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Historical Background:

Telangana is one of the 29 states in India. It was formed on 2 June 2014 with the

city of Hyderabad as its capital. Telangana is bordered by the states of

Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh to the north, and Karnataka to the west, and Andhra

Pradesh to the south, east and north east. It also shares a small border with Orissa.

As the twelfth largest state in India, Telangana has an area of 114,840 square

kilometers (44,340 sq mi), and a population of 35,286,757 (2011 census) Its major

cities include Hyderabad, Warangal, Nizamabad, Karimnagar, Ramagundam and

khammam.

Telangana acquired its identity as the Telugu-speaking region of the princely

state of Hyderabad, ruled by the Nizam of Hyderabad, joining the Union of India

in 1948. In 1956, the Hyderabad state was dissolved as part of the linguistic

reorganization of states, Telangana was merged with former Andhra state to form

Andre Pradesh. Following a popular movement for separation, it was awarded

separate statehood on 2 June 2014.

Hyderabad will continue to serve as the joint capital city for Andre Pradesh

and Telangana for a period of not more than ten years. Telangana is situated on the

Deccan Plateau, in the central stretch of the eastern seaboard of the Indian

Peninsula. It covers 114,840 square kilometers (44,34 sq.mi). The region is drained

by two major rivers, with about 79% of the Godavari river catchment area and

about 69% of the Krishna river catchment area, but most of the land is arid.

Telangana is also drained by several minor rivers such as the Baima, the Manjeera

and the Musi.

The annual rainfall is between 900 to 1500 mm in northern Telangana and

700 to 900mm in southern Telangana, from the southwest monsoons. Various soil

types abound, including chalks, red sandy soils, dubbed, deep red loamy soils, and

very deep back soils that facilitate planting mangoes, oranges and flowers.

Climate :

Telangana is a semi-arid and has a predominantly hot and dry climate. Summers

starts in March, and peak in May with average high temperatures in the 420c

(1080F) range. The monsoon arrives in June and lasts until September with about

755mm (29.7inches) of precipitation. A dry, mild winter starts in late November

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and lasts until early February with little humidity and average temperatures in the

22-230c (72-730F) range.

Ecology :

The central Deccan plateau dry deciduous forests ecoregion covers much of the

state, including Hyderabad. The characteristic vegetation is woodlands of

Hardwicke binate and Albazia amara. Over 80% of the original forest cover has

been cleared for agriculture, timber harvesting, or cattle grazing, but large blocks

of forest can be found in Nagarjuna sagar-srisailam Tiger Reserve and else where.

The more humid Eastern Highlands moist deciduous forests cover the Eastern

Ghats in the eastern part of the state.

National parks and Sanctuaries

Telangana has three National Parks : Kasu Brahmananda Reddy National Park in

Hyderabad district, and Mahavir Harina Vanasthali National Park and Mrugavani

National Park in Ranga Reddy district.

Wildlife sanctuaries in Telangana include Eturunagaram Wildlife sanctuary and

Paha Wildlife sanctuary in Warangal District, Kawal Tiger Reserve and Pranahita

Wildlife sanctuary in Aliabad district, Kinnerasani wild life sanctuary in Khamma

m-district, Manjira wildlife sanctuary in Medak district, Nagarjunasagar- Srisailam

Tiger Reserve in Algona and Mahabub nagger districts, Pocharam wildlife

sanctuary in Medak and Nizamabad districts, Shiva ram Wildlife sanctuary in

Karimnagar district.

Sacred groves are small areas of forest preserved by local people. Sacred

groves provide sanctuary to the local flora and fauna. Some are included within

other protected areas, like Kadalivanam in Nagarjunsagar-Srisailam Tiger Reserve,

but most stand alone. There are 65 sacred groves Telangana -two in Aliabad

district, thirteen in Hyderabad district, four in Karimnagar district, four in

Khammamdistrict, nine in Mahbubnagar district, four in Medak district, nine

Nalgona district, then in Range Reddy district, and three in Warangal district.

The Economy of Telangana is mainly driven by agriculture. Two important

rivers of India, the Godavari and Krishna, flow through the state, providing



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irrigation. Farmers in Telangana mainly depend on rain-fed water sources for

irrigaion. Rice is the major food crop. Other important crops are cotton, sugar cane,

mango and tobacco are the local crops. Recently, crops used for vegetable oil

production such as Sunflower and peanuts have gained favour. There are many

multi-state irrigation projects in development, including Godavari River Basin

Irrigation projects and Nagarjuna sager Dam, the world’s highest masonry dam.

