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Historical Background:
Telangana is one of the 29 states in India. It was formed on 2 June 2014 with the
city of Hyderabad as its capital. Telangana is bordered by the states of
Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh to the north, and Karnataka to the west, and Andhra
Pradesh to the south, east and north east. It also shares a small border with Orissa.
As the twelfth largest state in India, Telangana has an area of 114,840 square
kilometers (44,340 sq mi), and a population of 35,286,757 (2011 census) Its major
cities include Hyderabad, Warangal, Nizamabad, Karimnagar, Ramagundam and
khammam.
Telangana acquired its identity as the Telugu-speaking region of the princely
state of Hyderabad, ruled by the Nizam of Hyderabad, joining the Union of India
in 1948. In 1956, the Hyderabad state was dissolved as part of the linguistic
reorganization of states, Telangana was merged with former Andhra state to form
Andre Pradesh. Following a popular movement for separation, it was awarded
separate statehood on 2 June 2014.
Hyderabad will continue to serve as the joint capital city for Andre Pradesh
and Telangana for a period of not more than ten years. Telangana is situated on the
Deccan Plateau, in the central stretch of the eastern seaboard of the Indian
Peninsula. It covers 114,840 square kilometers (44,34 sq.mi). The region is drained
by two major rivers, with about 79% of the Godavari river catchment area and
about 69% of the Krishna river catchment area, but most of the land is arid.
Telangana is also drained by several minor rivers such as the Baima, the Manjeera
and the Musi.
The annual rainfall is between 900 to 1500 mm in northern Telangana and
700 to 900mm in southern Telangana, from the southwest monsoons. Various soil
types abound, including chalks, red sandy soils, dubbed, deep red loamy soils, and
very deep back soils that facilitate planting mangoes, oranges and flowers.
Climate :
Telangana is a semi-arid and has a predominantly hot and dry climate. Summers
starts in March, and peak in May with average high temperatures in the 420c
(1080F) range. The monsoon arrives in June and lasts until September with about
755mm (29.7inches) of precipitation. A dry, mild winter starts in late November
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and lasts until early February with little humidity and average temperatures in the
22-230c (72-730F) range.
Ecology :
The central Deccan plateau dry deciduous forests ecoregion covers much of the
state, including Hyderabad. The characteristic vegetation is woodlands of
Hardwicke binate and Albazia amara. Over 80% of the original forest cover has
been cleared for agriculture, timber harvesting, or cattle grazing, but large blocks
of forest can be found in Nagarjuna sagar-srisailam Tiger Reserve and else where.
The more humid Eastern Highlands moist deciduous forests cover the Eastern
Ghats in the eastern part of the state.
National parks and Sanctuaries
Telangana has three National Parks : Kasu Brahmananda Reddy National Park in
Hyderabad district, and Mahavir Harina Vanasthali National Park and Mrugavani
National Park in Ranga Reddy district.
Wildlife sanctuaries in Telangana include Eturunagaram Wildlife sanctuary and
Paha Wildlife sanctuary in Warangal District, Kawal Tiger Reserve and Pranahita
Wildlife sanctuary in Aliabad district, Kinnerasani wild life sanctuary in Khamma
m-district, Manjira wildlife sanctuary in Medak district, Nagarjunasagar- Srisailam
Tiger Reserve in Algona and Mahabub nagger districts, Pocharam wildlife
sanctuary in Medak and Nizamabad districts, Shiva ram Wildlife sanctuary in
Karimnagar district.
Sacred groves are small areas of forest preserved by local people. Sacred
groves provide sanctuary to the local flora and fauna. Some are included within
other protected areas, like Kadalivanam in Nagarjunsagar-Srisailam Tiger Reserve,
but most stand alone. There are 65 sacred groves Telangana -two in Aliabad
district, thirteen in Hyderabad district, four in Karimnagar district, four in
Khammamdistrict, nine in Mahbubnagar district, four in Medak district, nine
Nalgona district, then in Range Reddy district, and three in Warangal district.
The Economy of Telangana is mainly driven by agriculture. Two important
rivers of India, the Godavari and Krishna, flow through the state, providing
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irrigation. Farmers in Telangana mainly depend on rain-fed water sources for
irrigaion. Rice is the major food crop. Other important crops are cotton, sugar cane,
mango and tobacco are the local crops. Recently, crops used for vegetable oil
production such as Sunflower and peanuts have gained favour. There are many
multi-state irrigation projects in development, including Godavari River Basin
Irrigation projects and Nagarjuna sager Dam, the world’s highest masonry dam.
The state has also started to focus on the fields of information technology
and biotechnology. Telangana is one of top IT exporting states of India. There are
68 special Economic Zones in the state.
Telangana is mineral-rich state, with coal reserves at singareni collieries.
Agriculture :
Rice is the major food crop and staple food of the state. Other important
crops are maize, tobacco, mango, cotton and sugar cane. Agriculture has been the
chief source of income for the state’s economy. Important rivers of India, the
Godavari, Krishna flow through the state, providing irrigation. A part from major
rivers, there are small rivers as TungaBhard, Bema, Dindi, Kinnerasani,
Manjeera, Manair, Penganga, Pranahith, Peddavagu and Taliperu. There are many
mule-state irrigation projects in development, including Godavari River Basin
Irrigation projects and Nagarjuna Sager Dam, the world’s masonry dam.
Agra export zone for the following produce are proposed at the place
mentioned against them:
Gherkins - Mahabubnagar, Rangareddy, Medak, karimnagar, Warangal.
Mangoes and grapes - Hyderabad, Rangareddy, Medak, Mahabubnagar.
Industries :
Several major manufacturing and services industries are in operation mainly
around Hyderabad. Automobiles and auto components industry, spices, mines and
minerals, textiles and apparels, pharmaceutical, horticulture, poultry farming are
the main industries in Telangana. In terms of services, Hyderabad is usually
nicknamed as cyber bad due to its information technology foray and location of
major software industries in the city. Prior to secession, it contributed 15% to
India’s and 98% to Andhra radish’s exports in IT and ITES sectors last 2013 with
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Hyderabad as in the front line of Telangana’s aims to promote information
technology in India, the city boasts the HITEC City as its premier hub.
The state government is in the process of developing Industrial parks at
different places, for specific group of industries. The existing parks are software
park at Hyderabad, HITEC city for software units, Apparel park at
Gundlapochampalli, Export Promotion park at Pashamylarm, Bio-technology park
at Turkapally.
Hyderabad is also a major site for healthcare related industries including
hospitals and pharmaceutical organizations such as Nizam’s Institute of Medical
Sciences, Apollo Hospitals, and Dr.Reddy’s Laboratories. In addition, Hyderabad
based healthcare non-profits include the Indian Heart Association, a cardiovascular
disease NGO.
Tourism
Telangana state Tourism Development Corporation (TSTDC) is a state government
agency which promotes tourism in Telangana has a variety of tourist attractions
including historical places, monuments, forts, waterfalls, forest and temples.
Power
Hyde and thermal power projects in the state meets the power requirements of the
state. Number of new power projects are coming up in the state which is expected
to generate additional power capacity in the state.
Transport
The state is well connected other states with road, rail, airways. However, since
Telangana is landlocked, it does not have any seaports.
Roads
The Telangana state Road Transport Corporation (TSRTC) is the major public
transport corporation that connects all the cities and villages. Mahatma Gandhi Bus
Station (M.G.B.S) in Hyderabad is one of the largest bus stand in Asia. Jubilee
Bus station in Secundrabad serves inter city bus services. Asia’s biggest inter city
bus Terminal (ICBT) is being built in Miyapur (Hyderabad), which would house
nearly 200 bus bays and for parking nearly 1,000 buses.
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Railways
The history of railways in this region dates back to the time of inseam of
Hyderabad in 1874. It operates under the auspices of the South Central Railway
founded in 1966. The landmark boiling Rail Nilayam in Secunderabad is the Zonal
Headquarter office of South Central Railway. Secunderabad and Hyderabad are the
main divisions of South Central Railway that fall in the state.
Airports
Rajiv Gandhi International Airport at Shamshabad is an international airport
serving the city of Hyderabad. It is largest airport in the state and one of the busiest
airports in the country. The government has plans to upgrade Warangal Airport,
Naziabad Airport and Ramagundam Airport . It also plans to construct airports in
Karimnagar and Kothagudem. Warangal has a domestic airport in Mamunooru
which was established in the year 1930 during Nizam period. All the exports and
imports of Azam Jahi Mills, Warangal were done through the Warangal Airport.
Culture
Telangana culture combines cultural customs from Persian traditions, embedded
during rule of the region by the Moguls, Qutub shahis and Nizams with prominent
and predominantly south Indian traditions and customs. The state has a rich
tradition in classical music, painting and folk arts such as Burra katha, shadow
puppet show, and Perini Shiva Tandavam, Gusadi Dance, Kolatam.
Monuments
Kakatiya Kala Khorana, Warangal, Charminar, Golconda fort, Qutub shahi
Tombs, Chowmahalla palace, Falaknuma palace, Birla Mender and Bhongir Fort,
Warangal fort are some of the monuments in and around Hyderabad.
Religious tourism
Bhadrachalam Temple is a temple to Lord Rama in the town of
Bhadrachalam in Khammam district.
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Gnana Saraswati Temple is a temple to Saraswati goddess in the town Basra
in Aliabad district.
Jogulamba temple, Illampu (also known as Dashing Kasha or
Navabrahmeshwar Teethe) - a famous temple located in Mahabub nagar
district. Jogulamba (also known as Yogulamba/yogamba) is one of the
eighteen shakti peethas)
Yadagirigutta Temple located in Nalgona District, only 46km from
Hyderabad.
Keesaragutta Ramalingshwara swami temple is very famous. Shivratri is
very well celebrated every year.
Pillalamarri, an 800 years old banyan tree located in Mahabubnagar.
Ramapo Temple is an unbelievably architecture located near Mulugu which
is 79 km away from Warangal.
Vemulawada - Sri Raja Rajeswara Swami temple is a very famous temple
also called as Dakhshin (south) Kais. This temple was built by Chaluky
kings between the 750 AD and 973 AD. This town is very busy and visited
by devotees from all over the state for the Shivratri festival every year.
There are few other very old and historic temples in the town of
vemulawada, Karimnagar District.
Warangal - The Thousand pillar Temple, built by the kakatiya dynasty, is
one of the oldest temples of South India.
Other religious places include, Medak Cathedral at Medak, Buddhist canters
at Nelkondapalli, Dhulikatta phanigiri and Kolapaka.
Water falls :
Kuntala water fall located in Kuntala, Aliabad district, at 45 meters (148ft) , is the
biggest in the state.
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Education :
Telangana has multiple institutes of higher education universities along with
numerous primary and secondary schools. The state is home to a number of
institutes, which impart higher education. The Department of Higher education
deals with matters relating to education at various levels in the state of telangana.
The Government has established Rajiv Gandhi University of Knowledge
Technologies (RGUKT) in 2008 to cater to the educational needs of the gifted rural
youth of Telangana. The higher education includes many colleges, Universities and
research institutes providing professional education in the fields of arts,humanities,
science, engineering, law, medicine, business, and veterinary sciences, with
undergraduate and post graduation.
Tribes of telengana :
Banaras :
The Banaras (also called Lambadi and Gomati) are a community usually
described as nomadic people from the Indian state of Rajasthan, now spread out all
over Indian subcontinent.
Origin :
According to Barman the name Leman was popular long before the name
Banjara, and leman Banjars originally came from Afghanistan before settling in
Rajasthan and other parts of India. The Lemans, according to him, are originally
from the independent province called Gor in Afghanistan.
Banjaras were traditionally suppliers of bullock and salt merchants. The
word Banjaras is said tube derived from sanskritword vana char (wanders in
jungle). The word Lambadi or Lamani is derived from Sanskrit word lavana (salt)
which was the principal good they transported across the country.
Culture
Language
Banjaras speak Banjari language ; also called Gor Boli it belongs to the
Indo-Aryan group of languages. Most Banjaras today’s are bilingual or
multilingual adopting the predominant language of their surroundings.
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Art
Banjaras art is rich and includes performance arts such as dance and music
to folk and plastic arts such as rangoli, textile embroidery, tattooing and painting.
The Banjaras embroidery and tattooing are especially prized and also form a
significant aspect of the Banjaras identity. Lambadi women specialize in “Lepo”
embroidery which involves stitching pieces of mirror, decorative beads and coins
on to clothes.
Festivals
Banjaras people celebrate the festival of Teej during Shravana (the month of
August). In this festival young unmarried Banjaras girls pray for a good Groom.
They sow seeds in bamboo bowls and water it three times a day for nine days and
if the sprouts grow “tick and high”, it is considered as good omen. During Teej
the seedling- baskets are kept in the middle and girls sing and dance around them.
Banjaras also celebrate the festival of Holy. Banjaras have a sister community of
singers known as Dadhis or Gajugonia. They are Muslim Banjaras who
traditionally traveled from village to village singing songs to the accompaniment of
sarangi.
Religion
The main deities of Banjaras people are Sati and saint several. They also worship
Hindu gods like Balaji, Jagadamba. Devior Thulja Bavani, Ganesh, Mahadev,
Khandoba/Kanhoba and Hanuman. They also hold Guru Nanak in great respect.
Several or sevabhaya is the most important saint of the Banjaras. According
to Banjaras accounts he was born on 15 February 1739 in Sirsi, Karnataka, to
Baima Naik and Dharmin Bai, and died on 4 December 1806. A cattle merchant by
profession he is said to have been a man of exemplary truthfulness, a great
musician, a courageous warrior, a rationalist who fought against superstition and
devotee of Goddess Jagadamba. The colonial British administrators also quote his
stories but they place him in the 19th century and identify his original name as Siva
Rathode.
Society
Distribution
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There are Banjara in Telangana and 1.1 million living in Karanataka as of 2012.
In India, Banjaras people were transporters of goods from one place another
and the goods they transported included salt, grains, firewood and cattle. During
18th century, the British colonial authorities brought the community under the
purview of criminal tribes act of 1871. By enforcing this act the British Raj curbed
the movement of Banjaras people. The stigma attached to this continued until 1952
when the act was abolished by the newly Independent India.
Classification
In some states of India, they are considered as scheduled caste while in other
states they are categorized as scheduled tribe. In the state Rajasthan, they are Other
back ward classes (OBC) category. In the state of Tamil Nadu they are Backward
classes (BC) and in Karnataka they are categorized as scheduled caste since 1977.
Chencuh people :
The Chenchus are a designated scheduled tribe in the Indian states of
Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Karnataka and Odessa. They are an aboriginal trible
whose traditional way of life has been based on hunting and gathering. The
chenchus speak the chenchu language, a member of the Dravidian language family.
In general, the chinch relationship to not-tribal people has been largely symbiotic.
Some chenchus have continued to specialize in collecting forest products for sale
to non-tribal people. Many chenchus live in the dense Nallamala forest of Andhra
Pradesh. The Chenchus are referred to as one of the primitive tribal Groups that are
still dependent on forests and to do not cultivate land but hunt for a living. Caste
Hindus living among them rent land from the chenchus and learned agriculture
from them, and the nomadic Banjaras herders who graze their cattle in the forest
also have been allotted land there. The chenchus have responded unenthusiastically
to government efforts to induce them to take up farming themselves. Chenchus are
very good people and very innocent they don’t how to speak eighth other than their
caste even other caste able to understand their behavior as well as mentality.
Gondi people
The Gondi or Gonad people are a Dravidian people of central India, spread
over the states of Madhya Pradesh, eastern Maharashtra (vidarbha), Chhattisgarh,
Uttar Pradesh, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh and Western Odessa. With over ten
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million people, they are the largest treble in central India. They are a designated
scheduled tribe in Andhra Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat,
Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Telangana, Odessa and West Bengal.
The Gonad are also known as the Raj Gonad. The term was widely used in 1950s,
but has now become almost obsolete, probably because of the political eclipse of
the Gonad Rajas. The Gondi language is closely related to the Telugu, belonging to
the Dravidian family of languages. About half of Gonads speaks Gondi languages
while the rest speak Indo-Aryan languages including Hindi. According to the 1971
census, their population was 5.1million. Since past few decades they have been at
the receiving end due to Naxality-Maoist insurgency in central part of India.
Gondhi people are also used as shields against Naxalizes by government of
Chhattisgarh through salwa judum.
Telangana religion:
The religious makeup of Telangana is 86% Hindu, 12.4% Muslim, and 1.4%
Christian, and 0.4% others. About 77% of the population of Telangana speak
Telugu, 12% speak Urdu, and 13% speak other languages angina religion.
Telangana Arts and crafts:
The arts, culture and traditions of Telangana is a fusion of the Telugu and
Persian culture dating back to the Nizams and Mughals. Hence, there is an
influence of Hinduism and Islam. Science Buddhism was the dominant religion up
to the 6th century it was also the home of Mahayana Buddhism. This can be
observed in the monuments of Nagarjunakonda and the world University at the sir
Pervata presided by Achary Nagarjuna. In the 12th century the Kakatiyas and the
chalukya’s revived Hinduism and Krishnadeva Raya of the vijayanagar empire
restructured old temples and built new ones.
Art
Nirmal Arts
Amidst the hills and forests of Aliabad one of the districts of Telangana is
the small town of Nirmal. It has been considered the land of art and crafts. The big
community of craftsmen in Nirmal are referred to as ‘Nakkash’. This town is
famous for its paintings known as Nirmal paintings. These paintings were greatly
admired and patronized by the Mughal rulers in the medieval period and it is said
that Lady Hydri later on brought the craftsmen to Hyderabad to promote their
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growth and development. In this, traditional art scenes are painted from the Hindu
epics - Ramayana and Mahabharata. The paintings have been influenced by the
Indian schools of art like Ajanta, Kanga and from Mughal miniatures. The color
used in these paintings especially the familiar gold color are produced indigenously
from extracts of herbs, gum, vegetable dye and minerals. The paintings, whether
depicting the grace of a dancer or the rhythm of a musician, enrapture the viewer.
It is said that in the past the Nizam of Hyderabad on visiting normal was given a
grand welcome with the artisans banana bud suspended over the Nizam’s seat
unfurled and a cascade of golden petals were showered on the Nizam. This so
overwhelmed him that he began to patronize the artisan.
Deccan Paintings
Deccan paintings are a style of miniature paintings which flourished among
the Deccan sultanates in peninsular India in the late 16th century. It was a
combination of Vijayanagar wall paintings and Persian influence with elongated
figures and landscapes with floral backgrounds. The colors used were rich and
luminous predominantly in gold and white.
Kalahari paintings
This paintings originated from the word ‘Kalama’ meaning pen and ‘Kari’
meaning work. Colorful designs are applied on cloth using vegetable dyes. Scenes
from Hindu mythology are depicted though per signs are applied on cloth using
vegetable dyes. Scenes from Hindu mythology are depicted though Persian designs
and motifs are included due to the influence of Muslim rulers. Hand carved blocks
are used to do the outlines and main features and the pen is used for finer details.
Chervil scroll paintings
These paintings are stylized versions of Nakashi art which is an art form
practiced in chemical district of Warangal in the Telangana region. They are used
for storytelling and their themes are drawn from folklore and mythology like the
piranhas and Epics. The format of these paintings is narrative like a film role or a
comic strip. They were traditionally used by the balladeer or story telling
community known as ‘Kaki Padagollu’. They went from village to village singing
and narrating their ballads with music and dance displaying these scrolls in a series
of horizontal or vertical panels on a stage erected on four poles with a horizontal
bar. The length of the scroll depended on the length of the story and each scroll
could have about 50 panels. The panel depicting that particular part of the story
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would be displayed as the bard would narrate the story. In modern times instead of
a continuous scroll single pictures are painted as wall decorations. The making of
the canvas is an elaborate procedure eighth khadi cotton, rice starch, white mud,
boild tamarind seeds and gum water. The artists then sketch the outline on the
canvas with a brush made of a stick with squirrel’s hair. They are painted in vivid
hues with the red color predominantly in the background.
Sculptures :
Sculptures made of stone, marble or wood are made in the Telangana region
into various animal and bird forms. Sculptures of deities in various forms in
intricate and aesthetic styles are crafted by the artisans. Examples of fine sculptures
can be seen in the Ramapa temple in Warangal, the thousand pillar temple built by
the Kakatiyas in the town of Hanamakonda in Telangana and the Allampur temples
in Mahbubnagar.
Cultural sites – Museums :
Telangana has many museums which have prized collections of different
civilizations depicting the culture of various kingdoms of the state. They are---
Salar Jung Museum :
It is one of the three National museums of India is located in the city of
Hyderabad in Telangana. The art objects were collected by three generations of the
Salar Jung family with the major portion of the collection acquired by salar Jung
III (Anwar Mir Yusuf Ali Khan) who devoted his entire life to collecting rare and
precious art objects. It was originally stored in his ancestral place ‘Dewan Deodi’.
There after his heirs decied to form a museum to store the various artifacts, books
and manuscripts in 1968. The collection comprises antiques and art objects not
only from India but also from Western, Middle East and Far East countries. It is a
treasure house of art from different cultures like Roman, Greek, Hindu, Jain
Buddhist, Islamic and Christian culture and a culture centre for research projects,
exhibits as well as an educational centre. These include paintings, sculptures, metal
ware, carvings, ceramics, ivory, lacquer ware, porcelain, metal ware, glass etc and
a huge library of books, journals and manuscripts.
Hyderabad Museum :
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It is located at Hyderabad’s public garden and is the state’s oldest museum.
It has many galleries containing bronze and stone sculptures, paintings, textiles,
manuscripts, arts and antiquities representing Vijayanagara and Chalukya period
including Buddhist artifacts.
Nizam Museum or city Museum :
This museum which is situated in the palace (Purani Haveli) of the last
Nizam of Hyderabad Asaf Jah VII (Osman Ali Khan Bahadur) contains treasures
which include artifacts so swords, daggers studded with precious stones, figurines,
Neolithic pottery, coins of satavahana period etc.
National History Museum :
This museum is located inside the Nehru Zoological park in Hyderabad and
contains many artifacts and stuffed dummies of extinct animals and birds.
Crafts :
Bird craft
This craft form is said to have originated in Iran centuries ago and brought
down by migrants. It has been nourished and maintained by future generations of
practitioners and is said to have derived its name from the town Bidar of the
erstwhile princely Hyderabad state now currently part of Karnataka. It is the
unique art of silver engraved on metal. It involves four stages of manufacturing
namely casting, engraving, inlaying and oxidizing. Black colors for surface
ornamentation are used for Bidri art which does not fade easily and is accompanied
by silver and gold coatings. An alloy of zinc and copper called gunmetal is used
for this art. Flower vases, jeweler boxes, key chains and other artifacts are made is
very popular all over the world.
Dora Metal Craft :
This metal craft could be seen centuries earlier in the artifacts of Mohenjo
Daro. It is a bell metal craft which combines skills of metallurgy with wax
technique and though it originated in West Bengal, Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand it
travelled to Orissa and Andhra Pradesh mainly in the district of Adilabad. Dokra is
an ancient technique of casting where in wax threads are wrapped around an inner
core of clay model. Molten brass or bronze is poured into an opening which has
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been covered with another layer of clay. It is a very labor intensive work and each
piece crafted is different from the other. Simple art forms and traditional designs
are made like tribal Gods, figurines, caskets, bowls etc and its aesthetic beauty is in
great demand in India and abroad.
Nirmal toys and handicrafts :
Initially the Nirmal artisans restricted them selves to art from. But later local
talent was exploited and decorative and utility articles began to be manufactured.
Nirmal toys are carved out of Punic wood or ‘Puniki Chekka’ which is flexible and
light and can be cut into various shapes and sizes. The various parts of the toys are
then coated with ‘Chinta Leppam’ which is a specially prepared glue prepared
from boiled tamarind seeds and sawdust and coated with white clay which
smoothens any depression or ridges present in the toys. The artifacts and wall
plaques are made of teak wood which is well finished on lathe before painting the
preconceived design. Then Duco paint in the desired background color is sprayed
on the plaque and finally the artisan paints the design. The quality and beauty of
the finished products is breath taking. In modern times experimentation with
various hues and shades without moving away from tradition has been evolved. A
variety of aesthetic household and office furniture and decorative furnishings too
are made by the craftsmen.
Banaras Needle Craft :
This needle craft is practiced by the Banjaras or tribal’s Telangana. It is
made up of needle work with geometric patterns of squares, diamonds and
triangles. Colorful and different types of stitches with mirror work, beads and
shells are made on rich and brightly colored clothes. These are different from the
embroidery and design work of the tribal’s of Gujarat and Kutch region. These
beautiful designs and intricate patterns are used in clothes, bags, bedspreads and
bring an exotic look to the decor of a place.
Bronze Castings :
The bronze casting of Telangana are world famous and detailed information
can be obtained from the shipa Shastra’s which is a text from the Gupta period on
the methodology of casting images in metal. The Vishnussamhita an appendix to
the Vishnu Purana refers to wax modeling for making metal objects. The ancient
Sanskrit text mansara shipa has a chapter entitled lost wax method or
maduchhistha vidhanam giving details of casting idols in wax. The Abhilasitartha
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chintamani or Manasollasa written by King Bhulokamalla Someshvara of the
chalukya dynasty gives detailed description of lost Wax and casting methods.
Srikumara’s silparatna contains instructions on the hollow casting procedure.
Studying all these detailed procedures the carftsmen make the idols with accurate
measurements and descriptions of the deity in proper proportinon brining out the
salient features and characteristics. Several coating of clay on a finished wax
model are used to creat the mould which then imparts intricate curves to the cast
image.
