Microsoft Word - LL4.1-02-Chen-paper.docVowel Length in Middle Chinese Based on Buddhist Sanskrit Transliterations
Shu-Fen Chen Yuan-Ze University
The goal of this paper is to disprove Pulleyblank (1984), Kalgren (1922) and Chao (1940)’s assumption that there were long vowels in Middle Chinese. The main arguments are: first, in Chen’s (2000) study of Chinese loanwords from Sanskrit, and in Lo’s (1963) list of the forty-nine Sanskrit sounds transliterated from sixteen Buddhist works, it was found that there was no distinction between short vs. long vowels. Moreover, in data collected from Soothill and Hodous’ A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms (1968), it was found that all the characters frequently used to transcribe long vowels were also used to transcribe short vowels. Had there been a short-vs.-long-vowel distinction in Middle Chinese, different characters should have been used. Finally, I have found that even within the same words there were short and long vowels which were transliterated with the same Chinese characters. Key words: Buddhist terms, Middle Chinese, Sanskrit, vowel length
1. Introduction
Pulleyblank (1984, 1991) claims that vowel length was a main feature of Middle Chinese. However, in my study of Chinese loanwords from Sanskrit (Chen 2000) I have not found any short-vs.-long-vowel distinctions in transliterated Buddhist Sanskrit terms. If Pulleyblank’s reconstruction was correct, then those who translated and transliterated Buddhist scriptures should have made a distinction between short and long vowels when transliterating Sanskrit terms.
Pulleyblank used vowel length to distinguish Grade I rhymes () from Grade II rhymes (), and some other scholars believed the rhymes to be grouped in different divisions according to their vowel quality. Kalgren (1922) and Chao (1940) used vowel length to divide the so-called Qieyun doublets () within the same rhyme group. On the other hand, according to Martin (1953), Li (1956), Lu (1971), Tung (1978), Wang (1980) and Chou (1962, 1984), there was no short-vs.-long-vowel distinction in Middle Chinese, and the difference between Grade I rhymes and Grade II rhymes, and that between Qieyun doublets, lay in their vowel quality, instead of the vowel length.
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Various counter-arguments concerning Middle Chinese vowel length have appeared in the literature. Lo (1963) listed forty-nine Sanskrit sounds that were transliterated in sixteen different Buddhist works. Nine out of these sixteen works used the same Chinese characters to transcribe short and long vowels, with some annotations. Had there been long vowels in Middle Chinese, the translators would certainly have used characters containing such to transcribe Sanskrit long vowels. Secondly, in data collected from Soothill and Hodous’ (1968) A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, it was found that all the characters frequently used to transcribe long vowels were also used to transcribe short vowels. Had there been a short-vs.-long-vowel distinction in Middle Chinese, different characters should have been used to reflect it. As a result, I conclude that it is not convincing to postulate that vowel length was used to distinguish Grade I rhymes from Grade II rhymes. In addition, the use of vowel length to indicate Qieyun doublets by Kalgren and Chao is questionable. Thus, the reconstructions by Martin and others of different rhyme groups and doublets within the same rhyme groups based on vowel quality, and not vowel length, is obviously more tenable.
2. Literature review on vowel length
In his Middle Chinese, Pulleyblank (1984:80) states that “Further study has led me to the conclusion that in all the outer rhyme groups Grade II had long aa in contrast to short a in Grade I.” There were three main sources that led to this conclusion: First, the long /a:/ in Late Middle Chinese (LMC) had its reflex in Cantonese, and the pattern of correspondence between Cantonese and LMC, as interpreted from the rhyme tables, is very convincing. Second, the reconstruction of the long /a:/ provides persuasive evidence for his reconstruction of the vocalic /u/ in Grade I hekou , in contrast to the glide /w/ in Grade II, since the former arose via a Glide Strengthening rule which changed /w/ into /u/ before the short non-high vowels /a/ and /K/. In addition, according to Pulleyblank (1984), in Shao Yong’s (, 1011-1107) tables in Huangji Jingshi
, although the same four grades were used, as the standard rhyme tables, some rhymes were put into different grades, and thus, in a way, his arrangement of grades reflected “more directly the current pronunciation of the eleventh century.” For example, in traditional rhyme tables, LMC /tan/ and LMC /tHaj/ belong to Grade I, but in Huangji Jingshi they are placed in Grade II. The two words in question have the long /a:/ reflex found in Cantonese. This leads Pulleyblank to conclude that “Shao Yong’s tables thus show that the lengthening of a to aa after alveolar initials was not confined to the Cantonese and southern dialect but occurred in the north also.” (Pulleyblank 1984: 84).
