Transcript of Vowel Length in Middle Chinese Based on Buddhist Sanskrit Transliterations
Microsoft Word - LL4.1-02-Chen-paper.docVowel Length in Middle
Chinese Based on Buddhist Sanskrit Transliterations
Shu-Fen Chen Yuan-Ze University
The goal of this paper is to disprove Pulleyblank (1984), Kalgren
(1922) and Chao (1940)’s assumption that there were long vowels in
Middle Chinese. The main arguments are: first, in Chen’s (2000)
study of Chinese loanwords from Sanskrit, and in Lo’s (1963) list
of the forty-nine Sanskrit sounds transliterated from sixteen
Buddhist works, it was found that there was no distinction between
short vs. long vowels. Moreover, in data collected from Soothill
and Hodous’ A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms (1968), it was
found that all the characters frequently used to transcribe long
vowels were also used to transcribe short vowels. Had there been a
short-vs.-long-vowel distinction in Middle Chinese, different
characters should have been used. Finally, I have found that even
within the same words there were short and long vowels which were
transliterated with the same Chinese characters. Key words:
Buddhist terms, Middle Chinese, Sanskrit, vowel length
1. Introduction
Pulleyblank (1984, 1991) claims that vowel length was a main
feature of Middle Chinese. However, in my study of Chinese
loanwords from Sanskrit (Chen 2000) I have not found any
short-vs.-long-vowel distinctions in transliterated Buddhist
Sanskrit terms. If Pulleyblank’s reconstruction was correct, then
those who translated and transliterated Buddhist scriptures should
have made a distinction between short and long vowels when
transliterating Sanskrit terms.
Pulleyblank used vowel length to distinguish Grade I rhymes () from
Grade II rhymes (), and some other scholars believed the rhymes to
be grouped in different divisions according to their vowel quality.
Kalgren (1922) and Chao (1940) used vowel length to divide the
so-called Qieyun doublets () within the same rhyme group. On the
other hand, according to Martin (1953), Li (1956), Lu (1971), Tung
(1978), Wang (1980) and Chou (1962, 1984), there was no
short-vs.-long-vowel distinction in Middle Chinese, and the
difference between Grade I rhymes and Grade II rhymes, and that
between Qieyun doublets, lay in their vowel quality, instead of the
vowel length.
Shu-Fen Chen
30
Various counter-arguments concerning Middle Chinese vowel length
have appeared in the literature. Lo (1963) listed forty-nine
Sanskrit sounds that were transliterated in sixteen different
Buddhist works. Nine out of these sixteen works used the same
Chinese characters to transcribe short and long vowels, with some
annotations. Had there been long vowels in Middle Chinese, the
translators would certainly have used characters containing such to
transcribe Sanskrit long vowels. Secondly, in data collected from
Soothill and Hodous’ (1968) A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms,
it was found that all the characters frequently used to transcribe
long vowels were also used to transcribe short vowels. Had there
been a short-vs.-long-vowel distinction in Middle Chinese,
different characters should have been used to reflect it. As a
result, I conclude that it is not convincing to postulate that
vowel length was used to distinguish Grade I rhymes from Grade II
rhymes. In addition, the use of vowel length to indicate Qieyun
doublets by Kalgren and Chao is questionable. Thus, the
reconstructions by Martin and others of different rhyme groups and
doublets within the same rhyme groups based on vowel quality, and
not vowel length, is obviously more tenable.
2. Literature review on vowel length
In his Middle Chinese, Pulleyblank (1984:80) states that “Further
study has led me to the conclusion that in all the outer rhyme
groups Grade II had long aa in contrast to short a in Grade I.”
There were three main sources that led to this conclusion: First,
the long /a:/ in Late Middle Chinese (LMC) had its reflex in
Cantonese, and the pattern of correspondence between Cantonese and
LMC, as interpreted from the rhyme tables, is very convincing.