The state has also started to focus on the fields of information technology

and biotechnology. Telangana is one of top IT exporting states of India. There are

68 special Economic Zones in the state.

Telangana is mineral-rich state, with coal reserves at singareni collieries.

Agriculture :

Rice is the major food crop and staple food of the state. Other important

crops are maize, tobacco, mango, cotton and sugar cane. Agriculture has been the

chief source of income for the state’s economy. Important rivers of India, the

Godavari, Krishna flow through the state, providing irrigation. A part from major

rivers, there are small rivers as TungaBhard, Bema, Dindi, Kinnerasani,

Manjeera, Manair, Penganga, Pranahith, Peddavagu and Taliperu. There are many

mule-state irrigation projects in development, including Godavari River Basin

Irrigation projects and Nagarjuna Sager Dam, the world’s masonry dam.

Agra export zone for the following produce are proposed at the place

mentioned against them:

Gherkins - Mahabubnagar, Rangareddy, Medak, karimnagar, Warangal.

Mangoes and grapes - Hyderabad, Rangareddy, Medak, Mahabubnagar.

Industries :

Several major manufacturing and services industries are in operation mainly

around Hyderabad. Automobiles and auto components industry, spices, mines and

minerals, textiles and apparels, pharmaceutical, horticulture, poultry farming are

the main industries in Telangana. In terms of services, Hyderabad is usually

nicknamed as cyber bad due to its information technology foray and location of

major software industries in the city. Prior to secession, it contributed 15% to

India’s and 98% to Andhra radish’s exports in IT and ITES sectors last 2013 with



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Hyderabad as in the front line of Telangana’s aims to promote information

technology in India, the city boasts the HITEC City as its premier hub.

The state government is in the process of developing Industrial parks at

different places, for specific group of industries. The existing parks are software

park at Hyderabad, HITEC city for software units, Apparel park at

Gundlapochampalli, Export Promotion park at Pashamylarm, Bio-technology park

at Turkapally.

Hyderabad is also a major site for healthcare related industries including

hospitals and pharmaceutical organizations such as Nizam’s Institute of Medical

Sciences, Apollo Hospitals, and Dr.Reddy’s Laboratories. In addition, Hyderabad

based healthcare non-profits include the Indian Heart Association, a cardiovascular

disease NGO.

Tourism

Telangana state Tourism Development Corporation (TSTDC) is a state government

agency which promotes tourism in Telangana has a variety of tourist attractions

including historical places, monuments, forts, waterfalls, forest and temples.

Power

Hyde and thermal power projects in the state meets the power requirements of the

state. Number of new power projects are coming up in the state which is expected

to generate additional power capacity in the state.

Transport

The state is well connected other states with road, rail, airways. However, since

Telangana is landlocked, it does not have any seaports.

Roads

The Telangana state Road Transport Corporation (TSRTC) is the major public

transport corporation that connects all the cities and villages. Mahatma Gandhi Bus

Station (M.G.B.S) in Hyderabad is one of the largest bus stand in Asia. Jubilee

Bus station in Secundrabad serves inter city bus services. Asia’s biggest inter city

bus Terminal (ICBT) is being built in Miyapur (Hyderabad), which would house

nearly 200 bus bays and for parking nearly 1,000 buses.



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Railways

The history of railways in this region dates back to the time of inseam of

Hyderabad in 1874. It operates under the auspices of the South Central Railway

founded in 1966. The landmark boiling Rail Nilayam in Secunderabad is the Zonal

Headquarter office of South Central Railway. Secunderabad and Hyderabad are the

main divisions of South Central Railway that fall in the state.

Airports

Rajiv Gandhi International Airport at Shamshabad is an international airport

serving the city of Hyderabad. It is largest airport in the state and one of the busiest

airports in the country. The government has plans to upgrade Warangal Airport,

Naziabad Airport and Ramagundam Airport . It also plans to construct airports in

Karimnagar and Kothagudem. Warangal has a domestic airport in Mamunooru

which was established in the year 1930 during Nizam period. All the exports and

imports of Azam Jahi Mills, Warangal were done through the Warangal Airport.

