Mahmudiye marfl›n› besteledi. Böylece art›k kamuya aç›k Osmanl›merasimlerinde “Tanr› Kral› Korusun” (God Save the King) ya da “Yafla IV. Henri”

(Vive Henri IV) gibi marfllar›n çal›nmas›na son verilebilecekti.

A S U L T A N I N U N I F O R M S U L T A N M A H M U D I I

|126|

O

Mühendishâne-i Berrî ve Mühendishâne-i Bahrî...Hasköy’de yer alan Mühendishane’nin talebesiaz oldu¤undan, Asâkir-i MansûreKanunnâmesi’nde yaz›ld›¤› üzere, aç›lan hertertibe iki mühendis verilmesi ilk baflta mümkünolmam›flt›.

Yeni orduda mühendislerin bar›fl zaman›ndakigörevleri, talim yap›lacak alanlara önceden gidipgeniflli¤ini ve ne kadar asker alaca¤›n›hesaplamak ve burada talimde ne flekilde taburkurulaca¤›n›, kaç türlü “sanâyi‘ icrâs› kâbilolaca¤›n›” belirlemekti. Sefer zaman› isevazifeleri daha çoktu: Çad›rlar› “hutût-›hendesiye üzere” kurdurmaktan metris vepalanka infla etmeye, taburun etraf›n› gereklitabya ve hendeklerle çevirmekten gecelerikarakol yerlerini belirleyip s›n›rlamaya, yoldaordunun karfl›s›na ç›kan nehirler üzerine köprükurmaktan muharebe olunacak mahalli hendeseyard›m›yla belirleyip haritas›n› ç›karmaya kadarpek çok hususta mühendisler devreye girecekti.Düflman›n yerini dikkate alarak savafltaaskerlerin flekil de¤ifltirifllerini hesaplamak, kalekuflatmalar› öncesi görüfl bildirmek ve öncüolarak gidip ordu nüzûlgâh›n› incelemek demühendislerin uhdesindeydi.

rdu için teknik adam yetifltirmesi ümidiyleaç›lan bir di¤er kurum da T›bhâne-i Âmireolmufltu. Rakip Rusya ordusunda s›hhiyecileringenellikle Alman ve Frans›zlardan oluflmas› gibi,Osmanl› ordusunda da k›talarda görev yapantabip, cerrah ve eczac›lar›n tamam›na yak›n›Avrupa’da tahsil görmüfl gayrimüslim Osmanl›tebaas› ve Avrupa’dan gelme yabanc›hekimlerdi. Ancak neferleri ve zabitleriMüslümanlardan oluflmas› planlanan yeniorduda, tabip ve cerrahlar›n da Müslümanolmas› isteniyordu. Bunlar›n, kadîm Osmanl›t›bb› ile “yeni t›bb”› ve ona uygun yabanc›dilleri de bilecek flekilde yetifltirilmesihedeflenmekteydi. Bu maksatla kurulanT›bhane, önce içinden Cerrahhâne-i Askerî’yiç›kararak ikiye bölündü, sonra Avusturyal› KarlAmbroso Bernard’›n müdürlü¤ünde Mekteb-iT›bbiye-i fiâhâne ad›n› ald›.

Mekteb-i Harbiye, mühendishaneler veT›bhane’nin kütüphanelerinden araç gereçlerinekadar pek çok husustaki eksiklikleri, kaynakbulundukça Avrupa’dan ithal edilerekgiderilmeye çal›fl›ld›. Ayr›ca, Mehmed AliPafla’n›n 1809 y›l›ndan itibaren yapt›¤› gibi,

other matters. Taking into account the locationof the enemy, they would calculate thereformation of the soldiers in battle, stating thesituation before the siege of forts and they wouldact as advance scouts to investigate the bivouacroute that the army would cross.

Another institution that was opened in thehope of training technical men for the army wasthe T›bhâne-i Âmire, the Medical School. Aswith the Russian Army, the medical men weremostly German or French; almost all of thephysicians, surgeons and pharmacists who servedin the battalions of the Ottoman army werenon-Muslim Ottoman citizens who had beentrained in Europe or foreign physicians who hadcome from Europe. However, the new army,which was to be formed of Muslim soldiers andofficers, wanted physicians and surgeons whowere Muslim. It was intended that these officerswould be trained in such a way that they wouldknow both the old medicine and the “newmedicine”, as well as the appropriate foreignlanguages. The T›bhane, established for thispurpose, first gave birth to the Cerrahhâne-iAskerî, the Surgery School, and was thendivided into two; later it was renamed theMekteb-i T›bb›yye-i fiâhâne under the directorshipof the Austrian Karl Ambroso Bernard.