Second, the reconstruction of the long /a:/ provides persuasive
evidence for his reconstruction of the vocalic /u/ in Grade I hekou
, in contrast to the glide /w/ in Grade II, since the former arose
via a Glide Strengthening rule which changed /w/ into /u/ before
the short non-high vowels /a/ and /K/. In addition, according to
Pulleyblank (1984), in Shao Yong’s (, 1011-1107) tables in Huangji
Jingshi
, although the same four grades were used, as the standard rhyme
tables, some rhymes were put into different grades, and thus, in a
way, his arrangement of grades reflected “more directly the current
pronunciation of the eleventh century.” For example, in traditional
rhyme tables, LMC /tan/ and LMC /tHaj/ belong to Grade I, but in
Huangji Jingshi they are placed in Grade II. The two words in
question have the long /a:/ reflex found in Cantonese. This leads
Pulleyblank to conclude that “Shao Yong’s tables thus show that the
lengthening of a to aa after alveolar initials was not confined to
the Cantonese and southern dialect but occurred in the north also.”
(Pulleyblank 1984: 84).
Other scholars, however, regard the difference among the four rhyme
divisions as
Vowel Length in Middle Chinese Based on Buddhist Sanskrit
Transliterations
31
lying in the vowel quality instead of the vowel length. Wang
(1980:57) claims that the rhyme tables have divided the finals into
four divisions according to the place of articulation of the
vowels. In certain kaikou rhyme groups, which have all the four
divisions, as in Xie she, Shan she, Xiao she and Xian she, the
vowels move farther to the front of the mouth, from Grade I to
Grade IV, as shown in (1). Tung (1978:99) also believes that the
distinction between the four divisions of rhymes lies in their
vowel quality if the rhyme groups have all the four rhyme
divisions. If certain rhyme groups only have Grade I and Grade III
rhymes, then the difference between them lies in the fact that
Grade III has the glide /j/ while Grade I does not.
(1) Grade I Grade II Grade III Grade IV Wang (1980) A a E e Tung
(1978) A a j< iE
Though no scholars except Pulleyblank have distinguished Grade I
rhymes from
Grade II rhymes by their vowel length, however, Kalgren (1922,
1954) and Chao (1940) agree that there was a short-vs.-long-vowel
distinction in Middle Chinese which separated the so-called Qieyun
doublets. For example, in Shan she, within the Grade II rhymes,
there was the rhyme Shan with a long /a:n/, and the rhyme Shan with
a short /an/. There are other scholars in whose reconstructions of
Middle Chinese no long vowels exist at all. For example, Martin
(1953), Li (1956), Lu (1971), Tung (1978), Wang (1980) and Chou
(1962, 1984) all use vowel quality rather than vowel length to tell
Grade I rhymes apart from Grade II rhymes, and to differentiate
doublets within the same rhymes. The differences of various
scholars’ reconstruction are summarized in (2).
(2) a. Pulleyblank: Vowel length divides Grade I rhymes and Grade
II rhymes. b. Kalgren & Chao: Vowel length is a feature of
Qieyun doublets (). c. Martin, Li, Lu, Tung, Wang and Chou: There
was no short-vs.-long-vowel
distinction in Middle Chinese. The difference between Grade I
rhymes and Grade II rhymes, and that between Qieyun doublets lay in
vowel quality rather than vowel length.
The reconstruction of the vowels in the outer rhyme groups
according to various
scholars is illustrated in table (3) below. Since different
scholars have used various systems of phonetic symbols, I have
attempted to render their transcriptions into IPA (International
Phonetic Alphabet) to make comparison among them more readily
transparent.
Shu-Fen Chen
Li
Tung
Wang
Lu
Chou
Martin
Guo-Jia a A A A A ^ A A a: a: a a a a a E Xie aj Ai, A:i Ai, ^i ai,
Ai ai, #i Ai, ^i Ki, Ai Ki, Ai a:j ai, a:i, ai’ ai, E, Ei ai, ci,
%i ai, ci, %i <i, Pi ai, Pi, Ei ai, Ei, Ei’ Xiao aw Au Au Au Au
^u Au Au a:w a:u au au au Pu au Eu Dang aN A:N AN AN AN ^N AN AN
a:N Geng a:jN PN, EN PN, EN cN, <N cN, <N aN, PN aN aN, eN
Jiang oN a:wN ON ON ON ON ON EN Shan an A:n An an An ^n (an) An An
a:n a:n, an an, En an, <n an, <n an, Pn an, Pn an, En Xian am
Am, A:m Pm, Am Am, Am #m, Am ^m, Am Am, Km Km, Am a:m am, a:m Pm,
am cm, Am cm, am cm, am am, Pm am, Em
Please note that: (a) The shes with final -m, -n, and -N also
include final plosives -p, -t, and -k. (b) Since Chao’s
reconstruction of the outer rhyme groups is exactly the same
as
Kalgren’s, it is not listed in the above table. (c) In
Pulleyblank’s reconstruction for Dang she there were Grade I rhymes
and
Grade II rhymes. However, in others’ reconstructions there were
only Grade I rhymes for Dang she.