Lacquer ware :
Lac is said to have been first mentioned in 1590 AD in Aaine Akbari written
by Abul Fazl. Lac is a gummy deposit obtained from insect which are tiny and red
in color and which thrive on certain species of tree. This craft involves applying
lacquer on wood in different color which is done on a lathe or ‘turned toys’ and
can be machine or hand operated. A light species of wood called Ankudu karra is
generally used and the lacstick is pressed against the woodenware to be lacquered.
Desings are painted on toys and figures using a brush. The lac is applied in a dry
state. The lac is softned with the help of the heat evolved from the fariction during
the revolving of the woodenware and enables the color to stick.
The most popular form of lacquer ware are the lac bangles studded with
mirrors, beds and stones in attractive colors and designs. Besides this many
decorative items like bowls, vases containers etc are made.
Music
Telangana has a music tradition of carnatic music and folk music. The
different from of lollk music are ---
Oggukatha
It is a traditional folk singing art carried out by some communities who sing
songs in the form of ballads in praise of their tribal Gods and on Lord Shiva
moving from one place to another. They narrate and dramatise the stories of the
Gods.
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In this story tellers or balladeers narrate srories in song form using the sarada
stringed instruments.
Dances :
Perini Shivathandavam :
Perini Shivathandavam is a dance which originated in the Kakatiya dynasty
which ruled for nearly two centuries and established their kingdom in Warangal. It
was performed in front of the idol of Lord Shiva befor the soldiers set out to fight
in the battle. It is called the ‘Dance of warriors’ and is usually performed ony by
males. Evidence of this dance form can be seen in the sculptures of the Ramapa
temple in Warangal in the sanctum sanctorum or Garbha Gruha of the main
temple. This dance is performed vigorously to the beats of drums as the dacers feel
the power of Shiva entering their body as they invoke him in a deep abstract way
and is considered highly invigorating and intoxicating. This dance form was on the
verge of extinction after the decline of the Kakatiya Empire but has been revived in
recent times.
Gobbi Dance :
It is performed during the sankranthi festival and derives its name from
‘Gobbillu’ or ‘balls of cow dung’ which are placed in the middle of pangolin
designs made in front of houses. These are then worshipped along with ritulas,
Kumkum, turmeric and flowers. In the evening young girls sing and dance around
the Gobbillu in a circular manner similar to the Garbha dance of Gujarat.
Burro Catha
This is a form of storytelling using a muscial instrument called ‘Burra’. This
art evolved from a dance called Tandana katha which was a popular means of
entertainment for the rural masses. A Burra katha group consists of three artistes
the main artist being in the centre dressed with a long flowing dress called
angaraksh, a a colourful turban with a crest feather, a tight pyjama or dhoti, a
colourful waistband musical bells on his ankles.He holds a Burra(a kind of
Tambura) in his hand and sings the ballads while palying the instrument. He is
called the story teller or kathakudu and his stories are based on mythology or
history. He also wears a metal ring called Andelu in his right hand and holds
another ring in hisleft hand and beats music with them. He is accompained by two
other artistes one on either side called Vantalu who are similarly dressed and play
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the instruments called Buarralu or Budigalu or dhaki which are earthern drums of
two heads. One of them is called the Rajkiya who enlivens the session with his
satirical political and social commentary and the other is the Hasyam clown for
comic relief. The ballad compositions contain a variety of songs in content and
form in different meters.
Dandari dance:
This dance is generally perfromed by the Gonds of the hilly region of
Northern Hyderabad with Dandas or sticks. The male dancers wear colourful
costumes and strike their sticks dancing to the accompaniment of trumpers and
drums with musicians and strike their sticks dancing to the accompaniment of
trumpet and drums with musicians leading the procession. They go from village to
village and even the hosts some times accompany them in their dance. According
to the Gonda legend, Dandaria was an ancient Gond hero who was the creator of
this dance and he was originally a desecendant of the Pandavas thus the Gonds
belive they too are descendants of the pandacas thus the Gonds belive they too are
descendants of the pandavas and joyously celebrate this dance.
Dhamal Dance :
This dance is in mine form and performed by the Siddhis of Hyderabad
region. The Siddhis are said to be originally from Africa and Abyssinia who were
brought into Andhra as slaves in the 12th centruy to perform guard duties in the
palaces by the Hindu kings. The ruling classes used them as sailors, soldiers and
guards. It is in the form of martial art using shields and swords and they perform
various musical instruments. Their exotic dances with speical war like movements
and exotic colourful costumes reflect the flavour of their land of origin.
Mathuri Dance :
This is a special dance performed by the Madhuri tribe of Adilabad during
the rainy season of the month of shravan. Unlike in most of the dance forms which
are performed predominantly by men including roles of women, this dance is
performed by both men and women with men in the outer semi circle and women
in the inner circle. The men strike small sticks while women clap to the
accomoaniment of secular and devotional songs. These tribes were said to have
been originally from Mathura and hence their dance is said to bear resemblance to
the Ras Leela dances of Uttar Pradesh.
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Bhamakalapam and Gollakalapam :
These are famous folk art forms of traditional drama written by sidhendra
Yogi in the 7th century. Kalapam is a one act play in a simple traditional dance
drama form.A sutradhar gives the main running commentary of the sequence and
each character narrates his story eith another character making comments or asking
questions. The main emphasis is Satthvikabhinaya with Bhakti or Shringar Rasa.
This dance form with emphasis on moral values was initiated by Sidhendra yogi to
differentiate it from the dance performed by the nautch girls of those times. He
trained young boys from the Brahmin community with complex expressions and
elaborate gestures as in the Kuchipudi dance form with philosophical stories
forming the main theme where in a simple millmaid explains to an erudite Brahmin
concepts of Dharma and the philosophy behind the various incarnations of God on
earth.
Festivals :
Besides the common festivals celebrated throught the year there are many
festivals significant to the region. They are ---
Bathukamma :
This festival is celebrated by the women of Telangana during Mahalaya
Amavasya or Bhadrapada Amavasya in the month of september - October during
Navaratri for a period of nine days and is now declared the Sate Festival of
Telangana. The first day ison Mahalaya Amavasya and the last day culminates on
Ashwayuja Ashtami or Durganshtami two days before Dessehar. This day is called
Pedda Bathukamma or saddula Bathukanna. ‘Bathukamma’ or ‘Divine Mother
Gauri - Life Giver’ is said to be the patron Goddess for women. Women dress up
in traditional finery, clean their courtyard, use cow dung as base and decorate ir
with various designs of Rangoli using rice flour. For the first five days five small
cone shaped lumps with cow dung are arranged in the courtyard. Men hlep in
gathering various kinds of flowers are decorated and scented and stacked in a
conical mound with a lotus aor pumpkin flower on the top along with a symbolic
mound of turmeric depicting Goddess Gauri. In the evening women form a circle
around it clapping and singing folk songs slowly revolving around around in small
steps.
The songs invoke the blessings of the various Goddesses for the happiness,
good health and peosperity of their families.
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Boddemma :
This festival commences nine days prior to Bathukamma festival and
concludes on Mahalaya Amavasya. It is a festival for unmarried girls. The
courtyard is cleaned and decorated with turmeric, flowers and Rangoli. An image
of Boddemma is prepared in seven layers with earth in the shape of a Gopura. In
the evening all unmarried girls sing and dance around it praying to the Goddess for
an early and successful marriage.
Bonalu :
This festival is celebrated to pray to Goddess Mahakali and began during the
period of the Nazism. It is said that during the out break of plague in the 18th
century in Hyderabad, people prayed that they would instal an idol of Mahakali if
the disease was destroyed and hence this festival is celebrated. Another version
states that the Goddess returms to her parental home in the month of Ashadi and
the occasion is welcomed and celebrated as Bonalu. Women and unmarried girls
dress up in traditional finery dacing with Bonam (balancing pots) to the rhythmic
beats of drums. Devotees offers a Thottelu or a small colourful paper structure
supported by sticks as a mark of respect. The brother of hte Goddess represented
by pothuraju is a man anointed with turmeric and vermilion draped in a red dhoti
with bells in his ankles who dances to resounding drums and leads the female
dancers to the temple. Streets are decorated with neem leaves and the Goddess is
offered cooked rice with milk and sugar in brass or earthern pots decorated with
neen leaves, turmeric and vermillion.
Samakka Saralamma :
This festival is held once every two years in the month of February and is
celebrated for four days attracting a large number of pilgrims to Warangal.
Samakka and Saralamma are the mother and daughter duo reverd as trible
Goddesses. Accoring to legens they fought against the unjust and unfair rulers of
the kingdom and are worshipped and revered to this day. All the tribal population
gather together and offer prayers and Thulabaram (offering objects equal to body
weight) generally of jaggery to the Goddesses. They then take a dip in the
Jampanna vagu where Jampanna was said to be the son of smakka and he died
sacrificing his life for the sake of the tribal people in his battle against the Kakatiya
rulers.
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Bhimanna or Ayanna :
Theis festival is celebrated by the Kolam tribes of Aliabad and falls in the
Kolam month of satti. It lasts for three days. Bhimanna or Ayanna is the principal
deity of the Kolam tribe. He is represented by a carved mace of wood crowned
with peacock feathers, a pot with a belt of bellsor anklets and small dolls made of
mud, which are stored in a thatched shed. On a holy Thursday these relics are then
brought to the heart of the village. The deity is then bathed at a hill stream and
brought to the enclosure and animal or fowl sacrifice is carried out and offered to
the deity. The meat is then cooked and offered to everyone.
Yedupayala :
This annual festival is held in Medal on the holy Mahashivaratri day in a
sacred place where the seven tributaries of the Manjeera River join and flow
together.
Festivals of telangana :
Bathukamma is Telangana’s floral festival celebrated by the Hindu women
of Telangana. Every year this festival is celebrated as per Telugu version of Hindu
calender in the Bhadrapaha Amavasya, also known as Mahalaya Amavasya,
usually in september- October of Gergorian calendar. Bathukamma is celebrated
for nine days during Durga Navaratri. It starts on the day of Mahalya Amavasya
and the nine day festivities with culminate on “saddula Bathukamma” or “Pedda
Bathukamma” festival on Ashwayuja Ashtami,popularly known as Durgashtami
which is two days before Dussehar. Bathukamma is followed Boddemma, which is
a 7-days festivial. Boddemma festival that marks the ending of varsha Ruthu
whereas Bathkamma festival indicates the beginning of sarad or sharath Ruthu.
Bathukamma represents cultural spirit of Telangana. Bathukamma is a
beatiful flower stack, arranged with different unique seasonal flowers most of them
with medicinal values, in seven concetric layers in the shape of templegopuram.
IN Telugu, ‘Bathukamma’ means ‘Mother Goddess come alive’ and Goddess
Maha Gauri - ‘Life Giver’ is worshipped in the form of Bathukamma - the patron
goddess of womanhood, Maha Gauri Devi. It is the festival for feminine
felicitation.
Bonalu or Mahankali bonalu is a Hindu Festival, Goddess Mahakali is
worshiped. Bonalu is an annual festival of Telangana celebrated in Twin cities
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Hyderabad, secunderabad and other parts of Telangana, India. It is celeabrated in
the month of Ashda Masam, in July/August. Special poojas are performed for
Yellamma on the first and last day of the festival. The festival is also considered a
thanks giving to the Goddess for fulfillment of vows.
Bonam means Bojanam or a meal in Telugu, is an offering to Mother
Goddess. Women prepare rice cooked with milk, Jaggery in anew brass or Earthen
pot adorned with Neem leaves, Turmeric, vermilion and a lighted Diya on the top
of the pot. Women carry the pots on their heads and make offering of Bonam along
with; Turmeric -vermilion, Bangles ans saree to the mother goddess across the
Temples. and Bonalu involoves the worship os Kali and her various forms.
Goddess is worshiped as Mysamma - Pochamma, Yellamma.
Origin of Bonalu festival (edit
The festival history has started in 1813 in Hyderabad and secunderabad
regimental bazzar. Plague disease broke out in twin cities of Hyderabad and
secunderabad, claiming thousands of lives. Before this a military battalion of
Hyderabad is deployed to Ujjain, knowing about thye plauge in Hyderabad the
military battalion prayed to the Mother Goddess in Mahankaal Temple. Ujjain,
Madhya Pradesh, that if people were saved from the epidemic they would install
the idol of Mahankali back in their city. It is belived that Mahankali destroyed the
disease and keeps pestilence at arms length, Military Battalion came back to the
city and installed an Idol and every year people offered Bonalu to Mother Goddess
Mahankali.
Other version also includes the mythological story and belife that revolves
around the festival, says that this is the time when Goddess Mahakali comes back
to her parental home, in Ashada Maasam or the period from late June to August.
Like daughers are much pampered in their parental homes.
The Ritual :
Bonalu is celebrated in various parts of the city. On the first sunday of
‘Aashaadam’, Celebrations are held at the temple at Golconda Fort. On the second
sunday, at Ujjaini Mahakali Temple in Secunderabad and Balkampet Yellamma
temple in Balkampet, and the third sunday, at the Pochamma and Katta maisamma
temple of Chilkalaguda and the Matheswari temple of Lal darwaza in old city of
Hyderabad. Akkanna Madanna temple in Haribowli, Muthyalamma temple temple
in Shan Ali Banda are among other temples where Bonalu are celebrated. Every
year, lakhs of devotes congregate to pay obeisance to Mahankali.
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On this occasion women dress up in the traditional sari combining it
with jewels other accessories. Teenage Girls wear half-sarees / Lehenga Choli
combining it with jewels order to bring out the tradititonal grace of the attire.
Some Tranced women dance with balacing pots (Bonam), to the rhythmic
beats of drums in honour of the local Goddess. To ward off evil spirits, in olden
days, people used to sacrifice male buffalo in front of the temple, but now, rooters
are sometimes sacrificed.
The fesitival starts at Golconda.
Women carrying Bonalu are belived to possess the spirit of Mother Goddess,
and when they go towards the temple, people pour water on their feet to pacify the
spirit, who, by nature, is belived to be aggressive.
Every group of devotees offer a Thottelu (a small colorful, paper structure
supported by sticks) as a mark of respect.
It is believed that the Goddess comes back to her maternal home during
Ashada Maasam, so people come to see her and bring offerings of food to show
their love and affection, just as they would prepare a special meal when their own
daughters visit them.
Pothuraju
Pothuraju is the brother of Mother Goddess, is represented in the procession
by a well-built, bare-bodied man, turmeric on his body and vermilion on his
forehead. He dances to resounding drums.
He always dances before the Palaharam Bandi, the procession. He is
considered the initiator of the festivites and the protector of the community. He
leads the tranced female dancers who are under spell of the Mother Goddess
(Known asshigam) to the temple, with lashing whips and emerald neem leaves
(Margosa) tied around their waists, accompanied by trumpers and drums.
The Feast
Bonalu is a festival of offering to the Mother Goddess and families share the
offering with family memnbers and guests. A non-vegetarian family feast follows
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after the great Avinasha the offering. The festival environment is quite palpable in
the locality celebrating the feastival, with loud-speakers plying Mother Goddess
song in folk style, and streets are decorated with neem leaves.
Rangam, or performing the Oracle, is held the next morning of the fesitival.
A women standing atop of an earthen pot ‘invoked’ goddess Mahankali onto her
and performs the custom. She foretells the years ahead when devotees ask about
the future.This takes place before the procession is started.
Ghatam is a copper pot, decorated in the form of mother goddess. The
Ghatam is carried by a priest, who wears a traditional Dhoti and body with
smeared in turmeric. The Ghatam is taken into procession from first day of the
festival till last day, when it is immersed in water. The Ghatam in usually
accompanied by drums.
Ghatam is followed after Rangam.The festival concludes with immersion of
Ghatam. THe ghatam of Haribowli’s Akkanna Madanna Temple leads the
procession, placed atop an elephant and accompanied by mounted horses and
models depicting Akkanna and Madanna. It ends in the evening with a glittering
procession and display followed by immersion of ghatams at Nayapul.
A carnival -like atmosphere, where thousands of people wait along the main
streets of Laldarwaza to Nayapul and watch the exquisitely and elaborately
decorated Ghatams. Young men dance in a unique style to the drum beats and folk
songs alongside Pothuraju, dress-up in various mythological roles.
The Ghatams of the Secundrabad City (Lashkar) include Ujjaini Mahakali and
Mahadevi Pochamma at Karbal Maidan, Dokkaalamma at Himam Bavi,
Muthyalamma at Kalasiguda, Nallagutta, Pan Bazar, Chilkalguda, Uppara Basthi,
Kummariguda, Regimental Bazar and Bhoiguda, ect....
There are areas in secunderabad tha existed from during the British era,
Areas in Secunderbad cantonment also have their own dates for celebrating bonalu
in their villages like Modfort, Gunrock, Sikh village (with are now areas in the
cantonment). They celebrate ghatam procession just for one day or two days or so
depending on their age old traditions. Thiru thulkanthamman Temple in old
Mudfort has been doing ghatam since for about 100 years.
The Ghatams of the Old city procession include the Mahankali temples in
Haribowli Akkanna Madanna, Laldarwaza, Uppuguda, Miralam Mandi and
Kasaraatta, the Jagadamba temple of Sultanshahi, Darbar Mysamma of Aliabad,
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Mysamma Temple of Boggulkunta (FGP) and Mutyalamma temple of Chandulal
Bela.
Sammakka Saralamma Jatara :
The sammakka saralamma sharine area in Warangal is reported to have been
built during the 12th century. The temple has no mythological backgorund relating
to the construction of the temple; instead, it is belived to the built in the memory of
two tribal women.
The main deity(s) of the sammakka saralamma temple are two brave women
who stood up for their community and its betterment. They became Martyrs in the
battle. According to the legend, once a troop from the Koya tribal community was
returning from a trip, when they saw a little girl palying with the tigress. The head
of the troop saw the girl and inspired by her bravery, he adopted her and named he
as samakka. Later she married a headman of a neghboring tribal group and hand a
daughter, Sarakka. Both the mother and daughter protested the Kakatiya ings who
froced the tirbes to pay taxes. Both the women fought bravely and reportedly lost
their lives. The Koya community constructed this temple as a token of gratitude.
Annually an event called sammakka saralamma jatara is held which is considered
as one of the largest tribal festivals of the world. The deities are brought from the
forest to a spot for a period of 10-12 days when more than one crore devotees offer
prayers and gift ‘bangaram’, which is pure jaggery to the deities. The entire place
reverberates with divine chants and elaborate arrangements are made for this
Jathara with thousands of buses arriving with pilgrims.
Historcal significance of Dandakaranya
This is also belived to be the place where Lord Sri Rama, his consort sita
and brother Lakshmana made it as their abode for a brief period as part of their 14
years exile in the forest.
People belive that Goddess Sammakka and Sarakka would fulfill their
desires with their miraculous powers. Childless couples visit the above of
goddesses with paryers to bless them children whereas young girls pray for getting
married. Pilgrims bathe in the nearby Jampanna stream to seek puification and
absolve from sins.
Maghasudha pournami, the special occasion!
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The actual festival begings during the month of Magha, on Sudha Pournami
i.e. full moon day in the evening when Sarakka is traditionally brouht from
Kanneboyinapalle village in the forest, and then placed on an earthen platform
which is raised under a tree.
By the sunset of next day, the main goddess sammakka is then brought from
Chilukalagutta. There are two platform of bamboo sticks, which is smeard with
vermilion and turmeric. sicence times immemorial, there is a huge tree, which
stands on sammakka gadde.
When the priests get the ochere box and other important relics from a hidden forest
location, there is a great tumult accompanied frenzied beating of drums, trumpet
blowing and yells. It is said believed that during the festival a huge tiger moves
around peacefully. The cocounts and jiggery offering becomes piled at the foot of
the old trees.
Peerla Panduga :
Muharram, also called Peerla Panduga is an important festival in the state of
Telangana. Munarram is a festival marked by processions. During this occasion, a
relic called alam is taken out as a procession. Ashurkhana, representing a group of
Sufi shrines, is the area where the procession taken place, Many Muslims and even
Hindus take part in this festival by chanting Ya Hussain as they particpate eargerly
in this procession.
In Dabeerpura are of Hyderabad, Hindus are considered alambardaar, which
means standard-bearers at the famous shrine of Bibika Alawa. Hindus throng in
thousands to worship the holy relic of Alam since it is believed that a darshan of
this Alam gives them solac and peace of mind. On this special day of Muharram,
Hindus visit sufi shrines. Peerla panduga is actually an occasion of sorrow when
the Hindu devotees respect the sentiments of their Islamic brothers and praticipate
in a solemn procession.
The Badeshahi Ashurkhana in Hyderabad has a rich 400 years old history
and is also home to maximum crowds during this festival. Thousands of Hidus
visit this sharine, especially during the 9th and 10th day of the festival. Several
foreign tourists also witness the proceedings of these festivities. The final day
involves Alam veing carried on top of an elephant as a prcession from Bibi ka
Alawa towards Masjid-e-Ilahi. The festival is also celebrated in many rural regions
of Telangana close to sufi shrines or Durgahs.
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Administrative reforms of salarjung :
1.Financial reforms of Salarjung -1
In order to bring about economic stability, salarjung-1 introduced the following
financial reforms.
a) In the general administration, salarjung divided the Hyderabad state into 5
provinces called subas and they were further divided into 17 districts. The
Subas were administrated by suberdars and the districts by Tahsildars.
b) He abolished the tax farming system. Under this system the tax farmers
(daftardars) collected huge sums from the peasants and paid only a small
amount to Noam. This system resulted in loss to the state, exploitation of
peasants and lack of dierect contact between peasants and the state.
c) Taludars were appointed to collect land revenue from the peasants. They
were paide by the state. This gave certainty to the income of the State.
d) Third important finanacial measure was stabilization of currency. Issuing of
coins was made the monopoly of the state. Central mint was established at
Hyderabad and the district mints were abolished. Halisikka rupee was
introduced and made it as the standard currency.
As a result of above measures, the economic position fo the State was
improved. He redeemed the state jewels from mortgage and raised fresh loans at
reasonable rate of interest to clear outstanding debts.
2) Administrative reforms :
Salarjung brought drastic changes to rotten administrative system based on
Mughal administrative system. Imporatant changes are
1) Salarjung brought drastic changes in the talukdar system. He appointed paid
talukdars.
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2) Zilabandi system was introduced. According to this system the state of
Hyderabad was divided into5 provinces called Subas and were further
divided into 17 districts. Each district was placed under Awal Talukdars who
was assisted by Doyum and Soyum talukdars. They made identified with
present day sub cellectors.
3) Regional revenue division consisting of two or three districts was created.
Each revenue division was kept under Sadar Talukdar.
4) Revenue administration was kept under the direct control of the state.
Reforming the administration system reduced the corruption and the officals
were kept under the check.
3) Police reforms :
The Nizam rulers paid scant attention to police department. It was based on
Mughal Tradition. There was no regular police department. In villages patels
and partwaris were in charge of law and order. In the cities Kotwals functioned
as police officers.
Salarjung introduced the following police reforms.
a) Police department called Mahkama-i-Kotwali and police force called
Nizamet were created. They were appointed and paid by the state.
b) The posts of superintendent of police (Mahtamin) and police
inspectors(Amins) were created.
c) Regular police stations called chaukis were established.
Thus, a new police system was introduced to maintain law order in the state of
Hyderabad. As a result the incidence of crime was reduced greatly.
4) Judical reforms :
Salarjung reformed the Judical system.
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a) The court of appeal or supreme court, high court and the district courts were
thoroyughly reformed.
b) The Supreme Court called Majils-i-Murafa was located at Hyderabad. The
court called mahkama-i-sadar was also located at Hyderavad. A number of
judicial officer called Munisiffs and Mir-Adils were appointed in districts.
c) Civil and criminal courts were established separately.
d) A separate department of judiciary was created to coordinate the work of
civil, criminal and other courts.
5) Education and public services :
To get desired personnel to run the administrative system of the state on sound
lines, Salarjung-I paid special attention to educational system.
Realizing the importance of English education, salarjung founded Dar-ul-ulm at
Chaderghat in 1855, city college and Deccan Engineering college in 1870. For the
children of Nobles, the Madarasah -i-ala was founded.
The induction of a large number of outsiders into the administration of the state
later on led to friction between the locals and nonlocals. This finally led to rise of
Mulki movement.
6) Communication facilities :
Salarjung- I took sufficient care in improving commination facilities like roads
and railways lines. The prominent railway line laid during this period are
1. Madras to sholapur
2. Madras to Bombay. It passed through important cities like Wadi and
Gulbarga.
3. Hyderabad to Wadi.
Mulki rules :
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Mulki rules were promulgated by Nizam in 1919. And these Mulki rules
were intended to open employment opportunities to Telugu people.
This was a result of awakening among Telugu people that were being
sidelined by Nizam in empolyment opportunities.
It may be noted that in those days officials posts were being cornered mostly
by Elite muslims from Hindustan (North India), Khayasts and Brahmanas of
Bengal Bihar area, Maratha Brahmanas like Deshmukhs, Patils etc...,
Disgruntled Telugus (Telangana people) in 1919 succeeded in making Noam
to issue an order which could eventually reduce import of itellectuals or officials
from ‘Foreign’ lands such as Hindustan or Bengal.
It may be recalled that in 1969 Andhra Pradesh High court decreed that
application of Mulki laws were null and void in the new State. Then Jai Telangana
movement started and violent incidents occurred in Hyderabad against coastal
people. The violence was suppressed at that time.
And in 1972 Supreme court upheld application of Mulki laws in AP state.
Then Jai Andhra movement started demanding separation of Andhra state from
that at Hyderabad and the movement run for 110 days. At last Indira Gandhi came
out with amendment to constitution of India by including Article 371D to
safeguard employment interests of Telangana region who were at that time thought
to be not in a position to compete with coastal Andhra people. And it was
envisaged that all kinds of regional reservations must end by 1980 in order to
create positive ground for integration of people of different regious into one.