Many of the necessities, down to the requirementsof the Mekteb-i Harbiye, Mühendishane andT›bhane libraries, were imported from Europe,at least to the extent that was possible due tothe financial situation of state. Moreover, from1835 on, the Ottoman government, much likeMehmed Ali Pasha had done after 1809, sentmilitary students to Paris, London, Vienna andBerlin for education in “military sciences” andforeign languages. At first, some civilianpersonnel, like Ohannes Efendi, from thefamous Dadian family, and his son, were giventhe duty to go to Britain and France and studyinstitutions that were similar to the gunpowderfactories and industrial production in Tophaneso that they could adapt them as appropriate.

Importation of Weapons and theEstablishment of Local Military IndustriesTo fulfill its needs for weapons for the newly-established army, the Ottoman governmentturned mostly to Belgium and Austria, ratherthan Britain, with whom they had fallen outduring the Greek Rebellion. Great Britain,

Ü N ‹ F O R M A L I P A D ‹ fi A H S U L T A N I I . M A H M U D

|127|

Osmanl› hükümeti de 1835 y›l›ndan itibarenMekteb-i Harbiye’den ve Mühendishâne-iBerrî’den fünûn-› harbiye ve lisân-› ecnebiye tahsiliiçin Paris, Londra, Viyana ve Berlin’e askerîtalebeler gönderdi. Baflta meflhur Dadianailesinden Ohannes Efendi ve o¤lu olmak üzerebaz› sivil personel de, ‹stanbul’daki baruthanelerive Tophane’yi endüstriyel üretime adapteedebilmeleri için ‹ngiltere ve Fransa’daki muadiltesisleri incelemekle görevlendirildiler.

Silah ‹thalat› ve Yerli Askerî SanayininKurulmas›Osmanl› hükümeti yeni kurulan ordu için silahihtiyac›n›, Rum ‹syan› s›ras›nda ters düfltü¤ü‹ngiltere yerine, a¤›rl›kl› olarak Belçika veAvusturya’dan gidermek yoluna gitmiflti.Osmanl› Devleti’ne silah ambargosu uygulayan

imposing a weapons embargo on the OttomanState, changed this attitude by the end of thesame year. The importation of weapons, mostlyto Istanbul and ‹zmir, was carried out byEuropean merchants. The sultan was the finalfocal point of weapons procurement; in a notethat he made on a memorandum concernedwith weapons to be bought from Trieste, hestated that some weapons had earlier beenpurchased from the same area, but the barrelsand iron parts of these had been faulty.The sultan went on to warn that if the new oneswere not in good condition then this moneywould have been wasted.

After the first years, the establishment of a riflefactory to increase the volume of local rifles,which were largely hand-crafted by masters in

1827’de ilk defa Avrupa’yagönderilen ve sonrakidönemlerde önemligörevlere getirilen Türktalebeleri. Sa¤dan sola:Topçu generallerindenHüseyin R›fk› Pafla, DenizSubay› Ahmed Bey,Kurmay Albay AbdüllatifBey, Maden MühendisiSadrazam Edhem Pafla

Turkish students who werebrought from Europe forimportant duties for thefirst time in 1827 and inlater eras. From right toleft: Hüseyin R›fk› Pasha,Naval Lieutenant AhmedBey, Staff ColonelAbdüllatif Bey, MiningEngineer Grand VizierEdhem Pasha of theCannoneer Generals

(Paris 1830, Tanzimat)

A S U L T A N I N U N I F O R M S U L T A N M A H M U D I I

|129|

T‹ngiltere, ayn› y›l›n sonunda bu tavr›n›de¤ifltirdi. Silah ithalat› a¤›rl›kl› olarak ‹stanbulve ‹zmir’deki “Frenk tüccarlar›” arac›l›¤›ylayürütülüyordu. Silah al›mlar›nda son tasdikmerci olan sultan, Trieste’den al›nacak tüfeklerhakk›nda sunulan bir takririn üstüne düfltü¤ünotta, oradan daha önce de bir parti tüfekgeldi¤ini ve bunlar›n kundak ve demirlerininsakat ç›kt›¤›n› hat›rlatm›fl ve e¤er yeni gelenlerde sa¤lam ç›kmazsa bunun “nâfile masraftanibâret olaca¤›” ikaz›nda bulunmufltu.