Other scholars, however, regard the difference among the four rhyme divisions as
Vowel Length in Middle Chinese Based on Buddhist Sanskrit Transliterations
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lying in the vowel quality instead of the vowel length. Wang (1980:57) claims that the rhyme tables have divided the finals into four divisions according to the place of articulation of the vowels. In certain kaikou rhyme groups, which have all the four divisions, as in Xie she, Shan she, Xiao she and Xian she, the vowels move farther to the front of the mouth, from Grade I to Grade IV, as shown in (1). Tung (1978:99) also believes that the distinction between the four divisions of rhymes lies in their vowel quality if the rhyme groups have all the four rhyme divisions. If certain rhyme groups only have Grade I and Grade III rhymes, then the difference between them lies in the fact that Grade III has the glide /j/ while Grade I does not.
(1) Grade I Grade II Grade III Grade IV Wang (1980) A a E e Tung (1978) A a j< iE
Though no scholars except Pulleyblank have distinguished Grade I rhymes from
Grade II rhymes by their vowel length, however, Kalgren (1922, 1954) and Chao (1940) agree that there was a short-vs.-long-vowel distinction in Middle Chinese which separated the so-called Qieyun doublets. For example, in Shan she, within the Grade II rhymes, there was the rhyme Shan with a long /a:n/, and the rhyme Shan with a short /an/. There are other scholars in whose reconstructions of Middle Chinese no long vowels exist at all. For example, Martin (1953), Li (1956), Lu (1971), Tung (1978), Wang (1980) and Chou (1962, 1984) all use vowel quality rather than vowel length to tell Grade I rhymes apart from Grade II rhymes, and to differentiate doublets within the same rhymes. The differences of various scholars’ reconstruction are summarized in (2).
(2) a. Pulleyblank: Vowel length divides Grade I rhymes and Grade II rhymes. b. Kalgren & Chao: Vowel length is a feature of Qieyun doublets (). c. Martin, Li, Lu, Tung, Wang and Chou: There was no short-vs.-long-vowel
distinction in Middle Chinese. The difference between Grade I rhymes and Grade II rhymes, and that between Qieyun doublets lay in vowel quality rather than vowel length.
The reconstruction of the vowels in the outer rhyme groups according to various
scholars is illustrated in table (3) below. Since different scholars have used various systems of phonetic symbols, I have attempted to render their transcriptions into IPA (International Phonetic Alphabet) to make comparison among them more readily transparent.
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Li
Tung
Wang
Lu
Chou
Martin
Guo-Jia a A A A A ^ A A a: a: a a a a a E Xie aj Ai, A:i Ai, ^i ai, Ai ai, #i Ai, ^i Ki, Ai Ki, Ai a:j ai, a:i, ai’ ai, E, Ei ai, ci, %i ai, ci, %i <i, Pi ai, Pi, Ei ai, Ei, Ei’ Xiao aw Au Au Au Au ^u Au Au a:w a:u au au au Pu au Eu Dang aN A:N AN AN AN ^N AN AN a:N Geng a:jN PN, EN PN, EN cN, <N cN, <N aN, PN aN aN, eN Jiang oN a:wN ON ON ON ON ON EN Shan an A:n An an An ^n (an) An An a:n a:n, an an, En an, <n an, <n an, Pn an, Pn an, En Xian am Am, A:m Pm, Am Am, Am #m, Am ^m, Am Am, Km Km, Am a:m am, a:m Pm, am cm, Am cm, am cm, am am, Pm am, Em
Please note that: (a) The shes with final -m, -n, and -N also include final plosives -p, -t, and -k. (b) Since Chao’s reconstruction of the outer rhyme groups is exactly the same as
Kalgren’s, it is not listed in the above table. (c) In Pulleyblank’s reconstruction for Dang she there were Grade I rhymes and
Grade II rhymes. However, in others’ reconstructions there were only Grade I rhymes for Dang she.