I have no idea of on what grounds High Court rejected Mulki laws and why
supreme court upheld Mulki in AP state. Upholding of Mulki law by supreme
court did irreparable damage to the state. May be it was a conspiracy of North
Indians in order to prevent integration of AP into one. But it must be noted that
Mrs.Indra Gandhi was for one Andhra Pradesh and speedy intergration of its
peoples.
But Judgment issued by supreme court in 1972 for application of Noam’s
Mulki law against people of former domains (Coastal and Rayalaseema districts)
of Noam after their reunification is most unfortunate event in the History of
Andhra pradesh. These Mulki order of Noam ordains that a person seeking
empolyment under Noam must be a citizen of Hyderabad for a period of at least
15years.
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Mulki Movement and Its Implications :
With a view to over-head the Hyderabad state administrative machinery
following the great debacle of 1857 mutiny, outsiders were imported on the plea
that there were not enough of capable persons within the state, heralding the era of
explotation of the insiders that continued till now. What it was to be a temporary
phenomenon then, became a permanent feature and the outsiders from the
erstwhile Madars presidency later in the form of “seemandhar” rulers with the
formation of vishalandhra continued even till this day in varying proportions and in
various forms.
In fact those outsiders were supposed to train the locals to undertake higher
responsibilities. Instead, local talent was meticulously suppressed besides creating
fresh opportunities to importumities to import more and more outsiders of their
choice. Neither the foreign returned Osmania University Graduates, nor were the
otherwise talented local youth able to enter the state service. Out siders occupying
key positions favored only a fellow outsider draining weath from Hyderabad. This
gave rise to the feeling that persons come to Hyderabad either for Jobs or for
economoc benefits, as a rule, should not settle down for ever.
A realization of this gave birth to what was known then and later as Mulki
Movement, essentially has been a constructive movement.
Mulki Movement was born out of a discontent and self-respect in every
“Hyderabadi” as far back as 1935 it self. As a sequel to this, a five member group
of well meaningful citizens of Hyderabad of the stature of Miss Padmaja Naidu,
Abdul Hasan syed Ali, Boorgula RamaKishen Rao, Bar-at-law SB Sharma and
syed Abid Hasan proposed to start an organization at that critical juncture, “The
Niam’s subjects League” was born. The group strongly felt that “all was be not
well with the state, things were not what they should be and can be and something
must be and can be done or undone to improve the then exisiting affairs”. The
book “Whither Hyderabad” - published in 1935, gave a brief but dtailed account of
some of the outstanding problems of the premier Indian state that prevaild then. In
the preface, secretary of the league, mentioned that the Mulki Movement was a
self-help and self-development movement without harming anybody or with out
being hostile or antagonistic to anybody.
The “Doctrine” that the League prepared then categorically asserted the
“Rights and privileges” of the sons of the soil. It said “the privileges of serving the
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state, profiting by the economic resources, shaping the administrative policies
belong to Mulkis.” The doctrine explicitly warned those insiders, Who doubt the
“righteousness and legitimacy of the claim” to forfeit their claim to be called as
“Mulki”!
When the league talked of an “Outsider” it meant “any outsider is and
outsider”. There shall not be any WHY and HOW of it! The doctrine called for a
definite stoppage of outdsiders being brought to the state. If it was not done, the
discontent among the people of Hyderabad will grow to such perilous proportions
that it will be extremely difficult to keep it in check warned the league. The was of
the opinion that capable mulkis could be found and ought to be found for every
administrative and technical post.
Had the “Look Ahead” policy suggested by the wise group eight decades
ago, been followed, the situation in Telangana would have been different now.
Few startling facts concerning the non-Mulkis in Hyderabad (if in that ratio
and proportion as well the growth rate is taken then the number of outside in
Telangana today could easily be assessed) were given in the book by the league.
As per the 1931 census, the Telangana region in the Noam’s Hyderabad consisted
of a population of around 75 lakhs including the urban and rural areas. Probably it
would not have been more than four to five lakhs in Hyderabad- the main potential
for empolyment then (as well as now). Among them the Non-Mulkis accounted for
2.5lakhs and more than half of them were from Madras presidency (Mostly
accounted for large number of Madrasis (From coastal Area). When it came to
exploitation, initially in those days, services were mostly manned by Northern
Indians and they formed a sort of caucus and clique with a view to keep out Mulkis
from the administration. This is what is being done by out siders from coastal
Area-the so called integrationists even now.
What would otherwise have been a purely economic question had become a
question of honor and self-respect for the people of Hyderabad. The Mulkis there
fore demanded that they should have the privilege to shape their own
administrative policies and for that the right type of Mulkis were to be chosen.
That was the crux of the Mulki movement of 1935. The league also poined out
that, the Muslims outsiders from Northern India advocated that Hyderabad state
was only for muslims and Hindus outsiders from Southern (Mostly from Madars
Presidency) advocated outsing Muslims, Between these two outside elements, the
atmosphere of the state got polluted. A similar situation with a difference provoked
by the “seemandhra Business Lards” is prevalent even now. A sincere Nationalist
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Mulki accourding to the league never bothers whether the beneficicary is a Hindu
or Muslim but whether it is Insider or outsider.
The league also poined out that outsiders not only entered in to
administrative machinery but also systematically crippled the cottage industrial
potential of Hyderabad and Telangana. There was a time when the state could
boast of several cottage industries that flourished and provided employment to
lakhs of Mulkis. For instance the paper Industry (Karimnagar and Medak), Dyeing
and printing (Warangal, Karimnagar, Nalgona and Medalk), was that, at thistime,
(1912 -1913) the Hyderabad judicial reforms were carried out; and the Hyderabad
judical service was organised on the pattern of the judiciary, set up in the British
Indian provinces. Thus Hyderabad provided a model judicial pattern for the other
Native states of India. Mir Osman Ali Khan’s regine during this period has also an
illustrious record in the annals of great irrigation projects, particularly the
construction of the great Musi dam, which saved the Hyderabadis from the
disstrous natural calamities caused by the frequent flooding of the river musi on
which the city of Hyderabad is situated. The foundation stone for the great Osman
sagar tank, one of the largest in India, was laid by the seventh Nizam on 18
ardibehisht 1322 Fasli (1912). This period also saw the beginning of the
construction of the Laknawara and Ramapa lakes and the pandnipakala and the
Ganga Katua projects. All these projects not only added greatly to the fertility of
Hyderabad state; but they were also instrumental in providing the peoples of
Hyderabad with the basic amenities of life.
In addition to building of the great irrigation projects which led to the rapid
economic development of the country, this early period of Osman Ali Khan’s regin
was also memorable for linking up the most distant parts of the Hyderabad
dominions, by not only laying out new railways lines- a work which had alredy
started under salar Jand I and the late Nizam Nawab Mir Mahboob Ali Khan, but
by spreading a network of metalled roads connecting the districts with Hyderabad
city. This networks of roads aimed particularly at connecting the chief towns of the
districts with Hyderabad city as well as connecting every part of each district with
is chief town. In spreading this network of good roads throughout the districts the
personal interest and the supervision of the ruler played a noted role. It was this
personal interest and supervision by the Noam of all the nation’s builiding
avtivities, which led to the rapid change of Hyderabad from a medieval state to a
modern state, well abreast in terms of progress with the advanced provinces of
British India, and far head of the other princely states of India.
Besides these reformations and modernisation in the state of Hyderabad, it
was during this early period of Osman Ali Khan’s regime, namely, during the
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ministry of salar Jang III, that constructive steps were taken for the preservation of
ancient monuments and the revival of an interest in the ancient culture of the
Deccan by the organisation of the department of archaeology in April 1914. This
interest in the revival of the ancient culture of the No
iam’s Dominions is to be linked with the constructives steps taken, during the
viceroyalty of Lord Curzon, for the preservation of the great monuments of the
ancient and medieval period and of the revival of an interest in the past culture of
India, on a countrywide basis, by the organisation of the department of
Archaeology of the Government of India. It was during Osman Ali Khan’s period,
that the department of archaeology was organised at the instance of Sir John
Marshall, the then Director General of Archaeology, Government of India, with the
cooperation of Sir Alexander pinhey, the then resident of Hyderabad.
At the same time due regard must also be paid to the innate interest which
Osman Ali Khan showed in the preservation of the ancient culture of his
dominions long before the department was actually organised. He was behind the
sanctioning of a large sum of money for enlarging the minarets of the famous
Nqutu shah mosque, the Makka Masjid, etc. Thus, it could be seen that it was this
broad and liberal attitude of the ruler and the personal iterest taken by him in the
activites of this Departmant, that enable the archaeological department of
Hyderabad to play such and outstanding role in the preservation of the ancient and
medieval culture of the Deccan along with the preservation of the world famous
frescoes of Ajanta and Ellora.
The Seventh Nizam was eager to preserve the old relics of his dominions
and he was equally zealous to add new magnificent edifices. Later he sanctioned
money generously for the completion of such works. The Nizam took equally great
pride in the achievements of his house, the Asafia dynasty. He particularly wanted
to keep intact the traditions of his late father, Nawab Mir Mahboob Ali Khan.
From the time of his early regin, Osman Ali Khan’s scientific, literary and
architectural activities were not restricted to the four walls of his own dominions,
but as head of premier princely state of India, his patronage of art and architecture
stretched not only throughout India, but to the other sacred place of the Muslim
world as well. He approached the Noam’s government for the grant of large sums
of money for the foundation of the Unani and Ayurvedic medical colleges in Delhi.
Another example of Osman Ali Khan’s actives in renovationg and adding splendor
to the historical sites of the subcontinent of India was that during his visit to the
Mausoleum of the great chishti saint at Ajmer Sharif, he instructed the Secretary of
his privy purse at Hyderabad to send for the chief engineer of the state, Mir Ahmad
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Ali otherwise known as Ali Nawaz Jang and istruct him to carry out necessary
repairs to the mosque at Ajmer, built by the Emperor shah Jahan.
The seventh Nizam was equally prompt to contribute a handsome grant, on
behalf of his government, towards the foundation of the Madina University at
Madina. He was like all his predecessors of the Asaf Jami Rule, followed a policy
of broad tolerance towards all religions and religious sects amongst his people.
Merger of Hyderabad :
Hyderabad state was a state in Independent India, formed after the accession
of the princely state Hyderabad into the Indian Union on 24 November 1949. It
exsited from 1948 to 1956.
Following the states recorganisation Act Hyderabad state was merged with
Andhra state in 1956 and renamed Andhra pradesh.
Operation polo, the code name of the Hyderabad “Police Action” was a
military operation in september 1948 in which the Indian Armed forcesinvaded the
state of Hyderabad and overthrew its Nizam, annexing into the Indian Union.
At the time of partition in 1947, the princely states of India, who in principle
had self government within their own territories, were subject to subsidiary
alliances with the British, giving them control of their own territories, were subject
to subsidiary alliances with the British, giving them control of their external
relations. In the Indian Independence Act 1947 the British abandoned all such
alliances, leaving the states with the option for full independence. However, by
1948 almost all had acceded to either India or Pakistan. One major exception was
that of Hyderabad, where the Nizam, Osman Ali Khan, Asif Jah VII, a Muslim
ruler who presided over a largely Hindu population, chose independence and
hoped to maintain this with an irregular army recruited from the Muslim
aristocracy, known as the Razakars the Noam was also beset by the Telangana
uprising, which he was unable to subjugate.
The Indian government, anxious to avoid what it termed a Balkanization of
what had been the Indian Empire, was determined to effect the integration of
Hyderabad into the new Indian Union. Amidst atrocities by the Razakars, the
Indian Home Misnister sardar pateldecided to annex Hyderabad in what was
termed a “Police action”. The operation itself took five days, in which the Razakars
were defeated easily.
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The operation led to massive violence on communal lines. The Indian prime
minister Jawahrlal Nehru appointed a commission known as the Sunderalal
committee. Its report, which was not released until 2013, concluded that “as a
conservative estimate....27,000 to 40,000 people had lost their lives during and
after the police action other scholars have put the figure at 200,0000 or even
higher.
Military Governor
Major general El Edrooss (at Right) offers his surrender of the Hyderabad
state forces to Major general (later general and army Chief) J.N.chauhuri at
secunderabad.
After the Annexation into the Indian Union, Major General J.N.Chaudhuri
who led Operation polo stayed on as Military govenor till December 1949.
The state witnesed mulki agitation in 1952 by the locals after a government
jobs meant for the locals were given to non-locals.
Rajpramukh
Hyderabad state had its last Nizam, HEH Osman Ali Khan as Rajpramukh
from 26 January 1950 to 31 october 1956.
First appointed chief minister
After the Annexation of Hyderabad state into India, M.K.Vellodi was
appointed the chief Minister of the state on 26 January 1950. He was a senior civil
servant in the Government of India. He administered the state with the help of
bureacurats from Madras state and Bombay state.
The Nizam was given the ceremonial position of “Raj pramukh” or “
Governor”.
First elected chief minister
In the first state assembly election in India, 1952, Dr.Burgula Ramakrishna
Rao was elected chief minister of Hyderabad state. During this time there were
violent agitations by some Telanganites to send back bureaucrats from Madras
state, and to strictly implement “Mulki-rules” (Local jobs for locals only), which
was part of Hyderabad state law since 1919.
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Districts of Hyderabad state
Administratively, Hyderabad state was made up of sixteen districts, grouped
into four divisions:
Aurangabad division included Aurangabad, Beed, Nanded, and parhani districts ;
Gulshanabad division or Medak division included Atraf-i-Baldah (Hyderabad),
Mahabubnagar district, Medak districk, Nalgona district (Nalgundah), and
Nizambad districts, and waragal divison included Adilabad, Karimnagar, and
Warangal districts (present Khammamdistrict was part of Warangal district).
Merger with Andhra state
In 1956 during the Recorganisation of the Indian states based along
linguistic lines, the Telugu speaking region of the state of Hyderabad state was
merged with Andhra state. The Marathi speaking region was merged with Bombay
state and Kannada speaking region with Mysore state.
The states Reorganisation commission (SRC) was not in favour of an
immediate merger of Telugu speaking Telangana region of Hyderabad state with
Andhra state, despite their common language. Para 378 of the SRC report said one
of the principal causes of opposition of vishalandhra also seems to be the
aprehension felt by the educationally backward people of Telangana that they may
be swamped and exploited by the more advanced people of the coastal areas.
Andhra state and Hyderabad state were merged to form Andhra Pradesh on
1, November 1956, after providing safeguards to Telangana in the from of
Gentlemen’s agreement. But in June 2014, Telangana re-emerged as a separate
state. Hyderabad city will continue to be the capital of both Andhra Pradesh and
Telangana for 10years.
Chief ministers of Hyderabad
Major General Choudhary - Military governor 1948-1949
M.K.Vellodi - 1950-1953 (appointed by Government of India)
Burugula Ramakrishna Rao - 1953-56
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III) Hyderabad state in Independent India :
Burgula Ramakrishna Rao –
1953-56 : In the first general elections held in Hyderabad state in 1952, Dr.
Rao was elected from shadnagar constituency, and later took over the reins of the
state as the chief minister.
He was the first and the last elected Chief Minister of the former Hyderabad
state and first Telugu leader after two and a half centuries of Asaf Jahi rule of
Hyderabad state. He ran a popular administration for almost five years until the
state was trifurcated and Telangana merged with Andhra to become Andhra
Pradesh.
He took several significant steps for the welfare of the people, including the
historic Land reforms in the state. The passage and implemenation of the famous
Hyderabad Tenancy and Agricultural Act to 1950, followed in 1954 by Hyderabad
Tenancy and Agricultural lands (Amendment) Act, was an important signpost of
land reforms in the country. Dr.Rao not only provided the conceptual framework
for these Acts but also piloted their passage and vigorously pushed through their
implementation, providing tenancy rights to those who had been cultivationg lands
for some time. Dr. Rao could foresee the shape of things to come and feel the pulse
of the people and the need for an integrated state of Telugu- speaking people-he
put his weight as the elected Chief minister of the state in favor of visalandhra that
helped the formation of Andhrapradesh on November 1, 1956. He thus became that
architect of the AP state.
From November 1956 to July 1960, Dr.Ramakrishna Rao was the Governor
of Kerala and later Governor of Uttar pradesh till April 1962. He was later elected
to the Rajya sabha. In which he served from 1962 to 1966. He died on September
14, 1967.
1952 Mulki Agitation or Mulkhi Agitation was a a political movement for
the safeguard of jobs in Hyderabad stategovernment. It was the first event in
Telangana movement.
History
After the Annexation of Hyderabad state into the Indian Union, the
administration was under military Government, J.N.Chauhuri. There was a large
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scale recruitment in the Hyderabad state government, but the non-local new
recruits occupied positions meant for the locals under the Mulki rules provided by
the erstwhile ruler, the Nizam of Hyderabad. There was widespread
discontentment among the locals which led to the agitation.
The Agitation :
In 1952, students led an agitation against non Mulkis or non localss (Mulki
meaning locals). The popular slongns were Ghair Mulki go back or Non-Mulki go
back and Idli sambar go back. Telanagana protagonist K.Jayashankar was on his
way in a bus to participate in the agitation, but the bus broke down in Bongir and
could not take part in it.
State Recorganisation Commission :
The states recorganisation commission (SRC) was a body constitude by the
central Government of India in 1953 to recommend the reorganization of state
boundaries. In 1955, after nearly 2 years of study, the commission recommended
that India’s state boundaries should be reorganized to form 16 states and 3 union
territories.
Back ground
India Administrative Divisions in 1951
After India became independent from the British Empire in 1947, the
constituent units of India were classified
India Administrative Divisions in 1951
After India became independent from the British Empire in 1947, the constituent
units of India were classified under the following distinct categories :
Categor
y
Descriptio
Administrator
States
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Part A
States
Former
British
Provinces
An elected
governor and state
legislature
9 States: Assam, Bihar,
Bombay, East Punjab, Madhya
Pradesh, Madras, Orissa, Uttar
Pradesh, west Bengal
Part B
states
Former
Princely
States or
Groups of
Covenantin
G states
Rajpramukh
(former princes)
9 states: Hyderabad, Jammu
and Kashmir, Madhya Bharat,
Mysore, Patiala, and East
Punjab states Union (PEPSU),
Rajasthan, Saurashtra,
Travancor e-Cochin , and
Vindhya Pradesh.
Part C
states
Former
Princely
States and
provinces
Chief
Commissioner
10 states: Ajmer, Coorgm
Cooch, Behar, Bhopal,
Bilaspur, Delhi, Himachal
Pradesh, Kutch, Manipur and
Tripura.
Part D
states
Union
Territory
Governor
appointed by the
Indian president
Andaman and Nicobar Islands
The borders of these states, inherited from British India, were not suitable
for easy administration. The internal provincial borders of British India were a
result of historical events, as well as political, military and strategic planning by
the British. The government agreed that the recorganization of state borders was
necessary, but the basis of reorganization was yet to be determined.
One of hte proposals was to reorganize the state on the basis of languages of
India. This would make administration easire, and would help replace tha caste and
religion-based identities with less controversial linguistic identities. Earlir in 1920,
the members of the Indian states as one of the party’s political goals. The
provincial committees of the party were set on this basis since 1920. In 1927, the
congress declared that it was committed to “to redistribution of provinces on a
linguistic basis”, and reaffirmed its stance several times, including in the election
manifesto of 1945-46.
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But, soon after independence, the congress-led Government became
concerned that the states formed solely on a linguistic basis might be unsuitable,
and might even pose a risk to the national unity. On 17 June 1948, Rajendra
prasad, the president of the constituent Assembly, set up the Linguistic provinces
commission (aka Dar Commission) to recommend whether the states should be
reorganized on linguistic basis or not. The committee included SKDar (retired
Judge of the Allahabad High court,), JN Lal (lawyer) and Panna Lall (retired
Indian Civil service Officer). In its 10 December 1948 report, the commission
recommended that “the formation of provinces on exclusively or even mainly
linguistic considerations is not in the larger interests of the Indian nation. It
recommended the reorganization of the provinces of Madras, Bombay and Central
provinces and Berar primarily on the basis of geographical contiguity financial
self-sufficiency and ease of administration. Soon after the repot was published, the
congress, at its Jaipur session, set up the “JVP committee” to study the
recommendations of the Dar Commission. The committee, comprised Jawaharalal
Nehru and Vallabhbhai patel, in addition to the congress president pattabhi
sitaramayya. In its report dated 1 April 1949, the committee stated that the time
was not suitable for formation of new provinces, but also stated “if public
sentiment is insistent and overwnelming, we, as democrats, have to submit to it,
but subject to certain limitations in regard to the good of India as a whole.
B.R.Ambedkar submitted a Memorandum (dated 14 October 1948) to the
Dar Commission, supporting the formation of linguistic provinces, specifically the
formation of the Marathimajority Maharashtra state with Bombay as its capital. To
addressw the concern of national unity, he suggested that the official language of
every province should be same as the official language of the Central government.
K.M.Munshi, a Gujarati leader opposed to incoporation of Bombay in the proposed
Maharashtra state, opposed the linguistic reoganization proposal, saying that “ the
political ambition of a linuistic group can only be satisfied by the exclusion and
discrimination of other linguistic groups within the area. No safeguards and no
fundamental rights can save them from the subtle psychological exclusion which
linguism implies.”
By the 1952, the demand for creation of a Telugu-Majority state in the parts
of the Madras state had become powe ful. Potti Sreeramulu, one of the activitis
demanding the fromation of a Telugu-majorty state, died on 16 December 1952
after undertaking a fast-unto-death. Subsequently, the Telugu-majority Andhra
state was formed in 1953. This sparked off agitations all over the country, with
linguistic groups demanding separate statehoods.
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In order to recorganise the states, the government of India constituted the
state recorganisation commission (SRC) under the chairmanship of Fazl Ali, a
former supreme court judge.
SRC report
The commission submitted its report on 30 September 1955, with the
following recommendations :
1. The three-tier (part-A/B/C) state system should be abolished.
2. The institution of Rajapramukh and special agreement with former princely
states should be abolished.
3. The general control vested in Government of India by Article 371 should be
abolished.
4. Only the following 3 states should be the un iln Territories : Andaman and
Nicobar, Delhi and Manipur. The other Part -C/D territories should be
merged with the adjoining states.
The report was tabled in the Lok Sabha on 14 December 1955.
In part II of report of the states reorganization commission (SRC) 1955,
titled “Factors Bearing on Reorganization”, the commission clearly said that “it is
neither possible nor desirable to recoganise states on the basis of the single test of
either language of our national unity.
Implementation
The states recoganisation Act of 1956 implemented some of the
recommendations of the SRC.
In addition to the three Union Territories (UTS) proposed by the SRC, it also
established a total of 14 states in addition to these UTs.
B. R. Ambedkar submitted a Memorandum (dated 14 October 1948) to the
Dar commission, Supporting the formation of linguistic provinces, specifically the
formation of the Maratimajority Maharashtra state with Bombay as its capital. To
address the concern of national unity, he suggested that the official langaue of the
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central government. KM Munshi, a Gujarati leader opposed to incorporation of
Bombay in the proposed Maharashtra state, opposed the linguistic reorganization
proposal, saying that “ the political ambition of alinguistic group can only be
satisfied by the exclusion and discrimination of other linguistic groups within the
area. NO safeguards and no fundamental rights can save them from the subtle
psychological exclusion which linguism implies.
The Gentlemen’s Agreement :
The gentlemen’s agreement of Andhra Pradesh was signed between
Telangana and Andhra leaders before the formation of the state of Andhra Pradesh
in 1956. The agreement provided safeguards with the purpose of preventing
discrimination against Telangana by the government of Andhra Pradesh. The
violations of this agreement are cited as one of the reasons for formations of
separate statehood for Telanagan.
Background
The Gentlemen’s agreement of Andhra Pradesh has a precedent in the
sribagh pact of 1937 which was between the leaders of Rayalaseema and coastal
Telugu speaking districts of Madras state to provide assurances for Rayalaseema
in return for their willingness to join Andhra state. This unbinding pact was largely
forgotten probably because of the large political representation the region has had
in the state governments since independence.
When the Hyderabad state led by the Noam of Hyderabad was invaded by
India in operation Polo, there was a debate in the Telugu-speaking districts of the
Hyderabad state (1948-56) (also known as Telangana), on whether to join the
newly formed Andhra state, carved out of Telugu speaking districts of Madras
state.
States recoganisation commission (SRC), in 1955, recommended that “the
Telangana area is to constitute into a separate state, which may be known as the
Hyderabad state with provision for its unification with Andhra after the general
elections likely to be held in or about 1961 if by a two thirds majority the
legislature of the residency Hyderabad state expresses itself in favor of such
unification.”
Opposition to the merger
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Hyderabad chief minister in his letter to the congress president said
communist parties supported the merger for their political calculations. Hyderabad
PCC chief said overwhelming majority from congress party opposed the merger
and communists were elected in special circumstances in 1951 and visalandhra was
not a political issue in 1951 and Assembly does not replect people’s view on this
issue. He also said 80% of congress delegates who were elected in 1955 opposed
merger. Government had to provide the additional security for communist leaders
who supported the Visalandhra. The locals agitated against the non-locals in 1952
Mulki Agitation.
In Hyderabad assembly out of 174 MLAs on 3 December 1955, 147 MLAs
expressed their view. 103 MLA’s (including Marathi and Kannada MLAs)
supported the merger, 16 MLAs maintained neutral stand and 29 opposed merger.
Among Telangana MLAs, 25 Telangana MLAs disagreed with the merger, 59
Telangana MLAs supported the merger. Out of 94 Telangana MLAs in the
assembly, 36 were communists (PDF), 40 were congress, 11 were socialist party
(SP), 9 were independents. Voting did not take place on the resolution because
Telangana proponents insisted on to including the phrase “As per the wishes of
people” in the resolution.