‹lk y›llar›n ard›ndan, ‹stanbul ve Rumeli’nin baz›flehirlerindeki ustalar›n el eme¤ine dayal› yerlitüfek imalat›n›n hacminde art›fl sa¤lanmas› içinbir Tüfenkhâne-i Âmire kurulmas› gündeme geldi.Bunun için ‹ngiltere’den buharl› makineler ithaledildi ve uzman personel getirtildi. Bu tüfekfabrikas› için seçilen yer, mevcut tüfenkhaneninde bulundu¤u Dolmabahçe civar›ndaki bofl arsaolmufl ve fabrika bir süre sonra üretimebafllam›flt›.

‹ngiltere’den getirtilen buharl› makinalarlaTüfenkhane’nin yan›s›ra bir de top fabrikas›(Tophane Vapurhanesi) hizmete sokuldu. Ayr›caTüfenkhane için demir üreten SamakoDökümhanesi de ‹ngiliz mühendislerdan›flmanl›¤›nda yeniden yap›land›r›ld›.‹stanbul’daki tüfek fabrikas›na yeterince demirgelmemesine k›zan sultan, “Memâlik-ifiâhâne’nin bâz› mahallerinde demir mâdenlerivar ise de lây›k›yla bak›lmayarak flunun bununyed-i zabt ü taht›nda kald›¤›” ikaz›yla ‹vraniyekazas› mirmirân› Hüseyin Pafla’y› suçlam›fl vemadenin esasen devletine ait oldu¤unu ifadeederek Baruthâne-i Âmire Hazinesi taraf›ndanzabtolunup iflletilmesi emrini vermiflti.

Tüfenkhane’nin belirli bir üretime varmas›n›nard›ndan, sultan›n tüfek al›mlar›na karfl› tavr› dade¤iflmiflti. Onay için önüne gelen bir tüfek sat›nalma projesi karfl›s›nda fevkalâde hiddetlendi¤ive her ay Darbhane’den ç›kart›lan 500 kese akçeödenekle Tüfenkhâne-i Âmire’de silah imaledilirken niye ithalat yoluna gidildi¤inisorgulad›¤› biliniyor. Sultan›n elefltiri getirdi¤ibir di¤er husus da, yeni aç›lan birliklere silahverilmesinde yaflanan düzensizlikler olmufltu.

Istanbul and some cities in Rumelia, came ontothe agenda. To aid this, steam machinery wasimported from Great Britain and experts werealso brought in. The place chosen for this riflefactory was the empty land around Dolmabahçe,were the existing Tüfenkhane was; the factorysoon began production.

he steam machinery that was brought fromGreat Britain was put into service not only inthe Tüfenkhane (Imperial Rifle Factory), but alsothe Tophâne vapurhânesi (cannon foundry).Moreover, the Samako foundry, which producediron for the Tüfenkhane was reorganized on theadvice of British engineers. The sultan, enragedthat not enough iron had come to the riflefactory in Istanbul, was known to have blamedthe governor of the ‹vraniye province, HüseyinPasha saying ‘There are some iron mines in theGlorious State, belonging to certain individualswhich are not being properly operated,” and statedthat the mine essentially belonged to the state;he ordered that the mines be confiscated andoperated by the Baruthâne-i Âmire Hazinesi(Imperial Gunpowder Factory Treasury)After the production at the Tüfenkhane reacheda certain level, the sultan’s attitude topurchasing rifles changed. He became enragedwhen a project for purchasing rifles came infront of him for approval and asked if 500 pursesof akçe were being taken from the mint everymonth to pay for the production of weapons inthe Tüfenkhane-i Âmire, why then were weaponsbeing imported? Another matter which thesultan criticized was the disorder that wasexperienced in distributing the weapons to thenewly-established troops.

II. Mahmud

(TSM, nr., 17-51)

(Sol sayfa / Facing page)

A S U L T A N I N U N I F O R M S U L T A N M A H M U D I I