In order to enhance the reader’s understanding of the vowels’ locations in the IPA chart, all vowels are arranged according to their backness, height and roundedness. The following IPA chart is taken from Lin & Chu (1989).
(4) Front Central Back
unrounded rounded unrounded rounded unrounded rounded highest i y M - µ u High high I Y . half high e / 0 o mid E K
Mid
Low lowest a A A
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3. Counter-arguments against vowel length in Middle Chinese
In this section I shall put forward some counter-arguments against vowel length in Middle Chinese. First of all, vowel length is a very important feature in Sanskrit. If, like Sanskrit, Middle Chinese had a short-vs.-long-vowel distinction, then, when transliterating Buddhist Sanskrit scriptures, monks and linguists probably would have used different Chinese characters to separate the short from long vowels, since the work of the “translation arenas”, the ancient Chinese organizations that translated Buddhist classics, was very precise (Yi 1986). The major translators not only had a deep understanding of Buddhist scriptures, but also an excellent command of both Sanskrit and Chinese. Moreover, within the translation arenas there were translators with clearly defined duties and offices. For example, during the Tang and Song Dynasties, duties were delegated to a Chief Translator, a Meaning Identifier, an Identifier of the Sanskrit Text, a “Zhan (Dhyana)” Meaning Identifier, a Language Translator, a Trascriber, a Recorder, a Composer, a Checker, a Proof-reader, a Language Refiner, a Sanskrit Singer and finally, an Inspector General. Thus, if there had been long vowels in Middle Chinese, then those who had mastered both Sanskrit and Chinese and were responsible for transliterating Buddhist Sanskrit terms should never have made the mistake of using the same Chinese characters to transliterate both short and long vowels.
In addition, in Lo’s (1963) “A study of Sanskrit palatals and their transliteration in Tibetan and Chinese”, he listed these forty-nine Sanskrit sounds which were transliterated in sixteen Buddhist works. These forty-nine sounds are shown in (5) to aid the reader to attain a clearer picture of the Sanskrit sound system.
(5) Vowels: a a 2 a; i @ 4 é u ¬ 7 è < A \ l lO . l¿ Diphthongs: e E 2i Eee o ao 2u aeoe
Anusvara & visarga: m · , z "
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Stops: Voiceless Voiced Nasal plain aspirated plain aspirated Velar k k kh % g g gh ` [ › Palatal c c ch z j j jh Z ' – Retroflex a $ ah # x @ xh ! ; , Dental t t th q d d dh / n n Labial p p ph f b b bh . m m
Velar Palatal Retroflex Dental Labial Semivowels: y y r r l l v v
Fricatives: voiceless: q x w W s s voiced: h h
In Sanskrit there are five pairs of short-vs.-long-vowel contrasts; Kalgren (1954), however, used four pairs of vowel contrasts, namely, /i/ vs. /i:/, /e/ vs. /e:/, /a/ vs. /a:/, and /A/ vs. /A:/. I shall list only three pairs of Sanskrit short-vs.-long-vowel contrasts, since the other two pairs seldom occur. They are shown in (6): (6)
Devan2gari a a; ” é ¬ è Romanization a a: i i: u u: (417 A.D.) (414-421 A.D.) (424-432 A.D.) (518 A.D.) (587-591 A.D.) (649 A.D.) (683 A.D.) (690-692 A.D.)
(724 A.D.)
(771 A.D.) (771 A.D.) (780-804 A.D.)