Culture

Telangana culture combines cultural customs from Persian traditions, embedded

during rule of the region by the Moguls, Qutub shahis and Nizams with prominent

and predominantly south Indian traditions and customs. The state has a rich

tradition in classical music, painting and folk arts such as Burra katha, shadow

puppet show, and Perini Shiva Tandavam, Gusadi Dance, Kolatam.

Monuments

Kakatiya Kala Khorana, Warangal, Charminar, Golconda fort, Qutub shahi

Tombs, Chowmahalla palace, Falaknuma palace, Birla Mender and Bhongir Fort,

Warangal fort are some of the monuments in and around Hyderabad.

Religious tourism

Bhadrachalam Temple is a temple to Lord Rama in the town of

Bhadrachalam in Khammam district.



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Gnana Saraswati Temple is a temple to Saraswati goddess in the town Basra

in Aliabad district.

Jogulamba temple, Illampu (also known as Dashing Kasha or

Navabrahmeshwar Teethe) - a famous temple located in Mahabub nagar

district. Jogulamba (also known as Yogulamba/yogamba) is one of the

eighteen shakti peethas)

Yadagirigutta Temple located in Nalgona District, only 46km from

Hyderabad.

Keesaragutta Ramalingshwara swami temple is very famous. Shivratri is

very well celebrated every year.

Pillalamarri, an 800 years old banyan tree located in Mahabubnagar.

Ramapo Temple is an unbelievably architecture located near Mulugu which

is 79 km away from Warangal.

Vemulawada - Sri Raja Rajeswara Swami temple is a very famous temple

also called as Dakhshin (south) Kais. This temple was built by Chaluky

kings between the 750 AD and 973 AD. This town is very busy and visited

by devotees from all over the state for the Shivratri festival every year.

There are few other very old and historic temples in the town of

vemulawada, Karimnagar District.

Warangal - The Thousand pillar Temple, built by the kakatiya dynasty, is

one of the oldest temples of South India.

Other religious places include, Medak Cathedral at Medak, Buddhist canters

at Nelkondapalli, Dhulikatta phanigiri and Kolapaka.

Water falls :

Kuntala water fall located in Kuntala, Aliabad district, at 45 meters (148ft) , is the

biggest in the state.



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Education :

Telangana has multiple institutes of higher education universities along with

numerous primary and secondary schools. The state is home to a number of

institutes, which impart higher education. The Department of Higher education

deals with matters relating to education at various levels in the state of telangana.

The Government has established Rajiv Gandhi University of Knowledge

Technologies (RGUKT) in 2008 to cater to the educational needs of the gifted rural

youth of Telangana. The higher education includes many colleges, Universities and

research institutes providing professional education in the fields of arts,humanities,

science, engineering, law, medicine, business, and veterinary sciences, with

undergraduate and post graduation.

Tribes of telengana :

Banaras :

The Banaras (also called Lambadi and Gomati) are a community usually

described as nomadic people from the Indian state of Rajasthan, now spread out all

over Indian subcontinent.

Origin :

According to Barman the name Leman was popular long before the name

Banjara, and leman Banjars originally came from Afghanistan before settling in

Rajasthan and other parts of India. The Lemans, according to him, are originally

from the independent province called Gor in Afghanistan.

Banjaras were traditionally suppliers of bullock and salt merchants. The

word Banjaras is said tube derived from sanskritword vana char (wanders in

jungle). The word Lambadi or Lamani is derived from Sanskrit word lavana (salt)

which was the principal good they transported across the country.

Culture

Language

Banjaras speak Banjari language ; also called Gor Boli it belongs to the

Indo-Aryan group of languages. Most Banjaras today’s are bilingual or

multilingual adopting the predominant language of their surroundings.



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Art

Banjaras art is rich and includes performance arts such as dance and music

to folk and plastic arts such as rangoli, textile embroidery, tattooing and painting.

The Banjaras embroidery and tattooing are especially prized and also form a

significant aspect of the Banjaras identity. Lambadi women specialize in “Lepo”

embroidery which involves stitching pieces of mirror, decorative beads and coins

on to clothes.

Festivals

Banjaras people celebrate the festival of Teej during Shravana (the month of

August). In this festival young unmarried Banjaras girls pray for a good Groom.