In order to enhance the reader’s understanding of the vowels’
locations in the IPA chart, all vowels are arranged according to
their backness, height and roundedness. The following IPA chart is
taken from Lin & Chu (1989).
(4) Front Central Back
unrounded rounded unrounded rounded unrounded rounded highest i y M
- µ u High high I Y . half high e / 0 o mid E K
Mid
Low lowest a A A
Vowel Length in Middle Chinese Based on Buddhist Sanskrit
Transliterations
33
3. Counter-arguments against vowel length in Middle Chinese
In this section I shall put forward some counter-arguments against
vowel length in Middle Chinese. First of all, vowel length is a
very important feature in Sanskrit. If, like Sanskrit, Middle
Chinese had a short-vs.-long-vowel distinction, then, when
transliterating Buddhist Sanskrit scriptures, monks and linguists
probably would have used different Chinese characters to separate
the short from long vowels, since the work of the “translation
arenas”, the ancient Chinese organizations that translated Buddhist
classics, was very precise (Yi 1986). The major translators not
only had a deep understanding of Buddhist scriptures, but also an
excellent command of both Sanskrit and Chinese. Moreover, within
the translation arenas there were translators with clearly defined
duties and offices. For example, during the Tang and Song
Dynasties, duties were delegated to a Chief Translator, a Meaning
Identifier, an Identifier of the Sanskrit Text, a “Zhan (Dhyana)”
Meaning Identifier, a Language Translator, a Trascriber, a
Recorder, a Composer, a Checker, a Proof-reader, a Language
Refiner, a Sanskrit Singer and finally, an Inspector General. Thus,
if there had been long vowels in Middle Chinese, then those who had
mastered both Sanskrit and Chinese and were responsible for
transliterating Buddhist Sanskrit terms should never have made the
mistake of using the same Chinese characters to transliterate both
short and long vowels.
In addition, in Lo’s (1963) “A study of Sanskrit palatals and their
transliteration in Tibetan and Chinese”, he listed these forty-nine
Sanskrit sounds which were transliterated in sixteen Buddhist
works. These forty-nine sounds are shown in (5) to aid the reader
to attain a clearer picture of the Sanskrit sound system.
(5) Vowels: a a 2 a; i @ 4 é u ¬ 7 è < A \ l lO . l¿ Diphthongs:
e E 2i Eee o ao 2u aeoe
Anusvara & visarga: m · , z "
34
Stops: Voiceless Voiced Nasal plain aspirated plain aspirated Velar
k k kh % g g gh ` [ › Palatal c c ch z j j jh Z ' – Retroflex a $
ah # x @ xh ! ; , Dental t t th q d d dh / n n Labial p p ph f b b
bh . m m
Velar Palatal Retroflex Dental Labial Semivowels: y y r r l l v
v
Fricatives: voiceless: q x w W s s voiced: h h
In Sanskrit there are five pairs of short-vs.-long-vowel contrasts;
Kalgren (1954), however, used four pairs of vowel contrasts,
namely, /i/ vs. /i:/, /e/ vs. /e:/, /a/ vs. /a:/, and /A/ vs. /A:/.
I shall list only three pairs of Sanskrit short-vs.-long-vowel
contrasts, since the other two pairs seldom occur. They are shown
in (6): (6)
Devan2gari a a; ” é ¬ è Romanization a a: i i: u u: (417 A.D.)
(414-421 A.D.) (424-432 A.D.) (518 A.D.) (587-591 A.D.) (649 A.D.)
(683 A.D.) (690-692 A.D.)
(724 A.D.)
(771 A.D.) (771 A.D.) (780-804 A.D.)