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Nine out of these sixteen works used the same Chinese characters to transcribe Sanskrit short and long vowels, but with the addition of some annotations. Some used ‘short’ or ‘long’ in front of the relevant Chinese character; some used ‘prolonged’ to indicate long vowels, while others used the Shang tone to annotate the short vowels, and the Qu tone for the long vowels. For example, in , Fa-Hsien used ‘short A’ to transcribe /a/, and ‘long A’ for /a:/. Had there been long vowels in Middle Chinese, then, while transcribing Sanskrit long vowels, they should have used characters which had such, instead of using the same characters for short vowels with the addition of some annotations. In one work, namely,
, long vowels were not transcribed at all. In six other works, marked with the Yin-Yang sign in (6), they did not use the same characters to transcribe the short and long vowels. Nevertheless, I think those who used different characters were doing so just for the sake of being different. For example, in , used to transcribe short /i/, and , long /i:/. He did, however, write ‘short’ before , and ‘long’ before . In addition, in , although used different Chinese characters for long vowels, he added some annotations to the long vowels, and said they were ‘prolonged ()’. For example, /a:/ as ‘prolonged A’, /i:/ as ‘prolonged I’, and /u:/ as ‘prolonged U’. If there had been long vowels in Middle Chinese, then when different Chinese characters were used to transcribe short and long vowels, there would have been no need to add any annotations to the characters, to say whether they were ‘long’ or ‘prolonged’. Therefore, it is evident that there were no long vowels in Middle Chinese.
Another important piece of evidence supporting the claim that there were no long vowels in Middle Chinese comes from my study of various Buddhist Sanskrit terms. I collected all the long-vowel syllables from about 3,000 Sanskrit words, taken from Soothill and Hodous’s A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms (1968). Since many of the Sanskrit terms have more than one Chinese transliteration, (some even have more than five), the number of Chinese terms might be between 6,000 and 8,000. Although some of the Chinese Buddhist terms are calques (semantic translations), about two-thirds are direct borrowings (phonetic translations). There are five pairs of short vs. long monothongs in Sanskrit, but only three pairs were found in the data, namely, /a/ vs. /a:/, /i/ vs. /i:/, and /u/ vs. /u:/. These three pairs were combined with different consonants, arranged according to their place and manner of articulation as: semivowels, stops (including velars, palatals, retroflexes, dentals and labials), and finally fricatives, as shown in the Sanskrit sound system in (5). The number of occurrences of the
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long-vowel syllables was counted. It was found that the Chinese characters most frequently used in transliterating long Sanskrit vowels were also very frequently used to transliterate the corresponding short vowels. For example, was used 71 out of 88 times to transliterate the Sanskrit /ka:/, and it was used almost all the time to transliterate its short counterpart /ka/. Likewise, was employed 84 out of 112 times to transliterate Sanskrit /pa:/, and was also used to transliterate its counterpart /pa/, more than 200 times.
The occurrence of long vowels is demonstrated in the Appendix. There are nine tables in total. They are:
(7) Table (a): Vowels Table (f): Bilabials Table (b): Velars Table (g): Semivowels Table (c): Palatals Table (h): Fricatives Table (d): Refroflexes Table (i): Others (complex onsets) Table (e): Dentals In tables (b-h) all the consonants are combined with long /a:/, /i:/, and /u:/. Thirty-one out of a total of thirty-three consonants, as shown in the consonantal system in (5) are found in the tables. There are no velar nasals /[/ › or palatal nasals /'/ – in the data. The long syllables are transliterated into various Chinese characters, which are shown in column two. Column three lists the number of occurrences of each character. Columns four and five show reconstructions of Late Middle Chinese and Early Middle Chinese taken from Pulleyblank (1991). For example, the syllable k; /ka:/ was transliterated by ten Chinese characters, with being the character most commonly used. The number of occurrences decreases along the list. A skull-and-crossbones ( ) is used to indicate Chinese characters not used to transliterate corresponding short vowels; characters not so marked were all used for short vowels. For example, in transliterating /ka:/, , , and are all marked with a skull-and-crossbones, indicating that they were never used to transliterate short /ka/. Furthermore, the syllable kI /ki:/ is marked with a smiley face (), indicating that there is no corresponding short vowel /ki/ found in the data. In the tables, frequently used characters were always used to transliterate their corresponding short vowels. In addition, those which were never used to transliterate short vowels had very low frequency. Thus, we can conclude that there were no long vowels in Middle Chinese. If there had been, then why would long vowels have been transliterated with the same characters as their corresponding short vowels? Moreover, in Pulleyblank’s (1991) lexicon, most of the characters used were short in his LMC and EMC reconstructions; they were not long. In the same work he also made the following notes:
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(8) a. : transcription character for Sanskrit ka, k2. b. : transcription character for Sanskrit ga, g2, gha, gh2. c. : in Buddhist transcriptions for ja, j2. d. : for Sanskrit kha, kh2.