They sow seeds in bamboo bowls and water it three times a day for nine days and

if the sprouts grow “tick and high”, it is considered as good omen. During Teej

the seedling- baskets are kept in the middle and girls sing and dance around them.

Banjaras also celebrate the festival of Holy. Banjaras have a sister community of

singers known as Dadhis or Gajugonia. They are Muslim Banjaras who

traditionally traveled from village to village singing songs to the accompaniment of

sarangi.

Religion

The main deities of Banjaras people are Sati and saint several. They also worship

Hindu gods like Balaji, Jagadamba. Devior Thulja Bavani, Ganesh, Mahadev,

Khandoba/Kanhoba and Hanuman. They also hold Guru Nanak in great respect.

Several or sevabhaya is the most important saint of the Banjaras. According

to Banjaras accounts he was born on 15 February 1739 in Sirsi, Karnataka, to

Baima Naik and Dharmin Bai, and died on 4 December 1806. A cattle merchant by

profession he is said to have been a man of exemplary truthfulness, a great

musician, a courageous warrior, a rationalist who fought against superstition and

devotee of Goddess Jagadamba. The colonial British administrators also quote his

stories but they place him in the 19th century and identify his original name as Siva

Rathode.

Society

Distribution



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There are Banjara in Telangana and 1.1 million living in Karanataka as of 2012.

In India, Banjaras people were transporters of goods from one place another

and the goods they transported included salt, grains, firewood and cattle. During

18th century, the British colonial authorities brought the community under the

purview of criminal tribes act of 1871. By enforcing this act the British Raj curbed

the movement of Banjaras people. The stigma attached to this continued until 1952

when the act was abolished by the newly Independent India.

Classification

In some states of India, they are considered as scheduled caste while in other

states they are categorized as scheduled tribe. In the state Rajasthan, they are Other

back ward classes (OBC) category. In the state of Tamil Nadu they are Backward

classes (BC) and in Karnataka they are categorized as scheduled caste since 1977.

Chencuh people :

The Chenchus are a designated scheduled tribe in the Indian states of

Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Karnataka and Odessa. They are an aboriginal trible

whose traditional way of life has been based on hunting and gathering. The

chenchus speak the chenchu language, a member of the Dravidian language family.

In general, the chinch relationship to not-tribal people has been largely symbiotic.

Some chenchus have continued to specialize in collecting forest products for sale

to non-tribal people. Many chenchus live in the dense Nallamala forest of Andhra

Pradesh. The Chenchus are referred to as one of the primitive tribal Groups that are

still dependent on forests and to do not cultivate land but hunt for a living. Caste

Hindus living among them rent land from the chenchus and learned agriculture

from them, and the nomadic Banjaras herders who graze their cattle in the forest

also have been allotted land there. The chenchus have responded unenthusiastically

to government efforts to induce them to take up farming themselves. Chenchus are

very good people and very innocent they don’t how to speak eighth other than their

caste even other caste able to understand their behavior as well as mentality.

Gondi people

The Gondi or Gonad people are a Dravidian people of central India, spread

over the states of Madhya Pradesh, eastern Maharashtra (vidarbha), Chhattisgarh,

Uttar Pradesh, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh and Western Odessa. With over ten



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million people, they are the largest treble in central India. They are a designated

scheduled tribe in Andhra Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat,

Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Telangana, Odessa and West Bengal.

The Gonad are also known as the Raj Gonad. The term was widely used in 1950s,

but has now become almost obsolete, probably because of the political eclipse of

the Gonad Rajas. The Gondi language is closely related to the Telugu, belonging to

the Dravidian family of languages. About half of Gonads speaks Gondi languages

while the rest speak Indo-Aryan languages including Hindi. According to the 1971

census, their population was 5.1million. Since past few decades they have been at

the receiving end due to Naxality-Maoist insurgency in central part of India.

Gondhi people are also used as shields against Naxalizes by government of

Chhattisgarh through salwa judum.

Telangana religion:

The religious makeup of Telangana is 86% Hindu, 12.4% Muslim, and 1.4%

Christian, and 0.4% others. About 77% of the population of Telangana speak

Telugu, 12% speak Urdu, and 13% speak other languages angina religion.