Vowel Length in Middle Chinese Based on Buddhist Sanskrit
Transliterations
35
Nine out of these sixteen works used the same Chinese characters to
transcribe Sanskrit short and long vowels, but with the addition of
some annotations. Some used ‘short’ or ‘long’ in front of the
relevant Chinese character; some used ‘prolonged’ to indicate long
vowels, while others used the Shang tone to annotate the short
vowels, and the Qu tone for the long vowels. For example, in ,
Fa-Hsien used ‘short A’ to transcribe /a/, and ‘long A’ for /a:/.
Had there been long vowels in Middle Chinese, then, while
transcribing Sanskrit long vowels, they should have used characters
which had such, instead of using the same characters for short
vowels with the addition of some annotations. In one work,
namely,
, long vowels were not transcribed at all. In six other works,
marked with the Yin-Yang sign in (6), they did not use the same
characters to transcribe the short and long vowels. Nevertheless, I
think those who used different characters were doing so just for
the sake of being different. For example, in , used to transcribe
short /i/, and , long /i:/. He did, however, write ‘short’ before ,
and ‘long’ before . In addition, in , although used different
Chinese characters for long vowels, he added some annotations to
the long vowels, and said they were ‘prolonged ()’. For example,
/a:/ as ‘prolonged A’, /i:/ as ‘prolonged I’, and /u:/ as
‘prolonged U’. If there had been long vowels in Middle Chinese,
then when different Chinese characters were used to transcribe
short and long vowels, there would have been no need to add any
annotations to the characters, to say whether they were ‘long’ or
‘prolonged’. Therefore, it is evident that there were no long
vowels in Middle Chinese.
Another important piece of evidence supporting the claim that there
were no long vowels in Middle Chinese comes from my study of
various Buddhist Sanskrit terms. I collected all the long-vowel
syllables from about 3,000 Sanskrit words, taken from Soothill and
Hodous’s A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms (1968). Since many
of the Sanskrit terms have more than one Chinese transliteration,
(some even have more than five), the number of Chinese terms might
be between 6,000 and 8,000. Although some of the Chinese Buddhist
terms are calques (semantic translations), about two-thirds are
direct borrowings (phonetic translations). There are five pairs of
short vs. long monothongs in Sanskrit, but only three pairs were
found in the data, namely, /a/ vs. /a:/, /i/ vs. /i:/, and /u/ vs.
/u:/. These three pairs were combined with different consonants,
arranged according to their place and manner of articulation as:
semivowels, stops (including velars, palatals, retroflexes, dentals
and labials), and finally fricatives, as shown in the Sanskrit
sound system in (5). The number of occurrences of the
Shu-Fen Chen
36
long-vowel syllables was counted. It was found that the Chinese
characters most frequently used in transliterating long Sanskrit
vowels were also very frequently used to transliterate the
corresponding short vowels. For example, was used 71 out of 88
times to transliterate the Sanskrit /ka:/, and it was used almost
all the time to transliterate its short counterpart /ka/. Likewise,
was employed 84 out of 112 times to transliterate Sanskrit /pa:/,
and was also used to transliterate its counterpart /pa/, more than
200 times.
The occurrence of long vowels is demonstrated in the Appendix.
There are nine tables in total. They are:
(7) Table (a): Vowels Table (f): Bilabials Table (b): Velars Table
(g): Semivowels Table (c): Palatals Table (h): Fricatives Table
(d): Refroflexes Table (i): Others (complex onsets) Table (e):
Dentals In tables (b-h) all the consonants are combined with long
/a:/, /i:/, and /u:/. Thirty-one out of a total of thirty-three
consonants, as shown in the consonantal system in (5) are found in
the tables. There are no velar nasals /[/ › or palatal nasals /'/ –
in the data. The long syllables are transliterated into various
Chinese characters, which are shown in column two. Column three
lists the number of occurrences of each character. Columns four and
five show reconstructions of Late Middle Chinese and Early Middle
Chinese taken from Pulleyblank (1991). For example, the syllable k;
/ka:/ was transliterated by ten Chinese characters, with being the
character most commonly used. The number of occurrences decreases
along the list. A skull-and-crossbones ( ) is used to indicate
Chinese characters not used to transliterate corresponding short
vowels; characters not so marked were all used for short vowels.