Thus, even Pullleyblank noticed that the same Chinese characters were used to transliterate both short and long vowels.
Finally, I have found that within the same words there were short and long vowels that were transliterated with the same Chinese characters as shown in (9).
(9) a. K2karuta b. k2raka c. k2lapin2ka d. nara-n2ri e. Up2saka-up2sik2 f. M2maki g. M2t<gr2ma h. kusumam2l2
Had there been long vowels in Middle Chinese, then it would have been impossible for translators to transcribe both short and long vowels using the same Chinese characters in the same words.
4. Conclusion
In sum, Pulleyblank’s (1984, 1991) claim that vowel length distinguishes Grade I rhymes from Grade II rhymes has been disproved in this paper, as have some other scholars’ assumptions that Middle Chinese had long vowels. The main arguments are: first, in Chen’s (2000) study of Chinese loanwords from Sanskrit, and in Lo’s (1963) list of the forty-nine Sanskrit sounds transliterated from sixteen Buddhist works, it was found that there was no distinction between short vs. long vowels. Moreover, the data presented in the Appendix shows that Chinese characters frequently used for transcribing Sanskrit long vowels were also used to transcribe short vowels, while characters used to transcribe long vowels but not short vowels had very low frequency, and thus do not play an important role here. As a result, Pulleyblank (1984, 1991), Karlgren (1922) and Chao’s (1940) claim that there were long vowels in Middle Chinese is very problematic. On the other hand, the use of vowel quality rather than vowel length to distinguish different rhyme divisions or doublets within the same rhyme groups by Martin (1953), Li (1956), Lu (1971), Tung (1978), Wang (1980), and Chou (1962, 1984) is highly plausible.
Shu-Fen Chen
Appendix (a)
Vowels Char. No. LMC EMC a; 2 46 ?a ?a 3 ?at ?at a;m( 2m 5 ?am ?Km/?am
”R 4 8 ?ji ?ji
(b) Velars Char. No. LMC EMC
k; k2 71 kia kˆa 5 kHia gˆa 4 ka ka 2 k¾ia k¾ˆa 1 kiap kˆap 1 tß¾a: tß¾aˆ/tß¾E: 1 kja: kaˆ/k(: 1 ka ka 1 kja kaˆ/k(: 1 kiaj kiaj k;n( k2n 1 kian kˆan 1 kHian gˆan kI k4 2 kjiaj kEj 1 k¾jit k¾jit kU k7 4 ky) kuK
2 ky) ku) 2 kiw kuw 1 ky) ku) 1 kHyt gut 1 ki)/ky) kˆ) %; kh2 7 k¾ia k¾ˆa 2 xHa Ga 2 k¾a k¾a 1 kia kˆa %I kh4 1
g; g2 12 kHia gˆa 2 xHam Gam/GKm 1 kHiaj giaj 1 kia kˆa 1 kHji gji 1
g;n( g2n 1 kHian gˆan gI g4 1 kHji gji)/gji gU g7 1 ky) ku) `; gh2 6 kHia gˆa 2 k¾ia k¾ˆa