To continue the leadership of Telangana to join the new state, an agreement
was reached between the leaders of both sides on February 20, 1956. This came to
be known as the Gentlemen’s agreement, allowed the formation of the state of
Andhra Pradesh in 1956, against the SRC’s recommendations.
Agreement text
A Regional standing committee :
1. There will be on legislature for the whole of Andhra Pradesh which will be
the sole law making body for the entire state and there be one governor for
the state aided and advised by the council of ministers responsible to the
state Assembly for the entire field of administration.
2. For the more Telangana region there will be a regional standing committee
of the state assembly consisting of the members of the state Assembly
belonging to that region including the ministers from that region but not
including the chief minister.
3. For the Telanganan region there will be a regional standing committee of
the state assembly consisting of the members of the state Assembly
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belonging to that region including the ministers from that region but not
including the chief minister.
4. Legislation relating to specified matters will be referred to the Regional
committee. In respect of specified matters proposals may also be made by
the regional committee to the state government for legislation or with regard
to the question of general policy not involving any financial commitment
other than expenditure of a routine and incidental character.
5. The advice tendered by the regional committee will normally be accepted by
the government and the state legislature. In case of difference of opinion,
reference will be made to the governor whose decision will be binding.
6. The Regional committee will deal with following matters :
i) Development and economic planning within the framework of the general
development plans formulated by the state legislature.
ii) Local self government, that is to say, the constitunal powers of Municipal
corporations, improvement Trusts, District Boards and district authorities for
the purpose of local self government or village Administration.
iii) Public health and sanitation, local hospitals and dispensaries.
iv) primary and secondary education.
v) Regulation of admission to the educational institutions in the Telangana
region.
vi) prohibition
vii) sale of agricultural lands.
viii) cottage and small scale Industries, and
ix) Agriculture, cooperative societies, Markets and Fairs.
Unless revised by agreement earlier this arangment will be reviewed after
ten years.
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B. Domicile Rules :
Telangana is regarded as a unit as far as recruitment to subordinate services
ins concerned; posts borne on the carde of these services may be reserved for being
filled up by persons who satisfy the domicile conditions as Precribed under the
excting Hyderabad Mulki rules. (12 years of stay in Telangana area).
C. The position of Urdu:
The government of India would advise the state government to take
appropriate steps to ensure that the existing position of Urdu in administrative and
judicial structure of the state is maintained for a period of five years.
D. Retrenchment of surplus personnel in the new state :
The government of India do not anticipate any retrenchment. The intention
is that so far as possible, the service personnel from the Hyderabad state should be
automatically integrated into the services of the Andhra Pradesh without any
process of screening. Should, however, any retrenchment be found necessary, the
entire personnel of the services of the enlarged state will be treated on equal
footing.
E. Distribution of expenditure between Telangana and Andhra Regions :
Allocation of expenditure with the resources of the state is a matter which
falls within the purview of the state government and the state legislature... Since,
howere , it has been agreed to the representatives of Andhra and Telangana that
the expenditure of hte new state on central and general administration should be
borne proportionately by the two regions and the balance of income should be
reserved for expenditure on the development of Telangana area, it is open to the
state government to act in accordance with terms of agreement in making
budgetary allocations. The Government of India propose to invite the attention of
the chief minister of Andhra to this particular understanding and to express the
hope that it will be implemented.
F. The existing educational facilities :
including Technical education in Telangana should be secured to the
students of Telangana and further improved----
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G. The cabinet
will consist of members in proportion of 60:40 percent for Andhra and
Telangana respectivel, out of 40% of Telanganan ministers, one will be a Muslim
from Telangana. If the chief minister is from one region the other should be given
DY Chief ministership.
1969 Agitation for Telangana
The Telangana agitation in the first week of January 1969 in Chama when
students demanded the implementation of the Telangana safeguards enumerated in
the Gentlemen’s Agreement. It soon spread to different parts of Telangana. The
students got divided into two groups : one demanding the implementation of
safeguards and the other demanding a separate Telangana state.
Non -Gazetted Officers threatened direct action on January 11, 1969, if their
demands were not met. At the out break of the agitation, the Chief Minister of
Andhra Pradesh called for an All party meeting and announced that there was a
perfect unanimity among the leaders to achieve full integration of Andhra Pradesh
state.
Two issues were discussed and agreed upon :
1) The appointment of a senior civil service officer to decide the question of
Telangana surpluses.
2) Relieving of all domicile persons from Telangana posts and providing jobs
for them in the Andhra region.
Following the All-Party Accord of January 1969, the state Government
issued orders for the transfer of non-domicile public employees from Telangana.
The Government order on these transfers was the Public Employment Act of 1957.
The rules were challenged by Andhra empolyees in the Andhra Pradesh High
Court. The High Court struck down the Public Employment Act and the rules. The
Government appealed to the division bench of the High Court.
A Few other Andhra employees led by A.V.S.Narasimha Rao field a
separate writ petition in the supreme court on February 4, 1969, Challenging the
validity of the Government order and also the public Employment Act 1957 and
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the rules. The constitution bench of the Supreme court gave its judgement on
March 28 quashing the government order.
As a follow-up measure of the All-Party accord, the Chief Minister of
Andhra Pradesh arranged for the accounting of Telangana suplus funds. Kumar
Lalith, Deputy comptroller and Auditor General, assessed the surplus funds as Rs.
34.10 Crores.
The Telangana agitation continued in the meantime. In the beginning it was
leaderless.
Madan Mohan, a lawyer. formed a forum known as the Telangana Praja
Samithi (TSP) in February 1969. Chenna Reddy was sympathetic to these leaders.
Violence increased. Firing was often employed to disperse violent crowds. The
TPS organized conventions in many towns across Telangan and soon got
strengthened. Chenna Reddy came out openly in support a separate Telangana and
K.V.Ranga Reddy gave his belssings to the movement. law and order continued to
deteriorate.
The prime Minister Indira Gandhi discussed the problem with leaders of the
opposition in parliament on April 9, 1969. Except for the Swatantra party all other
did not supprot a separate state. The prime Minister Indira Gandhi rejected the
demand for the ouster of Kasu Brahmananda Reddy from the leadership of the
Andhra Pradesh congress.
The Prime Minister announced an Eight-point Formula on April 11,
1969 to ensure the development of Telangana. In consonance with this
formula,
Eight point plan
After several days of talks with leaders of both regions, on 12 April 1969,
Prime minister came up with Eight point plan.
Eight point plan :
This plan includes appointment of five committees:
1. High-powered committee would be set up to determine financial surpluses to
Telangana
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2. Telangana development committee.
3. Plan implementation committee.
4. Committee of jurists to be consulted on safeguards
5. Committees to look into grievances of public servants .
Telangana leaders were not satisfied with the accord.
the Centre appointed two committees:
1. Committee of Jurists under former Justice K.N.Wanchoo to suggest
measures to provide constitutional safeguards for the Telangana people in
the matter of public employment.
2. Committee under Justice Bhargava to assess the revenue surpluses of
Telangana.
In spite of these measure the agitation mounted and grew in itensity. Bandhs,
hartals and processions were very frequent. Demand for a separate state became
the central theme of the agitation.
The prime minister visited Hyderabad on June 4, 1969. She met leaders of
different groups and political parties. Subsequently, then Union Home Minister,
Y.B.Chavan, also visited Hyderabad to have discussions. Consensus reached on
two things :
1) The dismissal of Brahmanada Reddy’s ministry.
2) Proclamation of Presidential rule in Andhra Pradesh.
Realizing that the agitation was very strongly motivated, particularly about
the dismissal of his government, Brahmanada Reddy tendered his resignation on
June 27. The congress leadership sent congress president Nijalingappa and a senior
member Kamaraj Nadar, to seek the verdict of the state Legislature Party. The
Congress Legislature Party affirmed its support to Kasu Brahmananda Reddy and
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suggested that he should continue until normalcy was restored and a peaceful
changeover should be opted, giving the leadership to someone from Telangana.
The leaders felt that agitation politics alone would not be sufficient to
dethrone Brahmananda Reddy. This realization made the TPS enter into the
electoral politics. It won a by election in June 1970, defeating the congress (R). By
this time, the congress had already spilt at the national level and the TPS supported
the leadership of Indira Gandhi. Brahmanda Reddy also supported her.
In the December of 1970, Indira Gandhi dissolved the Lok Sabha and
announced a mid-term poll. The TPS eventually constested all the 14 seats to
Parliament from Telengana and won 10 out of them. In spite of her over whelming
majority in the LokSabha, Indira Gandhi did not give any leverage to the TPS
which opted for a compromise in September 1971 and merged with the Congress
(R) . The deal involed:
1. Continuation of Mulki Rules ;
2. Separate budget and accounts for Telangana
3. Separate Pradesh Congress Committee for Telangana
4. Resignation of Brahmananda Reddy in favor of a Chief Minister from
Telangana.
The Telangana agitation did not achieve its important goal a sperate state,
but secured assurance of safeguards for the region. Its achievement was quite
significant. It wrested fro the first time the Chief Minster, P.V.Narasimha Rao
(Former Education Minister in the state cabinet) was an integratiionist and
politically a light weight in the Reddy dominated Telangana politics. Ten
Government spending diversion
Justice Bhargava committee which looked ito Telangana surpluses, found
that 283 million rupees diverted from Telangana to Andhra region between 1956
and 1968. Economist C H Hanumanth Rao further analyzed the data from the
committee report and concluded that for Telangana, cumulative surplus with
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interest during that period was 1.174 Billion rupees. During this period, the
revenue budget of the state grew from 586 million rupees in 1957 to 2.04 billion
rupees in 1968.
Government employees and opposition members of the state legislative
assembly threatened “direct action” in support of the students. Purushotham Rao
was for outright separation, and he supported the student views. He unveiled a map
of Telangana in the state assembly.
Portfolios in his ministry went to Telangana, three of them belonging to the
erstwhile TPS.
Chenna Reddy and Telangana Praja Samithi
Although the congress faced some dissension within its ranks, its leadership
stood against additional linguistic states. As a result, defectors from the Congress,
led by M.Chenna Reddy, founded the Telangana Praja Samithi (TPS) political
party in 1969 which intensified the movement. In June, Prime Minister Indira
Gandhi Came to Hyderabad to discuss the issue with Telangana leaders. Telangana
employee unions started strike on June 10 supporting Telangana movement. Major
leaders of the movement were jailed in July and released in August upon court’s
intervention. With the success of bye elections, TPS decided to contest
Parliamentary election alone wven though congress party tried to become electoral
ally. In the May 1971 parliamentary elections, Telangana Praja Samithi won 10 out
the 14 parliament seats in Telangana. Despite these electoral successes, some of
the new party leaders gave up their agitation in September 1971 after realizing that
the Prine Minister was not inclined to towards a separate state of Telangana, and
rejoined the safer political haven of the congress ranks. In a book written by the
secretary of External Affairs, T.N.Kaul and published in 1982, he mentioned that
in 1969 prime minister Indira Gandhi wanted to commence the process of
formation of a separate state for Telangana by instructing Sri P.N.Haksur, her
senior secretary in the PMO, but she had to withdraw at the last mintue due to
intervention by kaul who dissuaded her from it by reminding that Hyderabad’s
case was pending in the Security council. United Nations dropped tha Hyderabad’s
case.
Students role :
Some students protested “implementation of the safe guards from Andhra
Pradesh” while some protested for a “separate Telangana”. The local newspaper
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Indian Express reported that the latter group were dominant. According to the 19
January 1969 edition of The Indian Express, the agitation turned violent when a
crowd attempted to set fire to a sub-inspector’s residence. 17 were injured in police
firing. Discussions about the promised safe-guards were held. The Telangana
Regional committee was, however, not fully convinced of the out come. This
agitation was met by a counter agitation by the Andhra students accusing the
transfer Andhra employees as a discrimination between one region and other. The
transfers were eventually challenged in the high-court.
Protest in Kothagudem:
Telangana people protested against non-mulkis and went on strike on
January 5 1969. Krishna daily wage labor went on hunger strike.
Fast unto death by Ravindranath :
Student Ravindranath who lit the Telangan forest fire in Chama was still on
fast, and his health continued to deteriorate. In solidarity, students intensified their
protests. Kodada is a Noam Telangana town on the coastal Andhra border.
Agitators stopped the buses going from Kodada to the Kosta districts, stranding
500 passengers.
As days passed, the student movement gradually turned violent. Two student
groups, one demanding a separate state, another demanding special protection for
the region, staged rallies in the city. Students blocked the gates of the secretariat
for 90 minutes. In Chama, students resorted to throwing stones and damaged many
Road Transportation corporation (R.T.C) buses. They also attacked the telephone
and telegraph offices and destroyed the communication infrastructure. Because of
the violence, the R.T.C halted bus sevices between the Telangana and Andhra
regions.
CM Sri Kasu Brahmananda Reddy urged people not to be misled by the
separatist slogans. He said that, with the limited sesources it has, the government
was doing everything in its power to develop backward regions of the states. He
reminded people that, out of 165 villages electrified in the states, 85 of them were
in Mahaboob nagger alone.
G.O.36 :
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At the meeting of the leaders of all the political parties of the Legislature
held on 19th January, 1969 to consider the measure for ensuring effective
implementation of the Telengana safeguards, the following decision has been taken
in regard to employment in posts reserved for domiciles of Telengana region: “All
non-domicile persons, who have been appointed either directly by promotion or by
transfer to posts reserved under the Andhra Pradesh published Employment
(Recruitment as to Residence) Rules, 1959 for domiciles of Telengana Region will
be immediately relieved from service. The posts so rendered vacant will be filled
by qualified candidates possessing domicile qualifications and in cases where such
candidates are not available the post shall be provided employment in the Andhra
region without breaking service and by creating supernumerary posts, if
necessary.” 2. with a view to implementing the above decision government issue
the following orders : All non- domicile persons appointed on or after 1st
November, 1956 to the following categories of posts reserved for domiciles of
Telengana under the A.P. public employment (R.R) Rules, shall be relieved not
later than 28th February, 1969.
(1) In the 79.
Fove point Formula :
Telengana : My 5 - point Formula
In due course, once the president sends the proposal to the state, the
Assembly can recommend the following!
1. Conduct a people’s referendum in Telangana. If a large majority prefer
splitting, go ahead and form a new state.
2. Since it makes sense geo graphically, keep Hyderabad in Telangana. Make
it the joint capital for three years.
3. Pass on 13/23 share of revenues generated from Hyderabad to seemandhra
for the next ten years to build a new capital city; the centre to contribute an
equal amount.
4. A GOM can work out a fair formula for dividing other resources such as
water and power.
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5. Make usage of words like “settlers” a criminal offence. Every Indian citizen
has equal rights all over India.
Mobilization phase (1971-1990) :
1st case :
Andhra Pradesh state electricity board filed a case in highcourt to implement
mulki rules in electricity board in Kothagudem thermal power plant
According to 1957 public employments act Andhra Pradesh state Electricity Board
does not come under this act.
This sown the seeds of Telagana in Kothagudem.
Jai Andhra movement is a 1972 political movement in support for the
creation of Andhra state in the light of perceived injustices felt by the people of the
coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema Regions in the police firing eight people were
killed. It was starred after the failure to implement on local rule for government
jobs. Prominent leaders from Coastal Andhra like Gouthu Latchanna, B.V.Subba
Reddy, Kakani Venkataratnam, Vasantha Nagashwar Rao etc. Participated in the
agitation. It was a sequal to the 1969 Telangana movement. However, the unlike
the Telanganas of the Andhra regions wanted a separate state without the
developed capital of Hyderabad. Over 400 people sacrificed their lives for the
movement. One of the main opinions expressed was “Development is seen only in
and around Hyderabad and it is time the coastal districts also develop rapidly.”
Grievances of the Andhra and Rayalaseema regions felt that Mulki rules were
unfair to them and they were “being treated like aliens in their own land.” The
agitatiors, unfortunate and further deepened the rift demand as logical in light of
the separate Telangana movement.
The movement
Under the Mulki rules in force at the time, anyone who had lived in
Hyderabad for 15 years was considered a local, and was thus eligible for certain
government posts. When the supreme court un help the Mulki rules at the end of
1972, the Jai Andhra movement, with the aim of reforming a separate state of
Andhra, was started in coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions.
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In 1972, Gouthu Latchanna took a leading role in the Jai Andhra movement
started by students of Andhra University demanding th division of Andhra Pradesh
into old Andhra state and Telangana state on the issue of “Mulki” rules. He was
imprisoned in Mushirabad Central Jail and released in 1973.
Police firing
Thirteen people killed in 3 places in Andhra on November 21 during the
bandh call given by student body. In the police firing eight people were killed on
December 23 in Vijayawada Kakani venkata Ratnam, a former minister, died of
shock at the height of separate Andhra agitation on December 25, 1972 when eight
people were killed in police firing. given Aftermath
Removel of Mulki rules and all other demands were met and a six-point
formula was put in place.
After nine ministers from Seemandhra region in the P.V.Narasimha Rao
cabinet resigned, he had to resign as chief minister of Andhra Pradesh on 10
January 1973, and president’s rule was imposed in the state.
Article 371 (d) :
Article 371(d) forms a part of the constitution of India. It safeguards the rights of
local people in employment and education and was created after agitation in the
state of Andhra Pradesh. It was incorporated as the 32nd Amendment of the
constitution in 1974. It has became a bone of contention for the bifurcation of the
state of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana.
Officers or Jaya Bharat Reddy committee :
The officer’s committee headed by K. Jaya Bharat Reddy (1985) found
major violations and, as a result, GO 610 was issued. This too was violated as the
House committee on Implementation of GO 610 (20001) and the J. M. Girglani
Commission (2003) found. So all the efforts constitutional amendment,
presidential order, House committees etc - resulted in worse results due to bad
intentions. Finally, the only logical solution came to pass and Telangana was
granted statehood.
However, the Andhra Pradesh Reorganization Act, 2014 extended the
provisions of Article 371D to the new state of Telangana. This was intended to
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help the Telngana government protect local employment and educational
opportunities even after statehood was achieved.
The question now is very simple. The presidential Order 1975 continues to apply
to the residuary state of Andhra Pradesh only. It no longer legally applies to
Telangana. Though the enabling Article 371D applies to Telangana, it only allows
the Telangana government to apply for a new order-not use the old one.
The Telangana government must, therefore, apply now for a fresh
presidential order 2015. In order to do so, it must devise a fresh scheme with new
zones (districts) and new set of qualifications in terms of duration fo residence, etc
and identify cadres where these will apply. It may or may not set quotas for non-
locals.
Will it follow the old Mulki rules model or repeat the formula of the 1975?
The order will be crucial in defing who is a genuine local person. If is sets quotas
non-locals these should be anyone who is a citizen of the Republic.
Whatever the scheme, a Telangana Presidential order is imperative. This
new presidential order must come in force before the recruitment drive proposed
by the Telangana Government is undertaken. It will also assist in such schemes as
the FAST scholarship and other social welfare schemes intended for the benefit of
locals.
Birth of naxalism inTelangana :
The Naxalite movement raised its head in Telangana region for the first time
in early 1970. One of main impetuses for its raise was the unprecedented,
undemocratic and brutal manner in which the then government of Andhra Pradesh
suppressed the agitation for realization of just and long standing demand of people
for a separate state of Telangana in 1969-70. Nearly three hundred and seventy
(370) people, many in flower or their youth, died in indiscriminate police firing.
The demand for demerger of Telangana from Andhra Pradesh had its roots in
deliberate apathetic attitude and blatant refusal of successive governments in
implementing various constitutional safeguards, deliberate flouting of Gentlemen’s
Agreement, various government orders (GOs), formulae, judge ments of High
court and supreme court etc. which originally guaranteed the use of Telangana’s
resources for the development of Telengana alone and government jobs for mulkis
of Telangana alone. The simmering discontent at monumental disregard of
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successive governments for various safeguards coupled with dersive attitude of
people from Andhra area towards their culture and language made proud people of
Telangana fiercely determined about restoring their original status as a separate
state in the Indian union. This was reflected in unequivocal and near unanimous
support for the regional party that took up the cause of Telangana then. Telanagana
Praja Samithi (TPS), got 11 out 14 Loksabha seats, in the General Elections of
1971, in the face of a huge emotional surge in favour of congress party of Indira
Gandhi elsewhere in the country, in the aftermath of Indo-pak war leading to the
creation of Bangladesh.
However, the democratic and just demand for a separate state of Telangana
was brutally suppressed and repressed and the political class betrayed the trust of
its people. No longer able to express their discontent through positive and
democratic means of agitations and elections many a young man, steeped as they
were in the spirit of times, took to the apparently attractive route of Naxalism.
Though naxalism had initially scored few brownie points in the first two decades
of its existence apparently dovetailing with avowed socialistic pattern of society
aspired to in the constitution, people of Telangana have realized true colors of
Naxalism and lent an active hand in consing it to its true place-the dustbin of
history . Naxalism no longer commands the kind of respect and awe it once
inspired among cross sections of people and it can now at best draw a yawn among
the well-informed and a yearning among ultra left-inclined intelligentsia for blood
soaked utopia inspired by their chairman Mao Tse Tung.
It should not be forgotten that the naxalite movement in Andhra Pradesh
started in 1969 (first time in Srikakulam district in north coastal Andhra Pradesh),
while Andhra Pradesh has been one of the largest states in India. If one goes by the
analogy that smaller states become havens of naxalite activity, then the state of
Andhra Pradesh shouldn’t have seen the naxalite movement at all.
3) Naxalism and non-Telangana rules:
Naxalism was confined to very few sections of Telangana society even
during its halcyon days. These few sections of society, supported by a few
perverted intellectuals provided a willing fodder fro propagating the false
propaganda of Naxalism. To add fuel to fire, the successive governments tipped
the the scales in far our of Naxalism by treating it a mere law and order issue over
looking the enormous socio-economic complexity of the problem. Successive
governments sought to brush the issue of Naxalism under the carpet and people of
the region had to pay heavy price. Perhaps, the leadership of Andhra Pradesh state
which mainly hailed from Andhra and Rayalaseema regions had a tacit
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understanding that the stranglehold of Naxalism would continue and be confined to
Telangana region only there by ensuring that their rapacious of the region’s
resources would continue unabated.
3) Futility of armed struggle: With the passage of time, the mindless
violence and indiscriminate killings indulged in by Naxalites and their supporters
have made the people of Telangana realize that Naxalism does not care for them
but it actually stands for anarchy and underdevelopment. The people realized that
Naxalism in fact has avested interest in keeping them under ducated and
underemployed and that it feeds offf their underdevelopment like a maggot off a
dead animal. Though such realization had not happened over night, it did happen
and people have overthrown the shackles of violent Naxalism and embraced
wholesale the Mantra of development.
There has also been a paradigm shift in the outlook of the people of
Telangana in the last one and a half diads away from revolutionary politics. This
was due to fall of soviet Russia to some extent, and also due to open capitalist
system China, which boasts of ‘dictatorship of the Proletatiat’ has adopted from
late 1970 onwards. The sections which supported Naxalism in Telangana also
understood the futility of engaging the all-powerful state in an armed conflict and
realized that non-violent and constitutional means alone would bring about the
social and economic advancement. Towards this directions, formation of
Telangana state alone was thought to be the panacea for all the ills plaguing
Telangana. The last 20 years have seen a big growth of middle class in Telangana,
which is against violence. Some of the intellectuals among the middle class in
Telangana, which is against violence. Some of the itellectuals among the middle
class did tremendous reserch in various fields exposing the flagrant injustices
meted out to Telangana by the non-telangana (Andhra) rulers, giving intellectual
base and moral support to the Telangana statehood cause. That’s how we have seen
the formation of so many organisation and fora in the last fifteen years agitating for
Telangana. And the formation of Telangna Rashtra samithi (TRS) in 2001 is a
watershed in the direction.
The Telangana society even now witnesses live examples of the furility of
the armed struggle.We see show people who subscribe to the militant ideology got
killed and how their family members suffer even now ; we see people who are still
underground could not actieve anything substantially; we see people who dabbled
with naxalite politics gave up underground life and how they struggle to readjuist
them selves in society or difficulties facea by them in reintegrating themselves into
society. So with all these live examples, why would anyone join the naxalites?
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The relevance of an alternative political system to parliamentary democracy
in Telangana districts is diminished for a variety of reasons. Hitherto, there was no
accountability on part of the elected representatives and bureaucracy too. In the last
15 years, courtesy various government and non-government initiaves, people
began enforcing their collective will on politician / bureaucrat segments for
accountability. To a large extent they succeeded.
(4). “Telangana Model” :
The police and people of Telangana took up great fight against the menace
of naxalism in the last 30 years with grit and determination and have succeeded in
quelling the naxalite movement to a very large extent. At present, the naxalite
movement is confined to not more than six police station limits in Chama district
(in Telangana), which isbordering Chhattisgarh state. The government of India has
been lauding the efforts of the Andhra Pradesh Government in suppressing the
naxalite movement and exhorting other statesto follow ‘the Andhra Pradesh model’
in quelling the naxalite movement. This much-talked about ‘Andhra Pradesh
model’ is nothing but ‘Telangana model’ , because it is the Telangana police who
stood in the forefront in the fight against the naxalites and laid down their precious
lives and brought the state back from the brink of collapse. It is the police of
Telangana, and not of Andhra, who devised new strategies and imaginative tactics
and methods in handling the naxalite uprising.