For example, in transliterating /ka:/, , , and are all marked with
a skull-and-crossbones, indicating that they were never used to
transliterate short /ka/. Furthermore, the syllable kI /ki:/ is
marked with a smiley face (), indicating that there is no
corresponding short vowel /ki/ found in the data. In the tables,
frequently used characters were always used to transliterate their
corresponding short vowels. In addition, those which were never
used to transliterate short vowels had very low frequency. Thus, we
can conclude that there were no long vowels in Middle Chinese. If
there had been, then why would long vowels have been transliterated
with the same characters as their corresponding short vowels?
Moreover, in Pulleyblank’s (1991) lexicon, most of the characters
used were short in his LMC and EMC reconstructions; they were not
long. In the same work he also made the following notes:
Vowel Length in Middle Chinese Based on Buddhist Sanskrit
Transliterations
37
(8) a. : transcription character for Sanskrit ka, k2. b. :
transcription character for Sanskrit ga, g2, gha, gh2. c. : in
Buddhist transcriptions for ja, j2. d. : for Sanskrit kha,
kh2.
Thus, even Pullleyblank noticed that the same Chinese characters
were used to transliterate both short and long vowels.
Finally, I have found that within the same words there were short
and long vowels that were transliterated with the same Chinese
characters as shown in (9).
(9) a. K2karuta b. k2raka c. k2lapin2ka d. nara-n2ri e.
Up2saka-up2sik2 f. M2maki g. M2t<gr2ma h. kusumam2l2
Had there been long vowels in Middle Chinese, then it would have
been impossible for translators to transcribe both short and long
vowels using the same Chinese characters in the same words.
4. Conclusion
In sum, Pulleyblank’s (1984, 1991) claim that vowel length
distinguishes Grade I rhymes from Grade II rhymes has been
disproved in this paper, as have some other scholars’ assumptions
that Middle Chinese had long vowels. The main arguments are: first,
in Chen’s (2000) study of Chinese loanwords from Sanskrit, and in
Lo’s (1963) list of the forty-nine Sanskrit sounds transliterated
from sixteen Buddhist works, it was found that there was no
distinction between short vs. long vowels. Moreover, the data
presented in the Appendix shows that Chinese characters frequently
used for transcribing Sanskrit long vowels were also used to
transcribe short vowels, while characters used to transcribe long
vowels but not short vowels had very low frequency, and thus do not
play an important role here. As a result, Pulleyblank (1984, 1991),
Karlgren (1922) and Chao’s (1940) claim that there were long vowels