(c)
Palatals Char. No. LMC EMC c; c2 11 tßia tia 2 ßHia dia 1 tßiat tiat 1 tsa tsa 1 t¾ak t¾ak 1 ßia ia cI c4 6 tßi ti 4 tßi tiw/ti 1 tßi ti 1 tßin tin 1 tßi ti 1 tßin tin 1 tßin tin 1 tßian tian 1 ßi i)/i cU c7 2 tßiw tuw 1 tßyw tuw 1 tßyn twin z; ch2 1 tß¾ia t¾ia 1 tsz tsˆ/tsi 1 tßi tiw/ti j; j2 14 ßHia dia 3 ria #ia 3 ßHia dia 2 tßit tit 1 Nit Nˆt 1 ria #ia 1 kHiat gˆat, giat j;m( j2m 1 ßHiam diam jI j4 4 kHji gji
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4 ßHi dˆ/di 1 ßHip dip jU j7 3 ßHy) du) Z; jh2 1 tHu) dO
1 ßHia dia 1 ßHia zia
(d)
Retroflexes Char. No. LMC EMC $; a2 1 tra: tra:/trE: $I a4 4 tri tri 1 tra: tra:/trE: 1 tri triw/tri 1 tri tri 1 li li #; ah2 1
#; ah4 1 tra: tra:/trE: @; x2 2 trHa: draˆ/drE: 2 tHu) dO
1 nra: nraˆ/nE:
1 la la 1 tHa da 1 tHa ?a da ?a @I x4 1 tiaj tEj @U x7 1 nu) nO
1 tHKw dKw 1 trHiw druw !; xh2 1 ta ta 1 tHu) dO
,; ;2 5 na na 3 nra: nraˆ/nE:
1 nri nri ,I ;4 9 nri nri 1 nri nri
(e)
Dentals Char. No. LMC EMC t; t2 25 ta ta 8 tHa da 1 tHat dat 1 tap tKp/tap 1 tam tKm/tam
1 tam tKm/tam 1
1
1 t¾a t¾a 1
1 tat tat 1 tam tam tI t4 16 tiaj tEj 6 tHiaj dEj 3 tiaj tEj 1 tHa da 1 tiaj tEj 1 tri tri tU t7 1 tKw tKw 1 t¾Kw t¾Kw 1 t¾ap t¾ap 1 tu) tO 1 tu) tO q; th2 5 t¾a t¾a 4 tHa da 1 t¾aN t¾aN 1 tra: tra:/trE: qU th7 1 t¾Kw t¾Kw
1 t¾u) t¾O d; d2 20 tHa da 4 tHan dan 3
3 tHa da 2 tHat dat 2 kHia gˆa 1 tßim tim dI d4 6 tHiaj dEj 2 tHi di 1 tiaj tEj 1 tHa da dU d7 2 tHKw dKw 1 tHu) dO
/; dh2 7 tHa da 4 tHa da 1 ta ta /;n( dh2n 1 tHam dKm/dam 1 tHan dan
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/I dh4 1 tHi di /U dh7 2 tHKw dKw 2 tHu) dO
1 tHu) dO
1 tHut dwKt n; n2 41 na na 1
1 ta ta 1 na na 1 nra: nraˆ/nE:
n;m( n2m 1 nra:m nrK:m/nrE:m nI n4 27 nri nri 1 na na 2 niajN nEjN 2 ni ni 1 ni ni 1 niaj nEj (f)
Bilabials Char. No. LMC EMC p; p2 84 pua pa 12 pHua ba 5 pua pa 4 puat pat 2 pa: paˆ/pE:
2 pak pak 1 pHu) bO
1 p¾ua p¾a 1 pua pa 1 fHjyat/fHa:t buat 1 pHua ba 1 puan pan 1 puaj paj 1 xHua Gwa 1 pua ?a pa ?a p;–( p2' 1 puan pan 1 pHuan ban 1 pua pa p;,( p2; 1 puan pan 1 pua pa pI p4 2 pHji bji 2 pji pji)/pji
1 pji pji 1 pi pi 1 pHa:j baˆj/bE:j 1 pjiajN pEjN pU p7 12 pu) pO
6 fjyw/fuw puw 3 fjyt/fut put 3 fHjyt/fHut but 2 pu) pO
1 pu) pO
1 put pKt, put 1 pun pKn 1 fjyn/fun pun 1 pin pin f; ph2 3 p¾ua p¾a 1 p¾a p¾a b; b2 6 pHua ba bI b4 1 mji mji)/mji 1 vjyj/vji muj bU b7 2 pHu) bO