(5) The enfrachisement of people :
The democratic process of electing leaders, however chaotic and unruly it
may appear to be has its positive impact among the people. Almost six decades of
elections for various bodies including the constitution mandated enfranchisement
of local bodies and concomitant reservations for the under privileged led to a sea
change in their attitude towards democracy. From merely looking it as an exercise
in seeing their erstwhile kings and feudal overlords transformed into their elected
leaders, they have started looking at them as a tool enfranchising the entire
community as a whole. The compulsory reservations for the dalits, backward
classes and women int the local bodies has enabled emergence of many a capable
leader from among their ranks. From being the faceless and the vioceless, they
became the face and the voice of the nation. This has given hope to cross sections
of society restoring their faith in parliamentary system of democracy. The vacumof
leadership, created by desappearance of feudal elements and landed gentry in
villages in Telangana, has been filled by the sections mostly belonging to
backward classes, scheduled classes and poor or middle class forward castes. In
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70s and 80s, it was the people from scheduled classes, backward classesand poor
forward castes who joined the naxalite movement and went undrground. Now it is
these very backward classes, scheduled classes and poor or middle class forward
classes who are providing leadeship in the village of Telanagana. After tasting
power in villages, these classes have started acting as bulwark against the reentry
of naxalites into Telangana in the last 15 years because they feel that reentry of
naxalites will take away their political power / empowerment.
Earlier, the PW drew ots strength from societal segments like: Students; Workers ;
women’ Landless/ Peasantry, Dailt sections / Middle class. For a variety of
reasons, almost all these setions have withdrawn from the ultra-left politics.
Students have become career oriented ; workers are no more with these political
idelogies (singareni Karmika samakhya (SIKASA), a ferocious armed trade union
outfit, agitationg for the rights of coal mine workers in singareni, dying a natural
death is the best example); the dalit awakening or assertion of its rights by dalits is
the biggest social movement in the recent history, be it for categorisation fo
reservations or the way they take pride in calling themselves with the caste tag;
landless poor/ peasantry have also moved away as land is no more an issue. The
political empowerment has weaned away all these sections from the naxalite
influence.
6) Social profile of rural Telangana :
The social profile the Telangana village has changed tremendously. Even the
lower caste people are following two-child norm very strictly and sending their
children to English medium schools in their villages or nearby towns where
English medium schools are exisiting. These families want their children to study
well, get good employment and grow big in society. Many of these children have
became engineering gradeatesm medical graduates and those who couldn’t prusue
4 professional courese started learning computers and getting jobs in retail outlets,
malls, privatesector, software etc. Thus, there is a trend towards careerism and
success in life than indulging in revolutionary politics and joinging underground
naxalite bands in Telangana. The spread of education going hand in hand with
unprecedented spurt in employment opportunities across the globe has made youth
concentrate on their career and future rather than run after mirage of Naxalism.
Untouchability and discrimination based on caste has almost become a thing of the
past. The new generation hardly faces this problem and all sections of society
intermingle very closely.
(7) Liberalization of economy :
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Five decades of controlled economy could only guarantee shortages of
goods and ideas. People then were timid, taking pride in merely parroting
borrowed slongans and living the dreams of diseased minds. All that changed with
liberalization of economy. Whatever might be stated about the evils that have
befallen the cuntry after detching the socialistic pattern of development and
embracing the liberalization, one positive aspect that cannot be denied is that it
gave people Hope. It has enabled people to dream and dream big and put the tools
in their hands to realize those dreams. Government offers were flowing with cash
and they started inplementing various infrastructural and development projects
besides various welfare measures. The positive effects of liberalization have
certainly trickled down and they can certainly be felt across the region.
4) Distribution of land : The economic profile of the Telangana village has
changed for good. However flawed the government policies of land
distribution might be, it cannot be denied that such polices have made proud
land owners out of many landless poor. Land reforms have been quite well
implemented with lakhs of acres distributed to the landless poor. Coupled
with land distribution, develpment of several irrigation project have assured
at least one crop a year to the poor. The rural folk in Telangana have taken
to commercial cropping like growing chillies, turmeric, cotton etc.. which
are yielding good produce and improving income levels. With establishment
of agricultural market yards in almost every mandal, the farmers are getting
good remunerative prices. Since the market yards are not far away from their
villages, instead of depemding on middlemen and brokers, the farmers
thermselves are taking their produce to the market yards to sell, and if there
is no proper support price, they are able to store their produce in cold storage
godowns, to sell it at a later date when they get a good price.
Another positive aspect of land distribution is that it has to a large extent
eliminated concentration of land in few hands there by removing the bogeyman of
naxalism.
5) Development of telecommunications and road network :
Another aspect of development that has marched onwords hand with
liberalization is enormous incerease in telecommunications and development
of road metwork. Form being and elit means once, a mobile phone has
become a life necessity that truly enfranchised the common man. A trained
artisan without means to advertise his skills has suddenly found himself
within the reach of his potential customers. A farmer in remote area is no
longer at the mercy of the local trader but can easily access the latest
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imformation on prices of farm inputs, their availability and the support price
offered by the government and best market for his produce. Road network
has developed termendously which has reduced not only travel time but also
opened up the 5 interior and inaccessible parts of Telangana to the out side
world. Government machinery including police can reach any part to
Telangana with in no time. This was not the case about 20 years ago.
6) Disappearance if ‘visible enemy’:
There are no exploitative sections or elements in Telangana villages
now. The ‘visible enemy’ ceased to exist in Telangana villages. So, there is
no exploitation of the poor or the feudal oppression. This led to the growth
of cast based associations which have brough about a visible shift in the
rural profile of Telangana. The caste based associations are taking up
struggles in a big way for the improvement of their caste/community. Now,
the people have become more loyal towards their community. The
community associations are even dictating the voting preference of their
community during elections.
7) Role of media:
The phenomenal growth of media insustry in Andhra Pradesh, the
ability of the media to highligh people’s problems (though with a political
slant decided by media managements) led to a situation where people do not
need an alternative political force like Naxalites to voice demands on behalf
of people.
8) Naxalites lost emotional touch with the masses :
If we look at the slogans of Maoists themselves it used to be “land to
the tiller”, “all powers to gram rajya committee”, “poradithe poyyedemi ledu
sankellu tappa” (“We will not lose anything except the fetters if we fight”)
etc, which struck an emotional line with masses and stirred them. Now the
Maoist slogans are: “Down with American imperialism”, “Down with CBB”
(Comprador-Bureaucratic-Bourgeoisie), “Down with LPG (liberalisation,
Privatisation, Globalisation) Policies”. These do not touch masses on an
emotional plane.
9) SC s and ST (POA) Act:
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The SC and ST (POA) Act has played a significant role in
empowering the SCs and STs in villages. It’s a revolutionary legislation. The
SCs and STs who didn’t have a channel to express their
grievances/complaints earlier, used to approach the underground naxalites to
complain them about their victimization and injustices. The naxalites used to
take advantage of the hapless position of the victimised SCs and STs and
lure them into the naxalite fold on the promise of avenging their
victmisation. After the vigorous enforcement of the SC and ST (POA) Act,
the SCs and STs have started approaching the authorities either directly or
through SC, ST associations for redressal of their complaints in legal and
constitutional methods. This denied a very important source of recruitment
into the naxalite fold and sounded death knell for naxalism in Telangana.
With the absence of visible exploitation or visible enemy in Telangana
villages, the naxalites have found it very difficult to get new recruits into
their fold. Nay, they are even finding it difficult to enter villages.
10) Role of universities :
Universities used to be the hub of radical student activities in 70 and
80. In fact, universities played a prominent role in spreading naxalite
ideology and attracted. Scores of brilliant students into naxalite parties.
Radical students Union (RSU), owing allegiance to revolutionary ideology
had great following in colleges. The new generation of students is hardly
attracted towards naxalism. They 6 are showing more interest in shaping
their careers than in dabbling in Ultra-leftist politics. The facts that in the
last 15 years there is not a single graduate who has gone underground into
naxalite fold in Telangana, speaks volumes about the total loosening of the
grip of the naxalite elements on the student community.
11) Generation gap :
Different sections of society in Telangana have witnessed the rise and
fall of naxalite movement. Let us understand this phenomenon with an
illustration. If one generation (say my father’s generation) had benefitted
from the naxalite movement in respect of getting wages enhanced / dignity
to downrodden sections / stopping of atrocities by upper castes, the second
generation (say my generation) too participated in the naxalites movement as
this generation had seen the benefits and experienced them. But the third
generation (Say my son’s generation) has only heard about the catalytic role
played by the naxalites in bringing these social changes to some extent. This
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generation has as strong cennection or empathy with naxalites / pw / Maoists
as they with Mahatma Gandhi. So how would the thinking sections of
Telangana would get attracted to this violent movement?
12) Naxalite struggles and people :
There could be some support for some calls from some sections by the
naxalite elements in Telangana. But even going by the Maoist/ naxalite
analysis itself, people support and participate in all the partial struggles
aimed at getting some economic/ social benefits. But once the benefits are
accrued on account of partial struggles, these benefitted sections move away
from the ultra -left politics and do not get revolutionised. The Maoist
understanding is that small sections of people who get revolutionised. The
Maoist unserstanding is that small sections of people who get benefitted due
to partial struggles (for wage hike, uninterrupted power supply, waiver of
loans, jobs, social causes etc), would get further revolutionized and join the
PPW (protracted People’s War). But this is not happening and they have
conceded this is many documents.
13) ‘Social Investigation’ by Maoists :
In 2004 CPI(ML) (PW) (present CPI (Maoist)) Conducted a
study in north Telangana and brought out a document titled ‘Social
Investigation of North Telangana’. The study contained starting facts
and shocking revelations about the state of naxalite movement in
Telangana.
i) The study talked about lack of support to naxalites due to steep fall in
number of recruits into CPI (ML) PW (present CPI (Maoist)) ;
ii) Lack of quality and educated recruitment from colleges;
iii) Transformation of social and economic profile of rural Telangana;
iv) Growth of capitalist mentality and careerism due to liberalization among
the rural classes ;
v). Improvement in quality of life;
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v) Lack of response to leftist movements;
vi) Enormous increase in communication facilities and road network;
vii) Friendly approach by police department as against its oppressive nature,
which was it hallmark till about early 1990;
viii) Increase in enemy’s (police) informant network in every village, even
though there are no feudal or reactionary elements in villages to pass on
information to police forces; 7
ix) Phenomenal improvement in police resources and construction of ‘attack-
proof’ police station;
x) Empowerment of women and oppressed classes, etc. Thus, finally, the
document that it is very difficult for the naxalites to get back the lost
glory in Telangana.
14) Post 2009 and suicides by Telangana youth :
The preent phase of ingensive Telangana movement started about 3
years ago, i.e.from November 2009. Very rarely does one get to witness a
movement which is so peaceful, democratic and intense. Students have been
in the forefront of this movement wholeheartedly and have gone to the
extent of snuffing out their own lives, but have not harmed other. Nearly 800
youth of Telanagan committed suicides protesting the highly apathetical and
irrational attitude of the Government of India in fulfilling the promise of
creation of Telangana, which it made in December 2009. Maoist did try to
infiltrate the movement, by forming Telangana Praja Front’ (TPF), but
totally failed to influence any sections of the society. They failed to attract
even one recruit into Maoist party either from student community or from
rural Telangana in the last 3 years! To give an example, the bandh Call give
by mainstream polites in support of Telangana, have been roaring successes
whereas the bandh calls given by naxalites have been total failures.
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But, if genuine and democratic aspirations are suppressed and constitutional
processes fail, then definitely there’s every cahnce of frustrated youth taking to
violence and joining naxalite movement, similar to what happened in 1970s in the
aftermath of cruel suppression of Telangana movement in 1969-70.
15) Telangana is not a small state : Saying that Telangana will become
another Chhattisharh because naxalism thrives in smaller states and they
cannot with stand naxalite onslaught is, to say the least, ridiculous. Equating
Chhattisgarh with Telangana is not all correct and smacks of mischief. It is a
propaganda let loose by people with vested and slfish interests and with
ulterior motive, like non-Telangana politicians, non-Telangana bureaucrats
and some section of media to stall formation of state of Telangana.
Telangana is not a small state. It has an area of nearly 1,15,000sq kms and a
population of nearly 4 crores. It will rank 12th in size (larger Bihar and West
Bengal, and much bigger than Punjab and Harayana put together!) and rank 11th in
population (larger than Gujarat, Odisha, Punjab and Harayana ) out of 29 states
(including Telanganan) in India. (Chhattisgarh has an area of 1,35,1919 s qkms
and rank 10th among the Indian states now, and it is larger than Tamil Nadu. Then
how can Chhattisgarh be called a small state? ! Telangana is a little smaller than
Tamil Nadu. A state which is going to rank 11th in population and 12th in size in
area, out of 29 states can, by no stretch of imagination, be called a small state).
20) Naxalism and Chhattisgarh : To understand the growth of naxalism in
Chhattisgarh, one has to delve deep into history.
CPI and CPM :
CPI (ML) (PW) was established in Telangana in April 1980 by Kondapalli
Sitharamaiah, an Andhrite from Krishna district. (By that there were some naxalite
parties like CPI(ML), CPI (ML) Janashakthi, UCCRI (ML), etc already existing in
Telangana, from early 1970s onwards) Sitharamaiah had studied the famous
Telangana Armed peasant uprising of 1946-51, led by communist party of India
(CPI) against the Noam, and later against the Government in Telangana, and
analyzed out because the communist guerrillas then did not have an alternate base
to shift their forces (armed underground cadres) to other plcaes to escape the armed
might of the state. Hence he rightly foresaw that there would certainly be strong
reaction by the state to the armed naxalite insurrection by PW, and he wanted to
develop an alternate base. He thought Bastar district of unified Madhya Pradesh
state would fit the bill perfectly, because of its backwardness, lack of basic
governance, predominant presence of tribals, thick forest cover, etc.
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Thus, in 1980 itself (that is almost simultaneously with its formation in
Telanagana), CPI(ML) (PW) started functioning in Dandakaranya (erstwhile
Bastar dist) of Madhya Pradesh. But as a matter of strategy, it started developing
its organisation styealthily among the tyribals, and refrained from indulging in
viilent activities, unlike in Telangana, where it let loose a reign of terror in rural
areas. Even though it had all the trappings of afull-fledged underground naxalite
party, like having a state committee, district committees, area committees, armed
squads, etc it concentrated only on developing the organisation and befriending the
local tribes in Bastar. The Madhya Pradesh government never took notice of the
presence of Naxalites in this area because the naxalites were not indulging in
vioence. The government there neither developed the areas under naxalite
influence nordeveloped fighting capabilities of the police forces nor put specialized
institutions in place to tackle the naxalite menace. When chhattisgarh state was
formed in 2000 (which was carved out of Madhya Pradesh) it received the legacy
of serious naxalite problem due to decades of apathy, maladministration and
criminal negligence of basic facilities to people by the Madhya Pradesh
government. Naxalism did not grow in Chhattisgarh but was bequeathed to it by
Madhya Pradesh, which was the largest state of India before it was separated.
Again, if large states are insulated from naxalism problem, then why is it that
Madhya Pradesh had this problem! Hence, the argument that smaller states lead to
emergence of naxalite problem is basically fallacious and unsound. Naxalism grew
and sustained in larger states like Andhra Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar and
Maharashtra and not in smaller states.
Same is the case with Jharkhand. Naxalism in Jharkhand is the legacy of
undivided Bihar which was plagued by serious backwardness, inefficent and
corrupt administration, etc.
16) Naxalism grew because of violations in Unified AP :
Naxalism is an anachronistic idea that has outlived its utility whatever that
might have been. It never had a chance to succeed in the first place. It was only a
passing cloud and the clock cannot be turned back. It feeds off ignorance and
cannot tolerate light of knowledge and development that is today’s Telangana. The
suggestion that Telangana might become a hotved of Naxalism if it is carved out as
a separate state is a mere wishful thinking bereft of logic and it 9 clearly ingores all
the events that have taken place since 1970s. Naxalism in Telangana is already
confined to history books and the bogey of Naxalism can only raise derisive
laughter. Hence, growth and sustenance of naxalism has nothing to do with the size
and population of a state. It grows because of deliberate neglect of genuine
grievances and high level of discrimination in employment opportunities and
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administration, failure to implement constitutional safeguards, agreements,
government orders and judgments of Hight Court and supreme Court, tyranny of
the majority etc.
Denial of just, rational, democratic and constitutional demand of demerger
of Andhar Pradesh state and creation of Telangana state, will give fillip to naxalite
elements to spread the fact of failure of democratic and constitutional processes
and means for realizing Telangna dream. This may force the frustrated and
desperate Telangna youth to join the armed naxalite ranks. This may infuse fresh
lease of life to naxalite parties, who have almost been wiped out from Telangana,
to start their armed insurrection again, thus endangering the fragile security
scenario of the country. Hence creation of Telangana state will clear Telangana of
vestiges of naxalism and pave way for sustained. equitable and balanced
development.
Anti Lord stuggles in Jagityala and siricilla :
The peasant struggle of Karimnagar is an important chapter of the Indian
agrarain revolution. Both in maturity and depth it has supassed the Naxalbari flare-
up and (arguably) the Srikakilam struggle, from which it has learnt many lessons.
The time has not yet come to write its history but it is certainly worth while taking
a cross-sectional view. The struggle started in Jagtial (Jagityala) and Sircilla
(Sirisilla) talukas, and quickly engulfed Peddapally. Subsequently it has spread to
Metpslly, Manthani and Huzurabad. THe area that has most reently been in the
news is Peddapally, where on February 22 this year the CPI(ML) ‘People War’
organiser Devender Reddy beame 16th victim of police ‘encounters’ in the
16months since they were revived in September 1980. Paddapally is in the
northern part of Karimnagar district. It is trisected length-wise by two busy roads;
one of them proceeds from the Siiuareni coal mines region (Where coal, power,
fertiliser and cement are produced) down to Karimnagar and on wards to
Hyderabad, carrying an incessant stream of lorries laden with coal, cement and
fertiliser. The other road is the Chanda-Hyderabad highway, passing through
forest-rich Aliabad. Carrying an equally heavy traffic of lorries laden mostly with
huge logs of timber and in season crates of juicy oranges from Maharashtra.What
is remarkable is that in this stendy sucam of forries one rarely sees more than a
few carrying bags of paddy or mirchi (Chillies) - such a common sight in the
Vijayawada -Guntur-Elur region of green revolution Andhra.
This is symptomatic of Peddyapally, a region that transmits products of
‘capitalist’ India but has itself remained largely fedual. The taluka president of the
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Radical youth League could think of only four landlords in the whole taluka who
had tractors (in contrast with Jagtial where many landlors have turned modern).
None of the landlords shows any interest in crops other than paddy and millets, and
even then they do not go in for fertiliser-Hungry high-yielding varieties but stick to
the traditional ones. This is in spite of the fact that Peddapally now gets water from
the pochampad project (on the Godavari river), as a consequence of which the
price of land has appreciated from about RS 3,000 to Rs 20,000 per(Wet) acre. A
second reason for describing the region as feudal is that the surplus appropriated by
the landlords is not transformed into productive capital but istead is either
consumed or ‘invested’ in mercantile activities. Unlike the rich mills. Husking is
done domestically, thought many of them use machines for the puropse. Most of
the surplus goes into PWD contrcts (including the Pochampad canal itself), shops
(the favourites being, ‘wine’ shops), and real joining villages to towns like
Ramagundam, Peddapally and Dharmaram. He is said to bribe PWD people into
keeping the roads Kuccha so that the state Road Transport Corporation may not
ivade hisjagir. Finally, a sizeably section of the working people are exploited
feudally. They are not tenant - peasants (tenancy has not developed to any
considerable extent in Telangana) but fedual farmservants.
What makes them feudal is not that they are paid annually instead of dail
(indeed, many of them are paid monthly) but that their wages are not calcualted on
the basis of the amount of work they do (whether that is computed in terms of
quantity of output or labour-time), instead they are required to be at the beak and
call of the lanlord and to look after an indeterminate amount of nonproductive
chores in addition to a varying, amount of productive work. In other words what
they sell is not their labour-time (labour power employed for a certain time) but
their entire time. An equally important element is vetti or vetti chakiri (corvee;
begar in Hindi). Vetti has been de-veloped to an extraotdinarily comprehensive
extent in Telangana. Not only do the peasants do vetti in the fields of the landlords,
all the wording people suffer this abuse. The dhobi, the shepherd, the barber, the
today-tapper, every body has to provide unpaid services on customarily specified
occasions. Add to this the abuse of women belonging to the toiling classes by the
landlords, and other feudal customs like the working people (particularly those
belonging to the lowest castes) being expected not to wear a shirt or chappals in the
presence of the dora (lord), and sou have a complete picture of Peddapally - not in
the days of the Nizamashahi but right up to 1978. For that was when the dam of
antifeudal agrarian struggle burst in Peddapally. One can conjecture any number of
reasons for it. It may be seen as a diffusion of the struggle of the Jagtial and
Sircilla talukas which had, be that time, already been decalred disturbed areas. It
may also be seen as a consquence of the Pochampad canal and the increasing
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commoditisntion it brought in its wake (for after all the agratian revolution is only
a democratic revolution); and finally it may be seen as a long-awaited penetration
of communists into an area that was only waititng for the (Karimnagar was not
involved as much as Warantai, Algona and Chama in Telanganan peasant uprising
of 1946-51), Not that Peddapally had earlier been completely innocent of
communist influence; there are some villages which were regarded as CPI
strongholds; but given the nature of that party’s politics during the last two
decades, nothing much needs to be said about its ineffectiveness.
The struggle started in 1978 from the villages of Ranapuram and Kannala.
The organisation that conducts the struggle is the Rytu-Coolie sangham, an all-
purpose organisation whose concerms are far from being merely economic.
Problems of caste sex, corruption, drink-all are handled by the Sangham. In quite a
few villages the sanghams are the only local administrative authority respected by
the noor-and in some cases also the rich. The struggle was initially organised
around around two issues.
One is the wasteland around the village that is often illegally grabbed by the
landlords. The people forcibly occupied that land and distributed it among the
landless (such occupation of illegally appropriated waste-land is an important
element of the struggle in the entire region: the land thus occupied is either divided
equally among the landless or cultivated collectively by them-the latter being more
common in the tribal regions). The other issue is the ‘fines’ and ‘fees’ that the
landlords have swallowed from the people during the un official ‘panchayats’ for
settling discontinues between them. These fees and fines often amount to
substantial sums. During the struggle the People demand return of the fees and
fines. And also additional ‘donation’ to the sang ham from the landlords in
fractional repayment of what has been appropriated from the people in the past.