Telangana Arts and crafts:

The arts, culture and traditions of Telangana is a fusion of the Telugu and

Persian culture dating back to the Nizams and Mughals. Hence, there is an

influence of Hinduism and Islam. Science Buddhism was the dominant religion up

to the 6th century it was also the home of Mahayana Buddhism. This can be

observed in the monuments of Nagarjunakonda and the world University at the sir

Pervata presided by Achary Nagarjuna. In the 12th century the Kakatiyas and the

chalukya’s revived Hinduism and Krishnadeva Raya of the vijayanagar empire

restructured old temples and built new ones.

Art

Nirmal Arts

Amidst the hills and forests of Aliabad one of the districts of Telangana is

the small town of Nirmal. It has been considered the land of art and crafts. The big

community of craftsmen in Nirmal are referred to as ‘Nakkash’. This town is

famous for its paintings known as Nirmal paintings. These paintings were greatly

admired and patronized by the Mughal rulers in the medieval period and it is said

that Lady Hydri later on brought the craftsmen to Hyderabad to promote their



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growth and development. In this, traditional art scenes are painted from the Hindu

epics - Ramayana and Mahabharata. The paintings have been influenced by the

Indian schools of art like Ajanta, Kanga and from Mughal miniatures. The color

used in these paintings especially the familiar gold color are produced indigenously

from extracts of herbs, gum, vegetable dye and minerals. The paintings, whether

depicting the grace of a dancer or the rhythm of a musician, enrapture the viewer.

It is said that in the past the Nizam of Hyderabad on visiting normal was given a

grand welcome with the artisans banana bud suspended over the Nizam’s seat

unfurled and a cascade of golden petals were showered on the Nizam. This so

overwhelmed him that he began to patronize the artisan.

Deccan Paintings

Deccan paintings are a style of miniature paintings which flourished among

the Deccan sultanates in peninsular India in the late 16th century. It was a

combination of Vijayanagar wall paintings and Persian influence with elongated

figures and landscapes with floral backgrounds. The colors used were rich and

luminous predominantly in gold and white.

Kalahari paintings

This paintings originated from the word ‘Kalama’ meaning pen and ‘Kari’

meaning work. Colorful designs are applied on cloth using vegetable dyes. Scenes

from Hindu mythology are depicted though per signs are applied on cloth using

vegetable dyes. Scenes from Hindu mythology are depicted though Persian designs

and motifs are included due to the influence of Muslim rulers. Hand carved blocks

are used to do the outlines and main features and the pen is used for finer details.

Chervil scroll paintings

These paintings are stylized versions of Nakashi art which is an art form

practiced in chemical district of Warangal in the Telangana region. They are used

for storytelling and their themes are drawn from folklore and mythology like the

piranhas and Epics. The format of these paintings is narrative like a film role or a

comic strip. They were traditionally used by the balladeer or story telling

community known as ‘Kaki Padagollu’. They went from village to village singing

and narrating their ballads with music and dance displaying these scrolls in a series

of horizontal or vertical panels on a stage erected on four poles with a horizontal

bar. The length of the scroll depended on the length of the story and each scroll

could have about 50 panels. The panel depicting that particular part of the story



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would be displayed as the bard would narrate the story. In modern times instead of

a continuous scroll single pictures are painted as wall decorations. The making of

the canvas is an elaborate procedure eighth khadi cotton, rice starch, white mud,

boild tamarind seeds and gum water. The artists then sketch the outline on the

canvas with a brush made of a stick with squirrel’s hair. They are painted in vivid

hues with the red color predominantly in the background.

Sculptures :

Sculptures made of stone, marble or wood are made in the Telangana region

into various animal and bird forms. Sculptures of deities in various forms in

intricate and aesthetic styles are crafted by the artisans. Examples of fine sculptures

can be seen in the Ramapa temple in Warangal, the thousand pillar temple built by

the Kakatiyas in the town of Hanamakonda in Telangana and the Allampur temples

in Mahbubnagar.

Cultural sites – Museums :

Telangana has many museums which have prized collections of different

civilizations depicting the culture of various kingdoms of the state. They are---

Salar Jung Museum :

It is one of the three National museums of India is located in the city of

Hyderabad in Telangana. The art objects were collected by three generations of the

Salar Jung family with the major portion of the collection acquired by salar Jung

III (Anwar Mir Yusuf Ali Khan) who devoted his entire life to collecting rare and

precious art objects. It was originally stored in his ancestral place ‘Dewan Deodi’.