1 pHu) bO
1 fHjyw/fHuw buw 1 pu) pO
.; bh2 12 pHua ba 5 p¾ua p¾a 4 pHuat bat 1 pua pa 1 pHi bi)/bi 1 ri #i)/#i .I bh4 2 pHji bji 1 pHji bji 1
.U bh7 5 pHu) bO
2 fHjyw/fHuw buw 1 p¾u) p¾O 1 pHu) bO
1 fjy)/fu) p¾u) 1 pHu) bO
1 pHu) bO
1 p¾u) p¾O .;,( b2; 1 pHuan ban m; m2 66 mua ma
Vowel Length in Middle Chinese Based on Buddhist Sanskrit Transliterations
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9 mua ma 7 muat mat 6 mua ma 4 mua ma 1 mut mKt 1 mak mak 1 muaj mKj m;n( m2n 1 ma:n maˆn/mE:n m;' m2m 1 vjyan/va:n muan mI m4 5 mji mji)/mji 2 mji mji)/mji mU m7 1 mu) mO
1 mu) mO
(g)
Semivowels Char. No. LMC EMC y; y2 14 jia jia 3 jia jia 2 jia jia 2 jia jia 2 jian jian 1 ßHia dia 1 jiaj jiaj 1 ?i ?ˆj 1 jia jia 1 Nja: Naˆ/NE:
1 jiw/jyw jˆw yU y7 3 jiw juw
1 jyw juw r; r2 73 la la 5
3 lam lam
2 lat lat 2 lat lat 1 na na 1 lam lam
1 lak lak 1 laj laj 1 li li 1 li li 1 lan lan 1
rI r4 17 li li 7
2 la la 2 li li 2 li li 1 sywk suawk 1 lu) lO 1 lK)k lKk 1 li lˆ/li 1 liaj lEj rU r7 3 lKw lKw 2 lu) lO 2
1 liw luw 1 lu) lO 1 liw luw 1 liw luw 1 liw luw 1 ky) ku) 1 ly) lu) r;n( r2n 1 lan lan l; l2 27 la la 2 lK)k lKk 1 lan lan 1 liaj lEj 1
lI l4 3 li li)/li 2 la la 2 li li 1 li li 1 li lˆ/li lU l7 2 lKw lKw 1 liw luw 1 lu) lO l;n( l2n 1 laN laN v; v2 31 pHua ba 8 fHjyak/fHak buak 4 fHjyak/fHak buak 3 xHua Gwa 2 pua pa 2 fHjyat/fHa:t buat 2 fHjy)/fHu) bu)
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2 pHuan ban 1 fHjyw/fHuw buw 1
1 fHjyaN/fHaN buaN 1 la la 1 xHuan Gwan 1 yat wuat 1 pHuan ban 1 pHuat bat 1 lua lwa 1
v;m( v2m 1 fHjyam/fHa:m buam 1 pHaN baN v;n( v2n 1 fHjyam/fHa:m buam vI v4 7 pHji bji 3 pHji bji 2 fHjyaj/fHji buaj 2 pjiajN pEjN 1 pHji bji 1 vjyj/vji muj 1 liaj lEj 1 li li 1 fHjyak/fHak buak 1 vjyj/vji muj 1 la la 1 yj wuj (h)
Fricatives Char. No. LMC EMC W; w2 18 ßa: ßaˆ/ßE: 2 ßr ßi 1 sa sa 1 sat sat 1 ßr ߈/ßi W;n( w2n 1 ßa:n ßKˆn/ßE:n 1 ßa: ßaˆ/ßE: WI w4 1 ßr ßi 1 ßr ߈/ßi x; q2 26 ßia ia 18 ßia ia 3 ßia ia 2 ßiat iat
2 sa sa 2 ßia ia 2 ßiajk iajk 2 ßa: ßaˆ/ßE: 1 ßiaN ˆaN 1 ßiaN ˆaN 1 ßa: ßaˆ/ßE: 1 ßi ˆ/i 1 ßK)k ßKk 1 sat sat 1 ßiak ˆak x;' q2m 2 ßiaN ˆaN 1 ßiam iam
1 ßia ia 1 ßiam iam
x;n( q2n 2 ßian ian 1 ßa:n ßaˆn/ßE:n 1 ßia ia 1 ßia ia xI q4 6 ßi i 2 ßi i)/i 1 sI si 1 ßi i xU q7 2 ßiw uw 2 syt swit 1 ßy) u) 1 siw suw 1 sy) su) xUn( q7n 2 ßyn win 1 ßiw uw s; s2 11 sa sa 4 ßa: ßaˆ/ßE: 2 sat sat 1 sam sam 1 pHua ba 1 tß¾a: tß¾aˆ/tß¾E: 1 ßia ia 1 t¾ak t¾ak s;' s2m 3 sK)N sKN