in Middle Chinese is very problematic. On the other hand, the use
of vowel quality rather than vowel length to distinguish different
rhyme divisions or doublets within the same rhyme groups by Martin
(1953), Li (1956), Lu (1971), Tung (1978), Wang (1980), and Chou
(1962, 1984) is highly plausible.
Shu-Fen Chen
Appendix (a)
Vowels Char. No. LMC EMC a; 2 46 ?a ?a 3 ?at ?at a;m( 2m 5 ?am
?Km/?am
”R 4 8 ?ji ?ji
(b) Velars Char. No. LMC EMC
k; k2 71 kia kˆa 5 kHia gˆa 4 ka ka 2 k¾ia k¾ˆa 1 kiap kˆap 1 tß¾a:
tß¾aˆ/tß¾E: 1 kja: kaˆ/k(: 1 ka ka 1 kja kaˆ/k(: 1 kiaj kiaj k;n(
k2n 1 kian kˆan 1 kHian gˆan kI k4 2 kjiaj kEj 1 k¾jit k¾jit kU k7
4 ky) kuK
2 ky) ku) 2 kiw kuw 1 ky) ku) 1 kHyt gut 1 ki)/ky) kˆ) %; kh2 7
k¾ia k¾ˆa 2 xHa Ga 2 k¾a k¾a 1 kia kˆa %I kh4 1
g; g2 12 kHia gˆa 2 xHam Gam/GKm 1 kHiaj giaj 1 kia kˆa 1 kHji gji
1
g;n( g2n 1 kHian gˆan gI g4 1 kHji gji)/gji gU g7 1 ky) ku) `; gh2
6 kHia gˆa 2 k¾ia k¾ˆa
(c)
Palatals Char. No. LMC EMC c; c2 11 tßia tia 2 ßHia dia 1 tßiat
tiat 1 tsa tsa 1 t¾ak t¾ak 1 ßia ia cI c4 6 tßi ti 4 tßi tiw/ti 1
tßi ti 1 tßin tin 1 tßi ti 1 tßin tin 1 tßin tin 1 tßian tian 1 ßi
i)/i cU c7 2 tßiw tuw 1 tßyw tuw 1 tßyn twin z; ch2 1 tß¾ia t¾ia 1
tsz tsˆ/tsi 1 tßi tiw/ti j; j2 14 ßHia dia 3 ria #ia 3 ßHia dia 2
tßit tit 1 Nit Nˆt 1 ria #ia 1 kHiat gˆat, giat j;m( j2m 1 ßHiam
diam jI j4 4 kHji gji
Vowel Length in Middle Chinese Based on Buddhist Sanskrit
Transliterations
39
4 ßHi dˆ/di 1 ßHip dip jU j7 3 ßHy) du) Z; jh2 1 tHu) dO
1 ßHia dia 1 ßHia zia
(d)
Retroflexes Char. No. LMC EMC $; a2 1 tra: tra:/trE: $I a4 4 tri
tri 1 tra: tra:/trE: 1 tri triw/tri 1 tri tri 1 li li #; ah2
1
#; ah4 1 tra: tra:/trE: @; x2 2 trHa: draˆ/drE: 2 tHu) dO
1 nra: nraˆ/nE:
1 la la 1 tHa da 1 tHa ?a da ?a @I x4 1 tiaj tEj @U x7 1 nu)
nO
1 tHKw dKw 1 trHiw druw !; xh2 1 ta ta 1 tHu) dO
,; ;2 5 na na 3 nra: nraˆ/nE:
1 nri nri ,I ;4 9 nri nri 1 nri nri
(e)
Dentals Char. No. LMC EMC t; t2 25 ta ta 8 tHa da 1 tHat dat 1 tap
tKp/tap 1 tam tKm/tam
1 tam tKm/tam 1
1
1 t¾a t¾a 1
1 tat tat 1 tam tam tI t4 16 tiaj tEj 6 tHiaj dEj 3 tiaj tEj 1 tHa
da 1 tiaj tEj 1 tri tri tU t7 1 tKw tKw 1 t¾Kw t¾Kw 1 t¾ap t¾ap 1
tu) tO 1 tu) tO q; th2 5 t¾a t¾a 4 tHa da 1 t¾aN t¾aN 1 tra:
tra:/trE: qU th7 1 t¾Kw t¾Kw
1 t¾u) t¾O d; d2 20 tHa da 4 tHan dan 3
3 tHa da 2 tHat dat 2 kHia gˆa 1 tßim tim dI d4 6 tHiaj dEj 2 tHi
di 1 tiaj tEj 1 tHa da dU d7 2 tHKw dKw 1 tHu) dO
/; dh2 7 tHa da 4 tHa da 1 ta ta /;n( dh2n 1 tHam dKm/dam 1 tHan
dan
Shu-Fen Chen
40
/I dh4 1 tHi di /U dh7 2 tHKw dKw 2 tHu) dO
1 tHu) dO
1 tHut dwKt n; n2 41 na na 1
1 ta ta 1 na na 1 nra: nraˆ/nE:
n;m( n2m 1 nra:m nrK:m/nrE:m nI n4 27 nri nri 1 na na 2 niajN nEjN