When the state government started giving talk-level bakery contracts (from this
year), the sang hams of various villages demanded (and got) compensation from
the successful bidders for the loss suffered by small brewers. All this amounts to
substantial sums of about 10-40,000 Rupees per village. This sum is kept with the
Sang ham and used for common purposes like building schools. Laving roads,
paying teachers, getting tanks bonded, etc. (this work which has demonstrated to
the people that even at a constructive level the sang hams are different from the
ruling class parties, appears to be anions the lessons learnt since the srikakulam
days: in those days such work would have been regarded as Revisionist.) All this
came later, of course. The first struggle in Ranapuram and Kamala, led by
Defender Reddy (a native of Ranapuram), then a lean and dutiful looking college
drop-out. was for occupation of 300 acres of waste-land appropriated by the
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landlords. The success of this struggle ted to the people of pal item. Dongaturti,
Ramayapalle, Raechapalle villages inviting Defender Reddy to organize them to
struggle for getting back from the landlords the fees and fines that had in the past
been collected from them. As the movement spread, retaliation by the landlords
(with willing help from the state) also increased. In quick succession police camps
were set up in Chintalapalli, Takkellapalli, Rained, Kukkalagudur and Putnur. The
way the camps were set up is instructive. Takkallapalli and Rained are dominated
by a certain Srinivasa Rao; he has lands in the latter village and at Takkellapalli
he manages the lands of a landlord. Mutyam Rao (most of the Landlords of this
region are velamas by caste) who died some time back. Mutvam Rao left behind a
son, but he is an invalid and a rake of the worst feudal kind to boot, and spends all
his time-at Hyderabad. Way back in 1978. Srinivasa Rao beat up and detained two
peasants; people from 15 villages went to his house, caught hold of his two sons,
and held him to ransom; they would give back his sons only if he released the
peasants he had detained. The exchange took place. but immediately the police
moved in. Charged 800 people with abduction (the case has been dismissed ) and
set un police camps at both Rained and Takkellanalli; the camps are yet to be
lifted, after nearly four years. The names of Bnonmaiah belonged to Putnur and his
nice of land was in Kukkalagudur; in January 1979 it was decided to build a
memorial for them in the latter village and a public meeting was held, which was
attended by about 15,000 people. This appears to have scared the landlords of the
two villages, for they took to the offensive soon after the meeting. When the
people of Putnur questioned the landlord Rajeswara Rao labour waste-land and
surplus land in his possession, he complained to the police that he had been
attacked. A police camp was immediately set un at the milage: it is still to be
removed. At Kukkalagudur, landlord and PWD contractor Rajaiah (one-time CPI
Sarpanch of the village) starred malicious propaganda against the sang ham and the
tussle that it led to brought a police camp in a village automatically means that a
police raj is established there, with no law except that of the lathi. Accounts of the
repression unleashed by the police in these villages make macabre reading. They
destroyed crops by diving animals into fields ripe for harvesting of by stopping
water supply and staring the crops (it is a general rule that water from the local
tank has to pass by the landlords fields to reach other peoples fields and so the
police only have to enlist the help of the only too willing landlords to stop water
supply to the peasants crops) ; if a peasant had a motor to draw water from a well,
Narla Kishtaiah and his brother Narla Bucchimallu of Putnur have suffered loss of
about Rs 15,000 because of such degradations. Ellenki Rama Swamy of
Takkcllapally had his poultry destroyed and birds, stolen while he was in hiding
from the police. Perhaps the worst sufferer is Galipalli Parvatalu. A casual labor at
the Kiser cement factory (owned by the Birla) near Takkellapally. who does not
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have any property to be despoiled; so they attacked his person. His courage in
exposing the misdeeds of the police enraged them and they illiterate him badly at
the police camp at Takkellapally. he was thrown over the “round and one end of a
rifle was forcibly thrust into his stomach. His intestines were badly damaged and in
spite of an operation he is still unwell. Being landless, he can live only if he works
with his hands; but today he cannot do the most common work casual laborers. at a
cement factory are required to do - loading and unloading cement bags. But none
of these could stop the movement from spreading, under the leadership of
Defender Reddy, He appears to have been quite an extraordinary leader; the poor
people of the villages of Peddapally talk in glowing terms about his dedication,
integrity 815 and tirelessness. He would lead the people in their hundred, red flags
in hand, to plant the flags in waste/surplus land and till it against all odds. Near
Takkellapally there is a tree covered hillock which was being despoiled by the
landlord, and which Devender Reddy led the people of the village to occupy and
land with teak and bamboo trees. The sang ham has also taken on the duty of
guarding the hillock, and nobody is allowed to cut the trees, not even members of
the sang ham, when the plants are fully grown, the sang ham will it self supervise
cutting and sale of the timber (and undertake simultaneous replanting) whose
proceeds will go to the sang ham and will be used to pay and additional teacher at
the school, or strengthen the tank-bund, etc (that , at any rate, is what the sang ham
leaders plan, and would certainly have implemented had Devander Reddy not been
killed; but after his killing the police have started impounding the amounts with the
Sanghams, and in some villages like Palakirti, have changed the Sang ham leaders
with stealing/misappropriating the amount). But the most significant achievement
of the struggle led by Devender Reddy is that veto has been completely put an end
to here after no landlord in Peddapally can hope to get unpaid services from any
category of toilers, nor can he misbehave with women of lower castes. (Struggle
for increased wages has also been there; where as earlier daily labor used to get R
s 3-4 per day, they now get R s 6-7 farm servants have also increased their monthly
wage to R s 100 curiously enough, the struggle for higher wages is generally listed
as an after-thought in any discussion with sang ham leaders : it is not clear whether
this indicates the relative ease with which these struggles were won or the weakly
developed commodity consciousness of the People) All this could not be allowed
to go on of course. Devender Reddy had to go and he went. There was nothing
very secretive about the arrangements made, either. The ‘encounter’ in which he
died was with sub-inspector Parkas Reddy of Ramagundam. At magisterial enquiry
conducted into his death on March 16, Parkas Reddy told the RDO of Peddapally
that “as of 22/12/81 he had been deputed on special duty along with four police
constables to apprehend underground cadre of extremists, Devender Reddy. His
jurisdiction was the whole of Peddapally and Sultanabad ralukas.It took him
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almost exactly two months to get his quarry, and in the process he raised such hell
in the village of the area that when the people are not talking about their leader
Devender Reddy, they are talking about their tormenter Parkas Reddy...Destroying
Property, breaking the walls of wells, throwing clothes on the road and riding his
jeep over them, beating women for the sin of feeding Devender Reddy on his
secret visits, thrashing members of the Sang ham to the bone, spreading slanderous
stories about Devender Reddy, accusing him of misappropriating the funds
collected in the name of the sanghams and of misbehaving with women (the people
are more enraged about these slanders than about the murder)- Prakash Reddy
created a reign of terror that lasts to this day. Now he visits the villages with the
question: ‘Has your new leader come? Who is he?) under his protection the
landlords forcibly took back from the Sangham the one lakh rupees that they had
been forced to part with against illegal fees and fines they had collected in the past
: at nearby Guruvapally, the sangham has similarly taken Rs.5,000 from the
landlord, this time a Reddy. The day after the enquiry into Devender Reddy’s death
the landlords acquired enough courage to get the sarpanch (who is sympathetic to
the sangham) arrested on the charge of extortion. The question ‘How are the
landlords of your village’ put to a woman of the village riding a bullockcart
elicited the angry answer. They have become as before’. At Putnur, with the
coming oalmyra trees for three months, causing loss of 7-8 thousand rupees. If
some body stood surety for arrested Sangham activists, very soon they would find
them selves also undr arrest. Quite a few sarpanches of the taluka have been
arrested under spurious charge, for the sin of having stood surety for activistsof
therir’ villages, (Saroanches sympathetic to the peasant movement are apeculiarity
of Peddapally taluka. The ‘peoples war’ group of the CPI(ML), which is leading
the struggle there, baycotts all elections as a general rule but individuals
sympathetic to the party do manage to set elected to local bodies as independent
candidates against landlord -backed Congress-I candidates.)
Even as he was creating terror in the villages, Prakash Reddy was hatching a
plot to get at his quarry, Dharmaram, is a village on the Hyderabad-Chanda road,
about 10 kms from Karimnagar. The landlord of Dharmaram is a velama,
Damondar Rao, who has about 500 acres of land, (In the words of Lal Mohammed,
a tea shop owner of Dharmaram, ‘land -ceilings have not come to our village they
have stopped at Karimnagar’.) About 9 kms from Dharrmaram. along a kuccha
road, is Khila Wanaparti, a medium -sized village. The landlord of this village are
also velamas, many of them relatives of Damodar Rao. One of them is the police
patel (munsab) of the village. He and his brother together own about 100 acers of
land. Their farm servents, Narasaiah and Pochamallu, had also been leaders of the
sangham of the village ; the movement was new to the village and revolutionary
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ideology had not struck roots there, Narasaiah and Pochamallu were there fore
ideal candidates for conspiring to trap Devender Reddy. They brought him to
village on the pretext of wanting to discuss, their resignation from the sangham
with him, and informed the police. Prakash Reddy came to the village at dusk and
approached Narasaiah’s hut, where his prey was talking to some people. Warned
about his arrival, Devender Reddy attempted to run away, but: he was over-
powered from behind and killed. The story that his own revolver went off during
the scuffle and filled him is obvious nonsense. With the increasing clamour of civil
liverties groups about bogus encounters, the police have changed their track; they
not longer even claim to have killed in selfdefence; these days the deaths are
accidental. And perhaps soon they will become voluntary .Anyway, apart from the
sub-inspector, the only pople prepared to support the story (at the executive
magistrate’s enquiry ) were the conspirators Narshaiah and Pochamullu; and the
story of the latter wasw so unbelived that the executive magistrate was himself
constrained to comment that Pochamallu was lying. He was supposed to have been
running ahead of Devender Reddy, but his statement corraborates in full detail the
sub-inspector’s version of what happened behind his back. The truth is known to
the people of the village but they refuse to tell it even to sympathetic civil liberaties
organisations, let alone to the enquuring maginstrate such is the terror created by
sub-inspector-on-special - duty , Prakash Reddy.
Agrarian crisis :
In the backdrop of nationwide outrage over the suicide of a farmer in full
public view at a cal rally in Delhi, there is a renewed attention to the continued
agrarian crisis gripping the new state of Telangana and unaated suicides by the
debty-ridden farmers.
The opposition parties and non-governmental organisations pointed out that
over 340 farmers had committed sucide since June 2 last year when the new state
was carved out of Andhra Pradesh. The realisation of the statehood goal was
supposed to herald new hope for the official figure.
Quoting reports submitted by the sistrict collectors, state Revenue secretary
R.K . Meen said the 96 farmers committed suicide since June last year. However,
there are no takers for the officaial figure.
Taking a serious note of the issue, the National Human Rights Commission
(NHRC) directed the Telangana government to submit a comprehensive report on
the reasons for the increasing number of farmer suicides and relife and
rehabilitation measures being taken by the government.
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The NHRC notice came in response to a petition filed by scores of the
affected families who have been demand a hike in compensation to Rs five lakh
from the present Rs 1.50lakh. Significantly, the commission noted that a majority
of the farmers who took their lives were small and marginal farmers holding less
than 3 acres of land.
The experts say that failure of two successive crops-khrif and rabi-this year,
coupled with mounting debts and failure of the government’s crop loan waiver
scheme, are the main reasons for large-scale suicides by farmers across the state.
While severe drought conditions and erratic power supply damaged kharif crops,
the recent unseasonal rains damaged standing Rabi crops, dealing a double blow to
farmers.
The Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) government admitted that the
problem was serious and promised to stand by the bereaved families. As part of
measures to tackle that rural distress, the government has started implementing
loan waiver scheme, one of its key poll promises. “The crop already released Rs
4,500 crore for loan waiver scheme, clearing a quarter of the loans,” the state
Agriculture Minister P Srinivas Reddy said.
However, the opposition parties and farmers’ organisations argue that the
governments help was “too little and came too late in the day” as delayed and
deficit rains, poor and erratic power supply and lack of fresh loans from banks had
pushed the farmers into depths of despair.
“The government should treat this crisis as a national disaster. It should
declare an agricultural emergency in Telangana. Unless public and private loans
are waived and some confidence-building measures are taken, suicides will
continue,” said activist P SrihariRao who had filed a public Interest Litigation
(PIL) in the Andhra Pradesh High Court to seek help for the families of farmers
who have committed suicide.
With scanty rainfall hitting the hydel power generation, the cotton and paddy
farmers in the upland Telangana regions had to bear the brunt. Typically, the
farmers in Telangana depend on pumpsets to irrigate their lands. “For the last one
decade, we have been witnessing farm suicides after October when the Kharif
season ends. But this time, the number has already crossed the 300-mark,” said G
V Ramanjaneyulu, Chief Executive officer of centre for sustainable Agriculture
(CSA), an NGO
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Rise of political parties :
After 1969 coastal people did not get supremacy over telangana so they decided to
stay in Hyderabad there fore they established houing board and HUDA. After
N.T.Rama Rao became chiefminister there was termendous increase in migrations
and they purchased land in and around for very low price. All the major investors
in real estate belongs to Andhra and made Telangana people, to live in slums. They
bought sand from Mahabubnagar, Medak for construction in Hyderabad major real
estate companies :
Cinema and Media :
The question should be the other way around. Sicence day one, we have
been treated like second-rate citizens. Depriving us of development is one issue,
but the fact that every one makes fun of us is also an important point in Telangana.
Take that film industry for instance. There are no cinema heroes from Telangana.
Moreover what hurts the most is that the language spoken by the people of
Telangana is always attiributed t a joker or a villain in the movies.
Corporate education and hospitals :
NTRama Rao gave much importance to corporate education and hospitals so
there was decline in services at government hospitals and standard of education
declined in government run schools and colleges. As the income of Telangana
people is less and they could not effort for corporate medical facilities and
corporate education they remain as lillterates and there health got detorted. Poor
Telangana people cant effort to go star hospitals and no staff in public health
centres.
Domimant culture and its implications :
The dominant culture in a society refers to the established language, religion,
values, rituals and social customs. These traits are often the norm for the society as
a whole. The dominant culture is usually, but not always, in the majority and
achieves its dominance by controlling social institutions such as communication,
educational institutions, artistic expression, law, political process, and business and
alos majority of statues belong to Andhra.
Komaram Bheem was a tribal leader who fought against the Asaf Jahi
Dynasty for the liberation of Hyderabad. Komaram Bheem openly fought against
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the ruling Nizam government in a guerrilla capaign. He defied courts, laws, and y
other form of Nizam authority, living off the sustenance of the forest. He took up
arms against Nizam Nawab’s soldiers, and fought Babi Jhari until his last breath
His life history was written originally by the comrade leader of Telangana
rebellion, Puchalapalli Sundariah region.
Daasarathi Krishnamacharyulu, Popularly known as Daasarathi was a
Telugu poet and writer. Dasarathi holds the titles Abhyudhaya Kavi and
Kalaprapurna. He was also the recipient of Sahitya Academy Award for his poetic
work book Timiramto Samaram (Fight against Darkness) in 1974. He also chosen
as Aasthana Kavi of the Andhra Pradesh Government.
Early life
Krishnamacharyulu Dasarathi was born as Daasarathi on 22 July in 1925 in
a middle-class vaishnava family Brahmin. His native village Chinnaguduru is in
Maripeda Mandal, Warangal district. An orthodox, but discreet, vaishnava bhakta,
he was an erudite scholar of Indian mythology (Puranas) with a fine grip on
Telugu, Sanskrit and Tamil languages. He marticulated from the Khammam
government high school but gave up higher education to join the movement against
the autocratic Nizam rule in the Hyderabad kingdom.
Career
Activism
As a volunteer in the left-wing Andhra Mahasabha movement, Dasarathi
travelled from village to village in Telangana to enlighten the public. Mahatma
Gandhi and Kandukuri Veeresalingam influenced him. However, he joined the
political left, as most of his friends were leftists and communist revolutionaries.
Poetry
He began writing poetry very young when he was a student. His poerty was
revolutionary and was influenced by the communist ideology of Karl Marx. The
downtrodden, poor, exploited, workers were his subjects in poetry. He strongly
believed that the capitalist, feudalist and autocratic society under Nizam rule would
give way to democracy and equality.
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After the Independence of India in 1947, many independent kingdoms and
principalities joined the newly formed Indian Union. However, Hyderabad state
under the autocratic rule of the then ruler Mir Osman Ali Khan did not join the
Union. Mir Osaman Ali Khan failed to control the atrocities committed by the
Mazlis Ittehadul Muslimeem party. At this juncture, the state congress Party under
the leadership of Swamy Ramananadaterdha called for an action against the
autocratic Nizams rule.Thousand of people went to jail by responding to this call
and participating in satyagraha (Civil disobedience).
Arrest and imprisonment
Dasarathi was arrested in 1947 and was sent to Warganal central jail, along
with many other leaders who went on to prominence in independent India.
Dasarathi was later moved to Nizamabad central jail.While in jail he wrote poetry.
After his release he left Telangana for Vijayawada and wrote poetry against the
Nizam in Telugu Desam, a daily paper devoted to news and articles related to
Telangana and the Nizam’s rule.
In 1948, the Indian Union took over the Hyderabad state in a police action
and put and end to the autocratic Nizam rule and to the violence unleashed by the
Razakars and Mazils Ittehadul Muslimeen Party. Later in 1956 the Telangana part
of the Hyderabad state was united with the state of Andhra and eventually formed
the state of Andhra Pradesh, which was till June 2, 2014.
After democratic rule was established in Hyderabad, Dasarathi served in the
government of Andhra pradesh for some time. Later, he worked for all India Radio
Vijayawada and Madras (Chennai) as a prompter and retired in 1971, He served as
the government poet from 1971 through 1984. He also rendered service as an
emeritus producer for All India Radio Doordarshan (Television).
Literary works
Daasrathi obtained fame through his revolutionary poetry. His first book
Agnidhara (Flowing Fire) was published in 1947. This book is a bout the
Telangana Armed struggled against Nizams rule, in which young Daasarathi
served as a revolutionary. Daasartathi wrote part of his book Angnidhara while he
was in jail and completed it after his release. His other works include Rudraveena
(1950), Mahandrodyamam, Punarnapam, Amruthabishekam, Kavithapush pakam
and Ghalib Geethalu (1961). Ghalib Geethalu is the Telugu translationof the poem
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of Urdu poet Mirza Asadullah khan Ghalib. He has also composed Lyrics to some
Telugu films.
Daasarathi said that the “Nizams brutal rule, peoples woes under his rule,
Indian Independence, Entry of Indian Armed Forces to free Nizams state and the
fall of Nizam” as the inspiration for his writings.
Tollywood :
He wrote lyrics for many Telugu movies. His debut movie was Vaagdanam.
He wrote lyrics for approximately 2000 songs in Telugu film industry. He also
wrote lyrics for the popular movie Pooja.
Vattikota Alwar swamy (1915-1961) was a Telugu writer, human rights activist,
communist leader, journalist and publisher. The first novelist in Telugu. He was
born in Madaram kalan (shaligouraram mandal) village of Nalgonda district on
November 1, 1915. His parents were Machavaram Dimhaderamma and
Ramachandra Charyulu. As his father died when he was young, he completed his
education while working as cook for his teacher Seetharama Rao.
He was active in the library movement and the communist movement, and
he fought against Nizam government. His activities angered Nizam and he was
jailed. His book about his experience in Vattkota jail, Jailu Lopala (Inside Jail),
was published. His other works include novels Prajala Manishi (people’s Man)
(1952) and Gangu (1940-45). He died on February 5, 1961.
Liberalization and privatization and its impact :
We have seen landmark shift in Indian Economy since the adoption of new
economic policy in 1991. This had far reaching impacts on all spheres of life in
India. There can be no concrte conclusions about their impact on Indian People.
This turns out to be more of an ideological debate like capitalism vs socialism. But
there is no doubt in the fact that those reforms were unavoidable and very
compelling. There was in fact, similar have all across the globe after disintegratio
of USSR and end of the cold war. Many post -colomial democratic regimes, which
were earlier sheltered by USSR, lost their umbrella. They had no option, but to fall
in line to new unipolar world order dictated by USA.Even China in late 1980
adopted Open Door policy through which it liberalized its economy by shedding
communist mentality completely. South East Asian economies also reformed their
economy and started engaging more with global economy.
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Note : Changing sectoral composition of India economy since independence
Composition -services - Steady significant increase (was more marked after
reforms), Industry -- Less marked increase (stagnated after reforms), Agriculture
Significant Decline patterns in the above graph explain inequity of Indian growth
story. As per principle of economics, when a particular sector performs
disproportionately higher than average growth rate, economic wealth starts
concentrating into that sector. In this case that sector is service sector. Within this
sector, highest growth is marked by sectors such as financial services, Real estate
service etc..., which are least employment elastic. Consequently, growth of past
decade was limited toupscale areas of the countries as almost whole service
industry, operates from these areas. Majority of India got spillover or trickle down
growth from here. This accelerated migration to Urban areas. This in turned
created array of social problems associated with urbanization. It fundamentally
changed pattern of India society.
Now we have ultra-modern and ultra-primitive society coexisting and
conflicting with each other. On one side Social institutions like personal law
boards, khaps and kangaroo courts etc. Tries to uphold their control over their
respective community members, on other hand there is westren wave pulling out
these vey members. undoubtedly strongest of new century. This revolution was
different because it made globalization even more obvious and stark. It made
possible transfer of real time human labor across nations, without transfer humans
themselves. Further, it erased all boundaries which hinder free flow of information.
This has benefited sharing, nurturing and development of knowledge in societies
which earlier had access only to substandard or non-updated information. As
always package is coupled with some grin realities too.
Government all across the world has lost their capacity ot regulate end ward
of against malicious, flase, sensitive information and content. Rise of Islamic state
demonstrate that, IT revolution has helped development of global terrorist links
more than anything. Moreover, explicit content is freely available on web, to which
unmatured childern have unrestricted access.
GDP growth rate - India’s annual growth rate from 1990-2010 has been 6.6%
which is almost double than pre reforms era. GDP growth rate surpassed 5% mark
in early 1980. This made impact of 1990’s reforms on growth unclear. Some belive
that 1980’s reforms were percursor to LPG reforms. Other things apart, it is clear
that 1980 reforms led to crash of economy in 1991, which was remedied by LPG
reforms whichwere quite more comprehensive. It was IMF loan which gave
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government to adjust its economy. It was largest ever loan given by IMF. Initially
there were global doubts on India’s credibility for loan, but India has been so far a
disciplined borrower.
Industrial Growth Rate - Barring few years industrial growth rate has been not
much impressive. Share of Industry still remains stagnantly low at 25%. Worst is
that India has transitioned to be a service led economy, directly from an agrarian
one. One expialtion of this is end of policy of imports substitution which derived
industrial growth upto 1990. Foreign companies got free access to Indian markets
and made domestic products uncompetitive. They obviously had batter access to
technology and larged economies of scale.
India’s position also lagged on account of research and innovation. Import
substitution required certian degree of investment and efforts in domestic
production. It was carried out even when imports were cheaper. This resulted in
good and batted capacity building upto that government to spend on R & D.
Technology denial ended with liberalization and globalization. Till that time Indian
Industry was better and modern than that of China. But in two decades China has
surpassed India by huge margin in case of both Industry and innovation.
Impact on small scale in India.
This impact shall be studied right from the beginning of colonization in 18th
century. Colonization can be considered as 1st wave of globalization. In pre
colonization era, India’s textileds and handcraft was renowned worldwide and was
backbone of Indian economy. With coming of industrial revolution along with
foreign rule in India, Indian economy suffered a major setback and much of its
indigenous small scale cottage Industry was destroyed.
After independence, government attempted to revive small scale sector by
reserving items exclusively for it to manufacture. With liveralization list of
reserved items was substantially curtailed and many new sectors were thrown open
to big players.
Small scale industry however exists and still remains backbone of India
Economy. It contributes to major portion of exports and private sector
employment. Result are mixed, many erstwhile small scale industries got bigger
and better. But overall value addition, product innovation and technology adoption
remains dismal and they exist only on back of government support. Their products
are contested by cheaper imports from China. Polices of government towards SSI
were coveredin previous article access here and here .
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Impact on Agriculture :
As already said, share of agriculture in domestic economy has declined to
about 15%. However, people dependent upon agricultuire are still around 55%.
Cropping patterns has undergone a huge change, but impact of liberalization can’t
be properly assessed. We saw under series relating to agriculture that there are still
all pervasive government controls and interventions starting from production to
distribution (here SPS and here -WTO).
Gobal agricultural economy is highly distorted. This is mainly because
inbalance in economic and political power in hands of farmers of developed and
developing countries. In developed countires, commercial and capitalistic
agriculture is in place which is owned by influential Agricorporations. They easily
influence policies of WTO and extract a better deal for them selves at cost of
farmers of developing world.
Farming in developing world is subsistence and supports large number of
poor people.
With globalization there has been high fluctuation in commodity prices which put
them in massive risk.This is particularly true for cash crops like Cotton and
Sugarcane. Recent crises in both crops indicate towards this conclusively.
Also there is global food vs. Fuel confusion going on. Sugar and corn are
used to manufacture ethanol which is used as fuel. In USA corn is produced mainly
for this purpose, as sugar cane is in Brazil. Now there apprehensions that what if
coverting food into fuel is more remunerative for producers ? More than i billion
people still live in hunger, much more are just hand any purchasing power. Clearly,
Agriculture is biggest market failure, but is rarely discussed for being so in WTO.
Another global debate born out globalization is one of GM crops. Here too
powerful MNCs like Monsanto hold key. USA allows unhindered use of GM
crops, but EU bans it . In India field trails are going on. (It was discusseshere)
One the positive note, India’s largely self-sufficient and high value
distinguished products like Basmati Rice are in high demand all over. Generally
speaking, India is better placed to take up challenge of globalization in this case. If
done in sustainable and iclusive manner, it will have a huge mulitplier impact on
whole economy. World wide implicit compulsion to develop food processing
Industry is landmark effect of globalization.
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Apart from these, Farm Mechanization i.e.use of electronic/solar pumps,
Tractors, combines etc. All are fruits of globalization. Now moving a step further,
information technology is being incorporated into agriculture to facilitate farming.
Impact on services sector :
In this case globalization has been boon for developing countries and bane
for developed ones. Due to historic economic disparity between two groups,
human resources have been much cheaper in developing economies. This was
further facilitated by IT revolution and this all culminated in exodus of numerous
jobs from developed countries to developing countries. Here US have to jealously
gurard its jobs as we guard our agriculture.
IT industry :
Softeware, BPO. KPO, LPO industry boom in India has helped India to
absorb a big chunk of demographic diviend, which otherwise could have wasted.
Best part is that export of services result in export of high value. There is almost no
material exported which consume some natural resource. Only thing exported is
labor of professional, which doesn’t deplete, instead grows with time. Now Inida is
better placed to became a truly knowledge Economy.
Exports of these sevices constitute big part of India’s foreign Exchange earnings.
In fact, the only three years India had Current Account surplus, i.e.2000-2002, was
on back of this export only.
Banking
Further, in banking too India has been a gainer. Since reforms, there have
been three rounds of License grants for private banks. Private banks such as ICICI,
HDFC, Yes Bank and also foreign banks, raised standards of Indian Banking
Industry. Now there is cut through cmpetiton in the banking industry, and public
sector banks are more responsive to customers.
Here too IT is on path of bringing banking revolution. New government
schemes like Pradhan Mantri jan dhan Yojana aims to achieve their tragets by
using Adhaar card. Having said this, public sector bank still remain major lender in
the cuntry.
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Similarly Insurance Industry now offers variety of products such as unit
linked Insurance plans, Travel Insurance ets. But, in India life Insurance business is
still decisively in hands of life Insurance corporation fo India.
Stook Markets :
Another major development is one of stock Markets. Stock Markets are
platforms on which corporate secutities can be traded real time. It provides
mechanisms for constant price discovery, options for investors to exit from or enter
into investment any time. These are back bone of free markets these days and there
is robust trade going all over the world on stock exchanges. Their Importance can
be estimated from the fact that, behavior of stock markets of a country is strongest
indicator of health and future prospects of an economy.
These markets has thrown open wide array of associated sevices such as
investment banking Asset mangement, underwriting services, hedging advice etc.
These collectively employ lakhs of people all over India. Similarly there are
commodities market which provides avenues for investment and sale of various
eligible commodities.
Telecom sector :
Conventionally, Telecom sector was a government owned monopoly and
consequently service was quite substatndard. After reforms, private telecom sector
reached pinnacle of success. And India telecom companies went global. However,
corruption and rent seeking marred growth and out look to this sector.
Entry of modern Direct to Home service saw improvements in quality of
television services on one hand and loss of livelihood for numerous local cable
operators.
Education and Health sector:
It should be noted that food (Agriculture), Health and education (and to
lesser extent banking) are among basic necessities, which every human being
deserves and can’t do without. Unfortunately, in developing cuntries there is
market failure in all these sectors and majority of people can’t afford beyond a
certain limit (or can’t afford at all). Concept of free markets, globalization,
liberalization etc. fails here miserably. Free markets provide goods and services to
people who can afford paying for them, not to those who deserve and need these.