s;n( s2n 1 ßia ia sI s4 2 sI si
Vowel Length in Middle Chinese Based on Buddhist Sanskrit Transliterations
43
2 sI si)/si 1 ßi i 1 ßr ßi 1 siaj sEj 1 sia sia 1 ts¾I ts¾i)/ts¾i 1 sit sit 1 sI si 1 ts¾a ts¾a sU s7 3 su) sO 2 siw suw 1 sI si)/si 1 jyw juw 1 sy) su) 1 sut swKt h; h2 12 xa xa 5 xHa Ga 5 xa xa
1 xHat Gat 1 ?a ?a 1 xat xat 1
hI h4 1 xjiaj xEj 1 xi xˆ/xi 1 xi xˆj hU h7 1 xu) xO
hU' h7m 3
(i) Others Char. No. LMC EMC
=; kw2 7 tß¾a: tß¾aˆ/tß¾E: 1 tß¾a:t tß¾aˆt/tß¾E:t 1 k¾ji k¾ji 1 ßa: ßaˆ/ßE: 1 tß¾Km tß¾im
=;n( kw2n 1 tß¾a:n tß¾aˆn/tß¾E:n =I kw4 2 tß¾a: tß¾aˆ/tß¾E:
References Chao, Yuen Ren. 1940. Distinctions within Ancient Chinese. Harvard Journal of
Asiatic Studies 5:203-233. Chen, Shu-Fen. 2000. A study of Sanskrit loanwords in Chinese. Tsing Hua Journal of
Chinese Studies, New Series 30.3:375-426. Karlgren, Bernhard. 1922. The reconstruction of Ancient Chinese. T’oung Pao 21:1-42. Karlgren, Bernhard. 1954. Compendium of phonetics in Ancient and Archaic Chinese.
Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 26:211-367. Martin, Samuel E. 1953. The phonemes of Ancient Chinese. Journal of the American
Oriental Society 73.2 (Supplement to the Journal of the American Oriental Society No.16):1-46.
Pulleyblank, Edwin G. 1984. Middle Chinese: A Study in Historical Phonology. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press.
Pulleyblank, Edwin G. 1991. Lexicon of Reconstructed Pronunciation in Early Middle Chinese, Late Middle Chinese, and Early Mandarin. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press.
Soothill, William E., & Lewis Hodous. 1968. A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms,
Shu-Fen Chen
44
With Sanskrit and English Equivalents and a Sanskrit-Pali Index. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., LTD.
Yi, Yuan. 1986. The translation of Buddhist scriptures and translation arenas. Cowrie 3.1:75-91.
. 1980. . 1956. . 1962. . 1984. , . 1989. . 1971. . 1978. . 1983. . 1963.
[Received 5 December 2000; revised 18 October 2001; accepted 2 September 2002]
Department of Foreign Languages & Applied Linguistics 135, Yuan-tung Road Chungli, Taoyuan 320, Taiwan sfchen@saturn.yzu.edu.tw
Vowel Length in Middle Chinese Based on Buddhist Sanskrit Transliterations
45




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