2 ni ni 1 ni ni 1 niaj nEj (f)
Bilabials Char. No. LMC EMC p; p2 84 pua pa 12 pHua ba 5 pua pa 4
puat pat 2 pa: paˆ/pE:
2 pak pak 1 pHu) bO
1 p¾ua p¾a 1 pua pa 1 fHjyat/fHa:t buat 1 pHua ba 1 puan pan 1 puaj
paj 1 xHua Gwa 1 pua ?a pa ?a p;–( p2' 1 puan pan 1 pHuan ban 1 pua
pa p;,( p2; 1 puan pan 1 pua pa pI p4 2 pHji bji 2 pji
pji)/pji
1 pji pji 1 pi pi 1 pHa:j baˆj/bE:j 1 pjiajN pEjN pU p7 12 pu)
pO
6 fjyw/fuw puw 3 fjyt/fut put 3 fHjyt/fHut but 2 pu) pO
1 pu) pO
1 put pKt, put 1 pun pKn 1 fjyn/fun pun 1 pin pin f; ph2 3 p¾ua p¾a
1 p¾a p¾a b; b2 6 pHua ba bI b4 1 mji mji)/mji 1 vjyj/vji muj bU b7
2 pHu) bO
1 pHu) bO
1 fHjyw/fHuw buw 1 pu) pO
.; bh2 12 pHua ba 5 p¾ua p¾a 4 pHuat bat 1 pua pa 1 pHi bi)/bi 1 ri
#i)/#i .I bh4 2 pHji bji 1 pHji bji 1
.U bh7 5 pHu) bO
2 fHjyw/fHuw buw 1 p¾u) p¾O 1 pHu) bO
1 fjy)/fu) p¾u) 1 pHu) bO
1 pHu) bO
1 p¾u) p¾O .;,( b2; 1 pHuan ban m; m2 66 mua ma
Vowel Length in Middle Chinese Based on Buddhist Sanskrit
Transliterations
41
9 mua ma 7 muat mat 6 mua ma 4 mua ma 1 mut mKt 1 mak mak 1 muaj
mKj m;n( m2n 1 ma:n maˆn/mE:n m;' m2m 1 vjyan/va:n muan mI m4 5 mji
mji)/mji 2 mji mji)/mji mU m7 1 mu) mO
1 mu) mO
(g)
Semivowels Char. No. LMC EMC y; y2 14 jia jia 3 jia jia 2 jia jia 2
jia jia 2 jian jian 1 ßHia dia 1 jiaj jiaj 1 ?i ?ˆj 1 jia jia 1
Nja: Naˆ/NE:
1 jiw/jyw jˆw yU y7 3 jiw juw
1 jyw juw r; r2 73 la la 5
3 lam lam
2 lat lat 2 lat lat 1 na na 1 lam lam
1 lak lak 1 laj laj 1 li li 1 li li 1 lan lan 1
rI r4 17 li li 7
2 la la 2 li li 2 li li 1 sywk suawk 1 lu) lO 1 lK)k lKk 1 li lˆ/li
1 liaj lEj rU r7 3 lKw lKw 2 lu) lO 2
1 liw luw 1 lu) lO 1 liw luw 1 liw luw 1 liw luw 1 ky) ku) 1 ly)
lu) r;n( r2n 1 lan lan l; l2 27 la la 2 lK)k lKk 1 lan lan 1 liaj
lEj 1
lI l4 3 li li)/li 2 la la 2 li li 1 li li 1 li lˆ/li lU l7 2 lKw
lKw 1 liw luw 1 lu) lO l;n( l2n 1 laN laN v; v2 31 pHua ba 8
fHjyak/fHak buak 4 fHjyak/fHak buak 3 xHua Gwa 2 pua pa 2
fHjyat/fHa:t buat 2 fHjy)/fHu) bu)
Shu-Fen Chen
2 pHuan ban 1 fHjyw/fHuw buw 1
1 fHjyaN/fHaN buaN 1 la la 1 xHuan Gwan 1 yat wuat 1 pHuan ban 1
pHuat bat 1 lua lwa 1
v;m( v2m 1 fHjyam/fHa:m buam 1 pHaN baN v;n( v2n 1 fHjyam/fHa:m
buam vI v4 7 pHji bji 3 pHji bji 2 fHjyaj/fHji buaj 2 pjiajN pEjN 1
pHji bji 1 vjyj/vji muj 1 liaj lEj 1 li li 1 fHjyak/fHak buak 1
vjyj/vji muj 1 la la 1 yj wuj (h)
Fricatives Char. No. LMC EMC W; w2 18 ßa: ßaˆ/ßE: 2 ßr ßi 1 sa sa 1
sat sat 1 ßr ߈/ßi W;n( w2n 1 ßa:n ßKˆn/ßE:n 1 ßa: ßaˆ/ßE: WI w4 1
ßr ßi 1 ßr ߈/ßi x; q2 26 ßia ia 18 ßia ia 3 ßia ia 2 ßiat
iat
2 sa sa 2 ßia ia 2 ßiajk iajk 2 ßa: ßaˆ/ßE: 1 ßiaN ˆaN 1 ßiaN ˆaN 1
ßa: ßaˆ/ßE: 1 ßi ˆ/i 1 ßK)k ßKk 1 sat sat 1 ßiak ˆak x;' q2m 2 ßiaN