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Now we consider these sectors from angle of our inclination towards free
markets, certainly there has been lot of progress. There has been world class
education available in India and Deregulation has resulted in Mushrooming of
private engineering and Medical colleges. But in reality, this had far reaching
decastating effect on society.
These new colleges accommodate only a miniscule proportion of aspirants at
very high costs. Recently an Independent organization Transparency International
came out with report claiming thta India’s medical system is most corrupt in the
world. This was no surprise, we all know from where it starts. High fees of
education forces many aspirants take educational loans from banks. After qualfing
job market is unable to absorb majority of them. Practice turns out to be option of
last resort. Now to make a decent living and to pay bank the loans person is lured
by corruption. Conswquently, when many similar cases are put together, we ger a
corrupt system, economy and society.
Reality is that after dergulation and liberalization, government along with
other sectors, pulled its hand from sectors too. Now there is Medicore to high
quality options are available in private sector which can be avalied as per one’s
budget. In public sector less than Mediocre to Mediocre options are available. This
leaves huge proportion of aspiring students and expecting patients.
On social front India’s perfornance is deplored all over the world and it is
probably behind all importan developing economies. This lacuna has been
recognized and government has taken the charge. In case of education almost
universal enrollments has been achieved upto primary level and now impetus
should be on improiving quality, so that student of public schools comes at par
with atleast average private ones.
There was a decline in Telangana GSDP, agriculture and handicrafts and
natural resources with liberalization and privatization policies.
Quest for telangana identity :
Parvathaneni Upendra was a Telugu Desam Party Union cabinet minister from
Andhra Pradesh in India. He consted in elections from himyatsagar constuency in
1983 and severe agaitations rose against him and later he dereated in elections.
Pratap Kishore Padha Yathra :
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Pratap Kishore’s fight for a separate Telangana state started in 1956, when
the state of Andhra Pradesh was formed by merging the Haderabad state and the
Andhra state against the recommendations of the Fazal Ali Commission popularly
known as the SRC commission, and the will of the Telangana people. He had the
foresight to see the systematic degeneration the region will be forced into if it was
merged with the state of Andhra.
In 1969, Pratap kishore along with Keshava Rao and Telangana leaders
formed the TRS, Telangana praja samiti. The TPS spear headed the agitation for a
separate telangana in 1969, in which over 360 students were shot dead. The
founders of the TPS like pratap kishore were all employed in private service and
hence could not take up the party positions. And the leadership was passed on to
Chenna Reddy and Madan Mohan.
Pratap Kishore, the man behind the 1969 agitation had to go underground to
evade arrest and etention by the Andhra polices but was arrested in November of
1969. and detained in Musheerabad jail. While in the jail Pratap Kishore organized
a meeting of jailed Telangana fighers and the minutes and resolution passed in this
meeting within the jail were smuggled out and reported in the national media,
needless to say it created a furore within the state and national government. Seeing
the condition in which the students were being held in the jail, Pratap Kishore led a
hunger strike with the result that the students were treated as political prisoners and
not like common criminals as was then happening.
Pratap Kishore a staunch separatist spent the years from 1980 to 2004 in
carrying out his crusade for a separate state of Telangana and kept that cause alive
during the bleak 1980’s and 90’s when no one dared speak of a separate state. He
revived the Telangana Praja Samiti in 1984 and held Telangana conventions in
Hyderabad, Warangal and Mahabubnagar as well as mohallah meetings across
Hyderabad. In June 1987, Pratap Kishore lead a 5 member TPS team on a
padayatra from the Charminar in Hyderabad to Delhi, to highlight the cause of
Telangana. In 1985 the TPS as a protest against the unhygienic living conditions in
the city and the apathyof the government, presented a kilo of garbage collected
from the over flowing and uncleared garbage dumps in the city to Mr.N.,T.Rama
Rao, the CM of Andhra Pradesh. The direct fallout of this was the holding of the
Municipal council elections in 1986.
From 1985 to 2003 Pratap Kishore led the TPS in a dawn todusk fast every
November 1, at the Telangan Martyrs Memorial in Basheerbagh, as amark of
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respect for the martyars who laid down their lives in 1969, fighting for a separate
state. This in spite of the fact that from 1996 he was a cardiac patient and was on
medical support. As general of TPS, Pratap Kishore published a large number of
status reports on the lack of development and the injustice done to Telangana and
tried to build government consensus for a separate statehood. In 2000 at an open
house jorganized by the state Electricity Borad and the world bank, which had
granted a loan of Rs 4,200 crore to the ASPSEB, Pratap Kishore spoke against the
APSEB’s practice of billing the consumers bi-monthly and charging an iterest on
the previous months consumption. He stated that this was hurting the middle class
citizens especially those living on their pensions. Where in instead of making one
small payment each month they werer being to make one back bone of the retired
senior citizens making their ends meet on their pensions. This speech of his
received a standing ovation and the world Bank took up the issue with the result
that APSEB today sends out monthly bills.
In fact, most of the works published by him towards Telangana state How to
achieve Telangana spoke about the ways of protest we today talk about like
boycotting Andhra products and traders, not letting out homes to Andhra’s, support
and preference for Telangana people while selecting them for jobs. Pratap Kishore
a journalist, a writer he wrote over 100 short stories, Urdu couplets and a die hard
Telangana separatist breathed his last on January 29, 2004 surrounded by his
family. As per his wishes, his ashes were immersed in the sangam of the Isa and
Musa rivers in Hyderabad, as he wanted his ashes to be mingled with the soil of
Telangana.
Political and ideological efforts :
Haradanahalli Deva Gowda is an India politician who was the prime minister of
India from June 1996 to April accepted for smaller states during his tenure. He said
telangana unemployment will be reduced in telangana.
Jai Telangana Party was founded by P.Indra Reddy. Supported by konda
madhava Reddy, jai shankar sir and kesav rao Jadhavin 1997.
Growth of popular unrest against regional disparities :
Many regional politicians from Andhra showed unrest on telengana on disparity on
telangana dialect visalandhra was established on linguistic basis with the merger of
Andhra and telangana but they named it as Andhra instead of Telugunadu or
Telugu Pradesh from then onwards telangana people had second hand treatment,
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very few statues can be seen of people who worked for telangana socio and
cultural development.
Political parties :
Majority of the chief ministers froms Andhra region even Jalagam Vengalarao is
telangana settler from Andhra region P.V.Narsimhama Rao tired his best to
implement mulki rules but he could not survive by the politics played by Andhra
landlords.
Krishna water tribunal : Andhra Pradesh got 800 tmc water was telangana 299
tmc.
Rajaolibanda Diversion scheme or RDS is an irrigation project located across
river Tungabhadra in Kurnool district of Andhra Pradesh states. The full reservoir
level of this barrage is 332.32 m MSL.RDS left canal provides irrigation water in
Raichur district and Mahbubnagar district of Telengana. The Bachawat
Tribunalhad allocated 17.1 tmc ft to its left canal of which 15.9 tmc ft was
exclusively meant for Mahabubnagar district. The RDS left canal has been a source
of sorrow to the Mahabubnagar farmes because it is hardly giving them 8to10tmc
ft against their entitlement of 15.9tmc ft.
Towards formation of telangana state:
Early Incidents (1969 to 1985)
1969 to 1973 : This period was marked by two political agitations, namely
“Telangana and Jai Andhra’ movement. Social tensions arose due to influx of
people from the Coastal Andhra region. Protests started with the hunger strike of a
student from Khammam district for the implementation of safe-guards promised
during the creation of Andhra Pradesh. The movement slowly manifested into a
demand for a separate Telangana.
Some students protested “implementation of the safe guards from Andhra
Pradesh” while some protested for a “separate Telangana”. The local newspaper
Indian Express reported that the latter group were dominant According to the 19
January 1969 edition of The Indian Express, the agitation turned violent when a
crowd attempted to set fire to a sub-inspector’s residence. 17 were injured in police
firing. Discussions about the promised safe-guards were held. The Telangana
Regional committee was, however, not fully convinced of the outcome this
agitation was met by a counter agitation by the Andhra students accusing the
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transfer Andhra employees as a discrimination between one region and the other.
The transfers were eventually challenged in the high-court.
The army had to be called in. After several days of talks with leaders of both
regions, on 12 April 1969, prime minister put forth, a eight-point plan. Telangana
leaders rejected the plan and protests conitinued under the leadership of newly
formed political party Telangana Praja samithi in 1969 asking for the formation of
Telangana. Under the Mulki rules in force at the time, anyone who had lived in
Hyderabad for 12 years was considered a local, and was thus eligible for certain
government posts.
Telengana Praja Samithi was formed under the leadership of Dr.Chenna
Reddy with the intention of leading the movement. The Party however, split in
November 1969 with the exit of dissident congress leaders. The movement slowly
lost momentum and dissolved. 1971: Chief Minister Brahmananda Reddy resigns
to make room for a Telangana Chief Minister. On 30 september 1971,
P.V.Narasimha Rao -who would later become the Prime Minister of India was
appointed the Chief Minister of Andhara Pradesh. “The Telangana Praja Samiti
was dissolved and its members rejoined the congress.” 1972: When the supreme
Court upheld the Mulki rules the Jai Andhra movement, with the aim of re-
formaing a separate state of Andhra, was started in Coastal Andhra and
Rayalseema regions. The movement lasted for 11o days. The supreme Court
upheld the implementation of Mulki rules. The people from the Andhra region
viewed the Mulki rules as “treating them like aliens in their own land.”
1973: a political settlement was reached with the Government of India with
a Six - point Furmula. It was agreed upon by the leaders of the two region to
prevent any recurrence of such agitations in the future. To avoid legal problems,
constitution was amended (32nd amendment ) to give the legal sanctity to the Six-
point formula. In 1985, when Telangana employees complained about the
violations to six point formula, government enacted government order 610 (GO
610) to correct the violations in recruitment. As Telangana people complained
about non implementation of GO 610, in 2001, government constituted Girglani
Commission to look into violations.
1997 to 2010
In 1997, state unit of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) passed a resolution
seeking a separate Telangana.
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Bhuvana Giri Sabha : to expose the problems faced by telangana people
bhunagiri sabha met in Bhuvana giri in 1997. They gave the name of “daggapadda
telangana” to this Sabha, Belli latha who took active role in this sabha was brutally
killed by some unknown people.
Telangana Maha Sabha :
Esatablished in 1997. Maha sabha was held at Suryapeta. Veerma took
active part but unfortunately he died in encounter.
Demands :
Unconditionally Hyderabad should be part of separate telangana .
Funds alloted to Andhra, telangana and rayalaseema should be in transperancy
Not sector to be privitised
Cases on innocent people should give up
Land distribution should be done immediately
All languages should be developed evenly and no language should be iferior.
In 2000, congress party MLAs from the Telangana region who supported a
separate Telangana state formed the Telangana Rashtra samithi (TRS), led by
Kalvakuntla Chandrashekar Rao (KCR), was formed in April 2001 with the single-
point agenda of creating a separate Telangana state with Hyderabad as its Capital.
In 2001, the congress working committee sent a resolution to the NDA government
for constituting a second SRC to look into the Telangana state demand. This was
rejected by the union home minister. L.K.Advani citing that smaller states were
neither viable nor conducive to the integrity of the country. In April 2002, Advani
wrote a letter to MP A.Narendra rejecting a proposal to create Tehangana state
explaining that “regional disparities in economic development could be tackled
through planning and effcient use of available resources.” He said that the NDA
government, there fore does “not propose creation of a separate state of Telangana
However, in 2012 , Advani said that if their then parther TDP cooperated during
NDA tenure, a separated state of Telangana could have been created This was
confirmed by the president of the TDP, Chandrababu Naidu, on 1 september 2013
in a public meeting . In the run-up to the 2004 Assembly and parliment elections,
the Unless there is consensus among all political parities in the state and unless
that consensus is reflected in a resolutionof the state Assembly, we don’t propose
to include it the NDA agenda “For these elections, the congress party and the TRS
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forged an electoral alliance in the Telangana region to consier the demand of
separate Telangana state. Congress came to power in the state and formed a
coalition government at the centre; TRS joined the coalition after the common
minimum program of the coalition government included that the demand for
sepatate Telangana state will be considered after due consultations and consensus.
In February 2009 the state government declared that it had no objection, in
principle,to the formation of separate and the time had come to move forward
decisively on theis issue. To resolve related isses, the government constituted a
joint house committee. In the lead-up to the 2009 General Elections in India, all the
major parties in Andhra Pradesh supported the formation of Telangana. In the
2009 elections TRS managed to win only to assembly seats out of the 45 it
contested and only 2 MP seats. Some media analysts thought Telangana sentiment
faded within few months of getting re-elected as popular CM, Y.S.Rajashkhara
Reddy (YSR) died in a helicopter crash in September 2009. This resulted in a
leadership crisis within the congress party and also created a political vacuum in
the state. During this time, TRS president K.Chandrashekar Rao (KCR) raised his
pitch for the separate state. ON 29 November 2009, he started a fast-unto-death,
demanding that the congress party introduce a telangana bill in parliament. Student
organisations, employee unions, and various organisations joined the movement
general strikes shut down telangana on 6and 7 December. In an all party meeting
called by the state government on the night of 7 December to discuss regrading
KCR’s fast and how handle it. all major opposition parties extended their support
for a separate state for Telangana. The state congress and its ally Majli-e-Ittehadul
Muslimeen have left it to the congress high command to take a final decision.
Minutes of the meeting were faxed to congress high command.
Announcement of bifurcation and subsequent rollback :
On 9 December 2009, Union Minister of Home affairs P.Chidambaram
announced that the Indian government would start the process of forming a
separate Telangana state, pending the introduciton and passage of a separation
resolution in the Andhra Pradesh assembly. This resulted in protests across both
Andhra and Rayalseema. Students, Workers, lawyers and various organizations in
the regions launched the samaikyandhara Movement demanding that the state be
kept united. MLAs from these regions also submitted their resignations in protest
seeking a reversal of the home minister’s statement.
On 23 December, keeping view the reactions of people of other regions, the
government of India announced that no action on Telangana will be taken untill a
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consensus is reached by all with drawing their resignations while MLAs and
ministers from Telangana started submitting their resignations, and demanded that
the Centre take immediate step to initiate the process of bifurcating Andhra
Pradesh.
A joint action committee (also known as JAC or TJAC ) comprising political
and non-political groups was formed to lead the demand for separate Telangana
with Osmania University professor M Koda Rama Reddy as its convernor.
On 3 February, the government appointed a five-member committee headed
by justice SriKrishna to look into the issue.
2010 : Srikrishna Committee
The Srikrishna committee headed by former chief justice B.N.Srikrishna
toured all the regions of state extensively land invited people from all sections of
the society to give their opinion on the statehood. It revceived over one lakh
petitions and representations from political partiesm organisations, NGOs and
individuals. It also held consultations with political parties and general public
while also factoring in the impact of recent developments on different sections of
people such as women, children, students, minorities, other backward classes,
scheduled castes and scheduled Tribes.
On 16 December 2010, two weeks before the dadline for the submission of
the srikrishna report, TRS organized a public meeting in Warangal. It was
estimated that over 2.6 million people attended this meeting. It was reported that
even more would have attended, byt were stranded due to traffic jams along roads
leading to the city. TRS president K.Chandrasekhar Rao appealed to Prime
Minister Manmohan singh to note that the people of Telangana in the next session
of Parliament.
Days before the Srikrishna committee submitted its report to the central
government, KCR declared that his party was ready to wash Sonia Gandhi’s feet if
she agrees to the Telangana demand. He said his party is associated with the
movement and was willing ot dissolve the party if the state was formed.
Release of the report and summary of findings
The Indian Home Ministry released the 505 page Srikrishna committee on 6
January 2011. The committee opined that most regions of Telangana (excluding
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Hyderabad) were either “on par or a shade lower” than coastal Andhra. When
Hyderabad is included, Telangana fared better. The most backward of al regions
was in fact Rayalaseema. The committee, however, agreed with the violations of
GO 610. Most viloations, however, have been in the education and health sectors
due to death of qualified locals. It also noted that the funds released for educational
institutions in Telangana movement as a threat to national integrity. Nothing the
emotions in the general public about the issue, aperceive heglect in implementation
of assurances given to the region, it also said that “There fore, after taking into
account all athe pros and cons, the cmmittee did not think it to be the most
preferred , but the second best, option. Separation is recommended only in case it
is unavoidable and if this decision can reached amicably amongst all the three
regions.”
Solutions proposed
The report discusses six solutions to the problem, the preferred option being
keeping the state united by simultaneously providing certain definite constitutional
and statutory measure for socio-economic development and politiacl empowerment
of Telangana region through the creation of a statutorily empowered Telangana
regional council. The second best option is bifurcation of the state into Telangana
and seemandhra as per existing boundaries, with Hyderabad as the capital to
Telangana and seemandhra to have a new capital.
Reactions to the report
The eighth chapter of the report was not made public for undisclosed reason.
After a judgment delivered by Justic L Narasimha Reddy of Andhra Pradesh High
Court, the content of the “Secret” chapter were submitted to the High Court. The
Chief Justice in his 60 page Judgement said “The committee travelled beyond the
terms of reference in its endeavour to persuade the Union of India not to accede to
the demand for Telangana”. The judgement also quoted the SKC report’s 8th
chapter and said “The manoeuvre suggested by the committee in its secret
supplementary note poses an open challenge, if not threat, to the very system of
democracy. “The eight chapter was not make public after division bench
comprising the chief Justice of the AP high court has stayed the order of Justice L
Narasiha Reddy Hence, the facts of the comments of the judge on the eighth
chapter remain unverified.
Non-cooperationmovement and Million March :
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On 17 February 2011, a noncooperation movement was started which lasted
for 16 days with participation by 300,000 government employees. It caused a loss
of Rs 8 billion per day in revenue to government. In February and March,
Assembly session was boycotted for weeks and parliament session was disrupted
for several days by Telangana representatives. Million March was oganised by
Telangana JAC in Hyderabad on 10 March 2011. Many seemandhra bound police
were dropped into Hyderabad city to stop the Telangana movement. In a move to
dosrupt the march, seemandhra police arrested over thousand activists throughout
the region and closed down entry to Hyderabad city by stopping certain
tranportation sevices and diverting traffic. Around 50,000 people reached the
venue of the march, Tank Bund by hoodwinking police. Telangana activists
damaged 16 statues of personalities representing Telugu culture language and
threw some of the remnants into the lake in November 2011, Telangana Rashtra
samiti Vidyarthi vibhagam (TRSV) state president Bali suman was arrested by
hyderabad police after cases were registered against him in connection with
damaging statues on Tank Bund during the ‘Million March’, attacking police
personal, damaging police and seemandhra media vehicles.
Mass resignations :
From April till June, the movement saw a lull with different parties citing
various reasons and fresh deadlines to renew the agitation. In July, 81 of 119
Telangana MALs in the state, 12 out of 15 Telangana ministers in state, 13 out of
17 Telangana MPs in Loksabha, 1 Rajyasabha MP (Congress), 20 MLCs resigned
protesting delay in the formation of Telangana. On 20 July 30 years old Yadi
Reddy was founded 100yards from parliament House in Delhi. An eight pages
suicide note says the young driver fromj greater hyderabad region of Telangana
was upset over the government not creating a new state for his homeland. The
speaker of the AP assembly on 23 July summarily rejected the resignations of all
101MLAs citing that they were made in an emotionally surcharged atmosphere.
All Telangana MPs who earlier submitted their resignations and were boycotting
the parliment session also decided to attend the parliament monsoon session citing
Sonia Gandhi’s ill health.
Sakala Janula Samme
On 12 september 2011, a day before sakala janula samme (All peole’s
strike), TRS organised a public meeting in Karimnagar which was attented by over
a million people including TJAC leaders, BJP and new Democracy party leaders.
Starting 13 Se[tember, as part strike by all section of people supporting telangana
statehood, government employees throughout Telangana stayed out of work,
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lawyers boycotted courts and 60,000 coal miners of singareni collieries (SCCL
Ltd.) also joined the strike soon goevenment teachers, state road transport
corporation employees and state electricity board employees joined the strike. On a
call give by JAC, road blockades on national highways thoughout Telangana, rail
blockade and the strike of auto rikshaw union were organized on 24 and 25
September causing disruption in trasport sevices virrtually all sections of people
joined this strike. On 30 September, as the strike entered the 18th day, even while
congress central leadership met several Telangana congress leaders, JAC called a
bundh in Hyderabad city. On 2 October, JAC leaders, employee unions leaders and
TRS leaders including KCR met Prime minister to explain the situation in
Telangana due to the strike and asked to expedite the decision on the statehood
demand. The strike has resulted in an unprecedented power crisis in the state with
only 223 MU of power generated against the demand of 275MU impacting both
the industry and agriculture Due to Rail blockade call on 15 October 110 trains
were cancelled and 68 trains were diverted by authorities. The railways operated
12 trains and Hyderabad metro trails with full police protection. Telangana
protestors tried to have sit in on rail platforms or on railways tracks at various
places. Police arrested thousands of protesters including 8 MPs and 4 MLAs. ON
16 October public transport employees called off the strike. Within days other
unions too called off the strike one after another. After 42 days, on 24 October
remaining employees unions called off the strike. M. Kodandaram said that the
strike had impacted the over all thinking of the centre towards creation of separate
state and the movement will continue with other protest activities.
On 29 October 2011 three congress party MLAs belonging to Telangana
region resigned and joined TRS in protest as they were disappointed with congress
leaderships delay in Telangana state formation. On 1 November, congress MLA
Komati Reddy Venkata Reddy started an indefinite hunger strike untill the central
government announced a roadmap for telangana state. 5 days later, the fast was
borken when police arrested him under section 309 of IPC (Attempt ot commit
suicide) and shifted him to Nims, hyderabad where he was kept under intravenous
fluids. He ended his fast on 9 November. 97 year old freedom fighter Konda
Laxman Bapuji also lanunched his week-long satyagraha at Jantar Mantar in New
Delhi. demanding statehood to the region.
2012
IN January, BJP led by state party president Kishan Reddy started the 22-
day Telangana ‘Poru Yatra’, across 88 assembly constituencies stressing the need
for Telangana state. Thouth the four was successful in reiterating the party’s Pro-
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Telangana state, it could not garner as much support as hoped because of the
indifferent attitude of the TRS and TJAC. In fact the failure of the TRS in
declaring its support to Kishan Reddy’s yatra has resulted in growing difference
between the two parties. By elections took place on 18 March in 6 Telangana
assembly seats. TRS own 4 out of 5 seats it contested with huge majorities ranging
from 15,024 to 44,465. In 2 out of the 4 seats won by TRS (kamareddy and
Adilabad), the TRS candidates polled less number of votes compared to 2009
assembly elections when they contested as candidates from TDP which was in
alliance with TRS. Ex -TDP MLA NagamJanardhan Reddy won from
Nagarkurnool seat as an independent with TJAC support. COngress lost deposit in
one constituency and TDP in 3 Constituencies. Bye-polls were conducted for 18
Assembly seats and 1 Parliment seat on 12 June. The YSRCP won 15 assembly
seats and the lone parliament seat in
Sakala Janula Samme
On 12 september 2011, a day before sakala janula samme (All peole’s
strike), TRS organised a public meeting in Karimnagar which was attented by over
a million people including TJAC leaders, BJP and new Democracy party leaders.
Starting 13 Se[tember, as part strike by all section of people supporting telangana
statehood, government employees throughout Telangana stayed out of work,
lawyers boycotted courts and 60,000 coal miners of singareni collieries (SCCL
Ltd.) also joined the strike soon goevenment teachers, state road transport
corporation employees and state electricity board employees joined the strike. On a
call give by JAC, road blockades on national highways thoughout Telangana, rail
blockade and the strike of auto rikshaw union were organized on 24 and 25
September causing disruption in trasport sevices virrtually all sections of people
joined this strike. On 30 September, as the strike entered the 18th day, even while
congress central leadership met several Telangana congress leaders, JAC called a
bundh in Hyderabad city. On 2 October, JAC leaders, employee unions leaders and
TRS leaders including KCR met Prime minister to explain the situation in
Telangana due to the strike and asked to expedite the decision on the statehood
demand. The strike has resulted in an unprecedented power crisis in the state with
only 223 MU of power generated against the demand of 275MU impacting both
the industry and agriculture Due to Rail blockade call on 15 October 110 trains
were cancelled and 68 trains were diverted by authorities. The railways operated
12 trains and Hyderabad metro trails with full police protection. Telangana
protestors tried to have sit in on rail platforms or on railways tracks at various
places. Police arrested thousands of protesters including 8 MPs and 4 MLAs. ON
16 October public transport employees called off the strike. Within days other
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unions too called off the strike one after another. After 42 days, on 24 October
remaining employees unions called off the strike. M. Kodandaram said that the
strike had impacted the over all thinking of the centre towards creation of separate
state and the movement will continue with other protest activities.
On 29 October 2011 three congress party MLAs belonging to Telangana
region resigned and joined TRS in protest as they were disappointed with congress
leaderships delay in Telangana state formation. On 1 November, congress MLA
Komati Reddy Venkata Reddy started an indefinite hunger strike untill the central
government announced a roadmap for telangana state. 5 days later, the fast was
borken when police arrested him under section 309 of IPC (Attempt ot commit
suicide) and shifted him to Nims, hyderabad where he was kept under intravenous
fluids. He ended his fast on 9 November. 97 year old freedom fighter Konda
Laxman Bapuji also lanunched his week-long satyagraha at Jantar Mantar in New
Delhi. demanding statehood to the region.