ˆaN 1 ßiam iam
1 ßia ia 1 ßiam iam
x;n( q2n 2 ßian ian 1 ßa:n ßaˆn/ßE:n 1 ßia ia 1 ßia ia xI q4 6 ßi i
2 ßi i)/i 1 sI si 1 ßi i xU q7 2 ßiw uw 2 syt swit 1 ßy) u) 1 siw
suw 1 sy) su) xUn( q7n 2 ßyn win 1 ßiw uw s; s2 11 sa sa 4 ßa:
ßaˆ/ßE: 2 sat sat 1 sam sam 1 pHua ba 1 tß¾a: tß¾aˆ/tß¾E: 1 ßia ia
1 t¾ak t¾ak s;' s2m 3 sK)N sKN
s;n( s2n 1 ßia ia sI s4 2 sI si
Vowel Length in Middle Chinese Based on Buddhist Sanskrit
Transliterations
43
2 sI si)/si 1 ßi i 1 ßr ßi 1 siaj sEj 1 sia sia 1 ts¾I ts¾i)/ts¾i 1
sit sit 1 sI si 1 ts¾a ts¾a sU s7 3 su) sO 2 siw suw 1 sI si)/si 1
jyw juw 1 sy) su) 1 sut swKt h; h2 12 xa xa 5 xHa Ga 5 xa xa
1 xHat Gat 1 ?a ?a 1 xat xat 1
hI h4 1 xjiaj xEj 1 xi xˆ/xi 1 xi xˆj hU h7 1 xu) xO
hU' h7m 3
(i) Others Char. No. LMC EMC
=; kw2 7 tß¾a: tß¾aˆ/tß¾E: 1 tß¾a:t tß¾aˆt/tß¾E:t 1 k¾ji k¾ji 1 ßa:
ßaˆ/ßE: 1 tß¾Km tß¾im
=;n( kw2n 1 tß¾a:n tß¾aˆn/tß¾E:n =I kw4 2 tß¾a: tß¾aˆ/tß¾E:
References Chao, Yuen Ren. 1940. Distinctions within Ancient
Chinese. Harvard Journal of
Asiatic Studies 5:203-233. Chen, Shu-Fen. 2000. A study of Sanskrit
loanwords in Chinese. Tsing Hua Journal of
Chinese Studies, New Series 30.3:375-426. Karlgren, Bernhard. 1922.
The reconstruction of Ancient Chinese. T’oung Pao 21:1-42.
Karlgren, Bernhard. 1954. Compendium of phonetics in Ancient and
Archaic Chinese.
Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 26:211-367.
Martin, Samuel E. 1953. The phonemes of Ancient Chinese. Journal of
the American
Oriental Society 73.2 (Supplement to the Journal of the American
Oriental Society No.16):1-46.
Pulleyblank, Edwin G. 1984. Middle Chinese: A Study in Historical
Phonology. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press.
Pulleyblank, Edwin G. 1991. Lexicon of Reconstructed Pronunciation
in Early Middle Chinese, Late Middle Chinese, and Early Mandarin.
Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press.
Soothill, William E., & Lewis Hodous. 1968. A Dictionary of
Chinese Buddhist Terms,
Shu-Fen Chen
44
With Sanskrit and English Equivalents and a Sanskrit-Pali Index.
London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., LTD.
Yi, Yuan. 1986. The translation of Buddhist scriptures and
translation arenas. Cowrie 3.1:75-91.
. 1980. . 1956. . 1962. . 1984. , . 1989. . 1971. . 1978. . 1983. .
1963.
[Received 5 December 2000; revised 18 October 2001; accepted 2
September 2002]
Department of Foreign Languages & Applied Linguistics 135,
Yuan-tung Road Chungli, Taoyuan 320, Taiwan
sfchen@saturn.yzu.edu.tw
Vowel Length in Middle Chinese Based on Buddhist Sanskrit
Transliterations
45
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