2012
IN January, BJP led by state party president Kishan Reddy started the 22-
day Telangana ‘Poru Yatra’, across 88 assembly constituencies stressing the need
for Telangana state. Thouth the four was successful in reiterating the party’s Pro-
Telangana state, it could not garner as much support as hoped because of the
indifferent attitude of the TRS and TJAC. In fact the failure of the TRS in
declaring its support to Kishan Reddy’s yatra has resulted in growing difference
between the two parties. By elections took place on 18 March in 6 Telangana
assembly seats. TRS own 4 out of 5 seats it contested with huge majorities ranging
from 15,024 to 44,465. In 2 out of the 4 seats won by TRS (kamareddy and
Adilabad), the TRS candidates polled less number of votes compared to 2009
assembly elections when they contested as candidates from TDP which was in
alliance with TRS. Ex -TDP MLA NagamJanardhan Reddy won from
Nagarkurnool seat as an independent with TJAC support. COngress lost deposit in
one constituency and TDP in 3 Constituencies. Bye-polls were conducted for 18
Assembly seats and 1 Parliment seat on 12 June. The YSRCP won 15 assembly
seats and the lone parliament seat in cabin around 1,000 Telangana supporters
went on a rampage over powering over 100 uniformed men stationed in the area
and burnt down the cabin after manhandiling railway staff. The entire singnalling
system was damaged and officals pegged the loss at around Rs 60 lakh. After
19:00, TJAC leaders violated the deadline and refused to leave the venue till the
government issues a statement on Telangana . Police first used water cannons and
later lobbed tear gas shells on the crowd and on the the stage to force the
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protestors to leave the venue finally at midnight the JAC called off teh march
citing heavy rain and injured supporters. The next day local police registered 15
cases against Kondamram and others for violence during the march . Ralway
police also registered case against unidentified persons for damage to the signalling
system at Lakdikapul. Cases were booked against the student leaders of TSJAC,
OUJAC, Telangana vidyarti Parishad and TVV. The bandh drew little reponse in
hyderabad and was partial in telangana districts. Osmania University students
again resorted to stone throwing and police retaliated by using tear gas shells.
All Party meeting in December :
On 28 December 2012 a meeting was organised by Sushilkumar shinde,
Home minister of India to discuss the telangana issue. It was attended by 8 political
parties having significant presence in the state legislature. Afte hearing views of all
the parties, the home minister said that this will be the last such meeting on this
issue and that the government will come up eith a decision within 30 days. IN the
meeting, MIM and CPI(M) reiterated their strong opposition to division of the
state. YSR Congress remained neutral and requested the central government to
take a decision. Congress representatives gave a letter signed by its president
which said that it never withdrawn its letter to Pranab Mukharjee in 2008
supporting Telangana state formation. Telangana JAC demanded more clarity from
Telugu desam before they allow TDP to be a member of JAC.
2013
2013 witnessed more protest by the TJAC including blockade of the road
blockade of NH 7 in Mahabubnagar district. Public property was destroyed. This
year also witnessed protest by 5 congress MPs for 48 hours at the entrance of the
Indian Parliament leaders from various political parties joined TRS in support of
the movement.
Chalo Assembly :
In May 2013 the TJAC gave a call to lay siege to the state legislative
assembly in Hydrabad on 14 June 2013 to demand th formation of Telangana.
Governmnent refused permission to the march as they had information that anti-
social elements might participate in the event and cause violence like in previous
events of sagara Haram and Million March where violence erupted despite
promises made by the TJAC Police made pre-emptive arrests of activists through
the region which led do stalling of the assembly proceedings by opposition parties.
The chief minister directed the director-general of police at a high-level review
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meeting not to use even rubber bullets in their efforts and observe utmost restraint
in maintaining law and order. Amid fear of violence by Naxalites after an open
latter clamied to have been written by them on the rally, police sounded a high
alert across the state and almost sealed all the arterial roads leading to the
Assembly. Over 25,000 policemen belonging to both central and state security
forece were deployed. The TJAC leaders alleged that the government has been
using repressive measures to prevent them from represinting the aspirations of
Telangana people in a peaceful manner Educational institutions declared a holiday
and public transport went off the roads and shols and establishment shut as a
precautionary measure. On the day of the event in aspit of the restrictions placed,
police could not totally prevent Telangana activists from sneaking into prime
loccations and making a vain bid to rush towards the Assembly. Hundreds of
people including state legislators, JAC chaiman and other leaders were arrests
across the city. Osmania University campus witnessed pitched battles as police
colsed the campus gate to stop students leaving campusin a rally then resorted to
tear gas shelling when student started stone pelting . After the march, the TJAC
chairman remarked that their goal to reach Assembly complex and highlight their
demand was fulfilled.
Congress core commitee Meeting :
According to an internal survey reportedly done for the state government
(cited by media sources in June), the congress party will get around 35-40seats out
of 294 MLA seats in the state, with TRS ahead in Tenagana rgion while YSRCP in
the seemaAndhra region. This survey was reprotedly being considered to arrive at
a decison on the statehood issue. On 30 June, congress leaders belonging to
Telangana region organized a public meeting in hyderabad with a turn out of over
100,000 to show their support to Telangana state. It was attended by Damodar Raj
Narasimha, Deputy chief minister of the state, central ministers, state minster, MPs
and MLAs who expressed the confidence that their party leadeship will create the
separate state soon and said that congress will perform well in next elections in
such a situation on 1 July congerss party in-charge of the state, digvijay singh said
that party is at the final stages of taking decision on telangana issue. He also
diercted state chief minister, deputy chief minister and state party president (they
represent assembly constituencies in Rayalaseema, Telangana and coastal Andhra
regions respectively) to furnish a road map, keeping both option open, that could
help lead to a decision On 11 July the three leaders presented their views in the
congress core committee meeting , post wnich it was announced that a decision
will be taken by the congress working committee. The chief minster N Kirna
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kumar Reddy met several MPs, MLAs and MLCs on 29 July in a bid to resolve the
issue being taken up by the central congress government.
CWC resolution on bifurcation
The congress working committee (CWC) unanimously passed a resolution
on 30 July to create the state of Telangana. The committee also that the concerns of
people frojm the remanining rgions sharing of water and power resources will be
addressed. The bifurcation decision sparked off fresh protests as part of the
Samailyandhra Movement.
Reactions ;
TRS welcomed the decision and its chief k. Chandrashekhar Rao said that
his party is fine with hyderabad being the joint capital This was seen as an attempt
by the INC to merge TRS into isself for the genrral and provincial election after
being marginalised in the Rayalseema and coastal regions byu the YSR congress.
A BJP state level leader gave credit for the move to Gujarat chief minister Naradra
Modi by saying that the move by congress was in reaction to Modi’s tour to
hyderabad on 11 August . BJP national level leaders reacted by saying that the
move was under pressureand that their party supports the creation of telnagana and
Vidarbha. They demanded that other requests for the creation fo new states such as
those of Gorkahaland and Bodoland need to be done by appointing a second states
Recorganisation commission earlier too. We now demand that the government
should set it up and seek a report within a specific time frame many parties and
politicians including the chief minister who hails from Rayalaseema protested the
bill. SOme even tremed it as “undemocratic”. The congress and YSRCP were
wiped out in the following elections, however in all three regions of the erstwhile
Andhra Pradesh. Indian genral election, 2014.
The decision sparked protests by the Gorkha Janmukti Morch (GJM) in the
form of an indefinite strike of an indefinite strike for Gorkhaland. GJM president
Bimal gurug also redigned from the Gorkhanaland Territorial Administration in
demand fro Gorkhalan, citing West Bengal government interference with is
autonomy. It was evern speculated by the Bundelkhand Mukti Morcha for
Bundelkhand Meanwhile, the national Home minister opined that the lack of
development in the proplsed areas and the proximity to other hotbeds in
chattishgarhs Bastar and Maharashtras Gadhidoli regions might cause and increase
in Naxalism in Telangana Communist party of India (Maoist) if the administration
is not quickly consolidated. The next steps towards the re-formation of Telangana,
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expected by early 2014, are : Thye national cabinet sharing its plans with the
president of India and the Andhra pradesh legislaure. The Prime Minister would
then organise a committee to negotiate a consensus between the leaders from the
three regions for issues such as sharing revenue and water. Both national houses of
parliament would then have to pass a resolution to create Telangana.
Cabinet approval of Telangana state:
3 October 2013, the Union cabinet approved the creation of the new state of
Telangna.A group of ministers (GOM) was created to settle issuse concerning the
new state and the state of Andhra Pradesh. Hyderabad will be the shared capital for
10 years, after which it will belong to Telangna, said the Home Minster on 8
OCtober, recently retired director general of police Dinesh Reddy said the chief
minister, Kiran Kumar Reddy pressured him to issue a public statement that the
creation of Telangana would lead to intensification of Maoist activities. He also
charged that the CM had reprimanded him for seeking additional central forces for
containing expected trouble in seemandhra in the run up to the congress working
committee’s Telangana resolution at the end of July.
Events leading to the formation of Telangana
Formation of group of minister (GOM)
Government of India set up the group of ministers (*GOM) headed by union
home minister sushilkumar shinde to address all the issuee that need resolution at
the central and state government levels during the foramation of Telangana state.
GOM met on 11 October for the first time released its terms of reference on 16
Oct. GOM met 2nd time on 19th Oct. and considered the background notes which
had been prepared by the Home ministry regarding the various issues pertiaining to
the bifurcation. It also asked feeback from public to send their suggestions
pertaining to the specific terms of reference before 5 November on 29 October, the
back ground notes prepared by home ministry for GOM appeared in the media. On
30 October, union Home minister sushil kumar shinde called for an all party
meeting , to be attended by representatives of national and regional parties of the
state, to discuss the issues related to bifurcation in a letter to 8 major political
parties in thestates, home ministery asked the parties to submit their suggestions to
the GOM by 5 November, following which an all party meeting will be held. On
13-14 November GOM met the representatives all parties of the state to discuss
(TDP boycotted the meeting) about the issue related to vifurcation. GOM had
meetings including some with CM, Deputy CM, cabinet ministers from the state
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and other state leaders while finalizing the Telangana draft bill. On 3 December,
Talk of including 2 Rayalaseema distrits, Ananthapur distric and Kurnool district,
in Telanganan state by GOM was criticized by pro Telangana groups. TRS and
JAC called for Telangna wide bandh (Strike) 0n 5 December 2013 which had a
good response on the evening of 5 December 2013, cabinet approved the
Telangana draft bill prepared by group of ministers (GOM). The bill have to
approved by parliament before it becomes 29th state of the union.
Legislative Proceedings
6 December 2013:
India’s Union Home Ministry sends the Telangana draft to the president of
India.
11 December 2013:
The president of India reviews the bill and passes it on to the Anhdra
pradesh state Assembly to elicit its views, giving it untill 23 January to respond
with its viewss. The bill was ungently hand delivered the following day to
Assembly secreatariat by the joint secretary o Union Home Ministry.
16 December 2013:
The Telangana draft bill was introduced in Andhra Pradesh state assembly
by deputy speaker Mallu Bhatti Vikramarka in speakers absence. This was met by
protests and chaos created by the seemandhra MLAs.
17 December 2013:
Assembly decides to disuss the bill starting the following day this evokes
mixed reactions including allegaions on seemandhra leaers attempt toderail the bill
by delaying the process.
18, 19 December 2013:
Assembly proceedings continue to be disrupted. The situation forces the
spearker, Nadendla Manhor to adjourn the house until 3 January . This is met with
protests from the Telangna MLAs. Telangana and seemandhra leaders meet the
president pranab mukherjee vying with each other to complain about the way the
Telangana bill was being hanlded.
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1 January 2014:
2 days before that start of the next assembly session. the chief minister Kiran
Kumar Reddy replaces D Sridhar Babu with S Saliahanath. This move mcomes
criticized as the former hails from telangana and the latter is actively involved
with Samaikyandhra movement. Sridhar Babu resings from the cabinet in protest.
3,4 January 2014:
Situatioj fails to improve as assembly sessions remain desrupted .
6 January 2014:
Unable to continey assembly session amid chaos, the speaker request
membrs to submit written amendments, if any to the clauses of the bill by 10
January.
8 January 2014:
The bill is finally taken up for debate. However, this lasts for only a few
minuties with the YSR congress party MLAs resuming protests
9 January :
The debate continues only agter YSRCP MLAs were suspended. While there
was polrization on regional lines, debate more or less turned into a blame game
over the state bifurction issues as every party indulged in a game of political one
upmanshilp. Congress leaders from seemandhra and minister Vatti Vasanth kumar
spoke opposing the telangana bill and said bifurcation is against seemandhra
interests. On 10 January, E Rahjender spoke in length supportingt Telangna bill
while highlighting the grievances of Telangan people and the history of the
movement. CPI floor leader G Mallesh, Congress leader from Telangana and
government chief whip Gandra Venkaramana Reddy spoke supporting Telangana
bill. House was adjorned until 17 January . After 17 January, debate had less
disruptions. Chief minister rewuested the presiedent 4 week additional time for the
debate had move poopsed by Telangana leaders.On 23 January president gave 7
days extension, untill 30 Hanuary, for assembly to give its views on telangana draft
bill.
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23-25 Jan 2014 :
The chief minister presents his anslysis on how the difurcation is derimental
to both regions, the highlights being the effect on current irrgation projects in
Telangana and better subsidized lelctricity given to farmers of telangna. Telangana
MLAs ridicule the chief minister and prevent the proceedings citing no opportunity
to make a counter argument. The chief minister later expressis his opinion as the
AP Reorganization bill -2013 being defective. Other members view this as an
unsuly delayed reaction.
27 Jan 2014 :
Chief minister Kiran Kumar Reddy, gave notice to assembly speaker
requesting to move resolution rejecting the Telangana bill. The move was
criticized by Telangana MLAs including the ministers and deputy chief minster
saying that cabinet was not consulted on the subject. They said this amounts to
defying the union cabinet constitution and president . After this, no debate was
possible in the assembly as Telangna members insisted that speaker reject the
chiefmjnsters notice. On 30 Jan 2014, Andhra Pradesh asembly speaker declared
that assembly completed the debate and all the members gave their views. He said
he would send to the president of India a compilation of 9,072 suggestions and
amendments he received in writing from membrs, inclu7sing 87 members who had
spoken on the bill in the house. Further he accepted the chief ministers notice of
resolution to reject the AP recorganization bill and declared that resolution passed
by voice vote with out even waiting for the maMLAs in the house to say ‘aye’,
admist pandemonium and protests from Telangna MLAs. Earlier in the day
seemandhra memgers rused to the well of the house demanding that the resolution
moved by the CM, without cabinet approval, be put to vote, those from the
telangana region, inclouding the ministers and deputy chief minister did the same
with the demand that there should be no voting. At 11.30 pm, in what appears to
bea coordinated strategy between the speakerm the chief minister and the
seemandhra legislators, all the members from that region converged at the well of
the house and formed a wall around the speaker even as Manohar read out the
resolution, put it to vioce vote and declared it as having been passed. The bill will
now be sent back to president pranab mukherjee after which it is slated to be table
in Parliament. The resolution was placed in the house and was declared passed
with in 15 seconds. Analystsa say “rejection of Telangana bill” is not vaild and is
usefull only for political grand statning. Union cabinet minister Jaipal Reddy said
that the resolution ot reject the Telangana bill was passed in the assembly by
cheating and it has no statutory and political sanctity. General secretary of congress
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party’s in charge for Andhra Pradesh, Digvijaya singh said that the bill that the
president sent to the assembly was never meant to be put to vote and said that the
congress high command and the center would go ahead with its plans to introduce
and pass the Telangana bill in parliament during the forthcoming session. On 4
February, GOM cleared the Telangana bill after making few amendements to it
based upon the input from state assembly . On 7 Feburay, Union cabinet cleared
the Telangana bill and plans to introduce in upper house of parliament with 32
amendements. Amdndment include the details of financial package to seemandhra
to address their concerns. On 13 Feburay Telangana bill was introduced in the
Loksabha the lower house of parliament, by union home minister, sushilkumar
shinde despite protests, disruptions of seemandhra MPs. In an unprecedented
incidence, the use of pepper spray by seemandhra MP, Lagadapati Rajagopal in
the Loksabha during the introsuction of the bill caused all the members to leave the
house and some members to be hospitapized.
18 February 2014:
the Telangana bill is passed by the loksabha with supports from the BJP and
congress. Broadcast of the proceedings enters a blackout during the voice vote.
This caused widespresad criticism of the manner in which the bill was passed.
20 February 2014: The telangana bill is passed by Rajya sabha with the support
form the BJP. The bill receives the assent o the president and published in the
gazette on 1 March 2014. On 4 March 2014 the government of India declares 2
June 2014 the telangana formation day. Telangana is the 29th state of the Unon of
India with Hyderabad as its capital. Both states will share the capital for 10 years
until seemandhra can establish its own. However, the revenues of Hyderabad and
state governing power will go only to Telangana . No special status was accorded
to seemandhra, though it was hinted in the Telangana bill.
Six -point formula is a political settlement was reached with the governmetn of
India with a six-point formula on 21 September 1973. It was agreed upon by the
leaders of hte two regions to prevent any recurrence of such agitations in the
future. To avoid legal problems, constitution was ameneded (32nd amendment) to
give the legal sanctity to the six-point formulal During the time there was
presidents rule in Andhra Pradesh after p.v.Narasimha rao resigned as chief
ministers.
Six –points
1. Accelerated development of the back ward areas of the state, and planned
development of the state capital, with special resources earmarked for these
purposes; and appropriate representation of such back ward ateas in the state
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legislature , along wityh other experts, should formulate and monitor
development schemes for the areas. The formation at the state level of a
planning Board as well as sub-committees for different backward areas
should be the appropriate instrument for achieving this objective.
2. Institution of uniform arrangements throughout the state enabling adequate
preference beling given to local candidates in the matter of admission to
educational institutions, and establishment of a new central University at
Hyderabad to augment the existing educational facilities should be the basis
of the educational policy of the state.
3. Subject to the requirements of the state as a whole, local candidates should
be given perference to specialed extent in the matter of direct recruitment to
(i) non-gazetted posts (other than in the secreatariat. Offices of Head of
Department, other state level offices and istitutions and the Hyderabad city
police (ii) corresponding posts under the local bodies and (iii) the posts of
Tahsildars, Junior Engineers and civil Assistant surgeons. To improve their
promotion prospects, service cardres should be organised to the extent
possible on appropriate locals basis up to specified gazatted level, first or
second, as may be administratively convenient.
4. A high - power administrative tribunal should be constituted to deal with the
grievances of service regarding appointments, senirority, promotion and
other allied matters. The decisions of the Tribunal should ordinarily be
binding on the state government. The consitution of such a tribunal would
justify limits on recourse to judiciary in such matters.
5. In order that implementation of measures based on the above principles does
not give rise to litigation and consequent uncertainty, the constitution should
be sutably amended to the extent necessary conferring on the presedint
enabling powers in this behalf.
6. The above appoach would render the continuance of Mulki Rules and
Regional committee unnecessary.
Violation
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In 1985, when Telangana employees complained about the violations to six-
point formula, government enacted government order 610 (GO610) to correct the
violations in recruitment. As Telangana people complained about non-
implementation of GO 610, in 2001, government constituted Girglani commission
to look into violations.
The Girglani commission submitted its preliminary its report on 6-10-2001
on implementation of Go 610. The commission submitted its final report on the
deviations in the implementation of the presidential order and making suggestions
on safeguards to set right injustices and anomalies. The Fine Report, comprising
716 pages spread over three volumes, was handed to the government on September
30, 2004. The Assembly’s winter session was held in December 2004 but the state
government chose not to table the report in the House at the time. Four-and -a-half
months after the final report was recevied, the government laid it on the table of
the Assembly on February 16, 2004. The brief, one-page action taken report
merely mentioned that the government has constituted the seven-member group of
Ministers to examine the Report. The first meeting was held on 11-1-2005 and it
was decided to communicate the Report to all departments of secretariat for their
examination and to furnish their suggestions/proposals pertaining to their
departments.
Normally, the ATR indicate the follow-up action taken by the government
on the findings and recommendations of an Inquiry commission appointed under
the commission of Inquiries Act. In the instant case, the only follow-up action that
the government has taken is the nomina tion of a group of ministers and
dispatching the copies of the reports to the departments at the Secretariat level.
This explains the callousness and casual approach of the congress government,
which promised in the poll manifesto on the eve of 2004 Assembly elections to
implement the GO Ms 610 in letter and spirt.
Only the Home Minister Shri K Jana Reddy and the Home Department have
evinced some interest in initiating action on the Girlani Commission’s findings and
suggestions. The Home minister announced recently that the government has
decided to repartriate to their home districts as many as 3,150 police personnel
who have been working in Hyderabad Cyberabad commissionerates in violation of
APF and GO Ms 610. The Home Minister, however, clarifed that such repartriation
would be done in phases to avoid administrative, departmental and legal problems.
Moreover, no methodology or time-limit has been specified for repariation of
personnel to their respective zones. It is unfortunate that other ministers and
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departments have maintained stoic silence on the issue and not taken any action on
the Girlani comminssion report so far.
Girglani commission report as “an eye-opener” is the gross injustice done to
the people of Telangana region all these decades. Our party gives credence to the
contention of TNGOs Union that as many as 60,000 non-locals from other region
in violation of SPF, presidential order and GO Ms 610. It is our considered view
that the presidential order on reservations to local cadidates has been grossly
violated in Telangana and thousands of ‘settlers’ have grabbed the government
jobs in Hyderabad, Rangareddy and other eight Telangana districts. It is all the
more painful to note that those who have been wilfully denying rightful
employment to locals in Telangana in the name of an integrated AP have chosen to
subvert the work of Girglani commission in various ways. Not even one-third of
the 134 -odd departments furnished data to Girilani commission. If all the
departments had extended their full cooperation, the commission would have
brought to light starting facts on the injustice meted out to Telangana since the
formation of Andhra Pradesh on November 1, 1956.
Justice pingle Jaganmohan Reddy was chief Justice of Andhra Pradesh
High Court.
He was born on 23 January 1910. He practised in the High Courts of
Bombay, Madras and Hyderabad during 1937-46. He saved as deputy secretary,
Government of Hyderabad, Additional Judge, District and Sessions Judge,
Additional Judge High Court, Hyderabad from 25 February 1945 till 16 November
1946.
A commission of Inquiry was set up to probe into the firing occurred on
September 3 and 4 and submitted report on 28 December 1952.
Report :
1) lack of coordination between people and police and politicians.
2) disturbances rose out of furstrated people
3) people tried to dispressed by using tear gas and lathi charge, then opened fire
1953 intial debates for Telangana :
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He worte a social history ot the Telugu people, Andhrula saanghika charitra,
which was first published in 1949 and has since gone through many deitions. It
was the first Telugu language book that ot win the best national book award
(Kendra sahity Academy Puraskaram.). From the 1970 on wards it was a
prescribed text for the Indian Administrative sevice and Indian police service
examinations and of the Andhra Pradesh civil service commission.
Pratapaareddy was a scholar in sanskrit, Telugu, Urdu and English
languages. He had termendous admiration for Telangana Telugu. He is famous for
his research articles, novels, poety, story writer, and lierary critic. He used to say,
“British Andhrulu Brownvandharm (English-Telugu) matlaadite memu
tarakyandhram (Urdu-Telugu) matladutamu. (British Andhras peak Tenglishh
(Telugu-English) and we speak Turdu (Telugu -Urdu).”
He compiled a list of 354 Telangana poets under the title “Golconda
Kavaulu” to prove that Telangana also had literature and poetry. Pratapareddy
wrote approximately 40 books, including Nizamrashtra Palanam, Mogalayi
Kathalu, Sanghoddharana, Ucchala Vishadamu, Grandhalayamu, Hinduvula
pandugalu, Haindava Dharmaveerulu, Yuvajana vignyanam etc.
Most promint among his writings was Andhrulu Sanghikacharitra (social
History of Andhras), which won him prestigious “Kendra sahitya Award,” a
federal Indian government award for literature. In this book he described a
thousand years of Telugu cultural and social history. Some of the interesting points
in this book were: Men used to wear mattelu (toe rings) during Nannaya period (~
1000AD). Telugug script is called “Onamalu” derived from Om Namah Sivaya of
Saivim. Reddys and velamas were not Telugus. They were inmmigrants.
Rashtrakutas from north became Reddy’s and vellalu from Temil countrry
became velamas. Velamas were social reformers and Reddys were orthodox and
hence there was always rivalry between these two tribes. During the period of
srinadha (~15th century) they were considered equal in the society.
He was the editor and founder of Golconda Patrika, a journal in Hyderabad
state. Many of his articles appeared in journals like Sujata, Shoba, Bharati etc.
He was moved by the sad plight and illiteracy of Telangana people. He was
disturbed by the fact that Urdu was the ruling language and Telugu had no respec.
There were no facilities for Telangana Telugus to strudy in their mother longue.
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Raja Bahaddur Venkatranareddy, the police commissioner of Nizam state,
employed him as the secretary of Reddy Hostel in Hyderabad. Pratapareddy set up
a very good library in the hostel in Hyderabad. Pratapareddy set up a very good
library in the hostel and brought activity and discipline among the students. He quit
job at Reddy Hostel to launch a Telugu language jounal “Golconda” for the benifit
of Telugu people. Golconda was published twice a week. In one of the editorials of
Goloconda he wrote that the purpose the journal was twofold:
1) to serve Telugu language in Telangana and
2) to help develop every body in Telangana without any tribal/ caste prejudices.
Kaloji narayana Rao:
Kaloji Narayana Rao (9 September 1914 -13 November 2002) more
popularly known as Kaloji or Kalanna was an Indian poet, freedom fighter, Anti-
fascist and political activist of Telangana. When he supported for visalandhra at
Warangal headed by sri sri people thrown stone on him . With this incident one
come to know about people intention about telangana.