There after his heirs decied to form a museum to store the various artifacts, books

and manuscripts in 1968. The collection comprises antiques and art objects not

only from India but also from Western, Middle East and Far East countries. It is a

treasure house of art from different cultures like Roman, Greek, Hindu, Jain

Buddhist, Islamic and Christian culture and a culture centre for research projects,

exhibits as well as an educational centre. These include paintings, sculptures, metal

ware, carvings, ceramics, ivory, lacquer ware, porcelain, metal ware, glass etc and

a huge library of books, journals and manuscripts.

Hyderabad Museum :



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It is located at Hyderabad’s public garden and is the state’s oldest museum.

It has many galleries containing bronze and stone sculptures, paintings, textiles,

manuscripts, arts and antiquities representing Vijayanagara and Chalukya period

including Buddhist artifacts.

Nizam Museum or city Museum :

This museum which is situated in the palace (Purani Haveli) of the last

Nizam of Hyderabad Asaf Jah VII (Osman Ali Khan Bahadur) contains treasures

which include artifacts so swords, daggers studded with precious stones, figurines,

Neolithic pottery, coins of satavahana period etc.

National History Museum :

This museum is located inside the Nehru Zoological park in Hyderabad and

contains many artifacts and stuffed dummies of extinct animals and birds.

Crafts :

Bird craft

This craft form is said to have originated in Iran centuries ago and brought

down by migrants. It has been nourished and maintained by future generations of

practitioners and is said to have derived its name from the town Bidar of the

erstwhile princely Hyderabad state now currently part of Karnataka. It is the

unique art of silver engraved on metal. It involves four stages of manufacturing

namely casting, engraving, inlaying and oxidizing. Black colors for surface

ornamentation are used for Bidri art which does not fade easily and is accompanied

by silver and gold coatings. An alloy of zinc and copper called gunmetal is used

for this art. Flower vases, jeweler boxes, key chains and other artifacts are made is

very popular all over the world.

Dora Metal Craft :

This metal craft could be seen centuries earlier in the artifacts of Mohenjo

Daro. It is a bell metal craft which combines skills of metallurgy with wax

technique and though it originated in West Bengal, Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand it

travelled to Orissa and Andhra Pradesh mainly in the district of Adilabad. Dokra is

an ancient technique of casting where in wax threads are wrapped around an inner

core of clay model. Molten brass or bronze is poured into an opening which has



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been covered with another layer of clay. It is a very labor intensive work and each

piece crafted is different from the other. Simple art forms and traditional designs

are made like tribal Gods, figurines, caskets, bowls etc and its aesthetic beauty is in

great demand in India and abroad.

Nirmal toys and handicrafts :

Initially the Nirmal artisans restricted them selves to art from. But later local

talent was exploited and decorative and utility articles began to be manufactured.

Nirmal toys are carved out of Punic wood or ‘Puniki Chekka’ which is flexible and

light and can be cut into various shapes and sizes. The various parts of the toys are

then coated with ‘Chinta Leppam’ which is a specially prepared glue prepared

from boiled tamarind seeds and sawdust and coated with white clay which

smoothens any depression or ridges present in the toys. The artifacts and wall

plaques are made of teak wood which is well finished on lathe before painting the

preconceived design. Then Duco paint in the desired background color is sprayed

on the plaque and finally the artisan paints the design. The quality and beauty of

the finished products is breath taking. In modern times experimentation with

various hues and shades without moving away from tradition has been evolved. A

variety of aesthetic household and office furniture and decorative furnishings too

are made by the craftsmen.

Banaras Needle Craft :

This needle craft is practiced by the Banjaras or tribal’s Telangana. It is

made up of needle work with geometric patterns of squares, diamonds and

triangles. Colorful and different types of stitches with mirror work, beads and

shells are made on rich and brightly colored clothes. These are different from the

embroidery and design work of the tribal’s of Gujarat and Kutch region. These

beautiful designs and intricate patterns are used in clothes, bags, bedspreads and

bring an exotic look to the decor of a place.

Bronze Castings :

The bronze casting of Telangana are world famous and detailed information

can be obtained from the shipa Shastra’s which is a text from the Gupta period on

the methodology of casting images in metal. The Vishnussamhita an appendix to

the Vishnu Purana refers to wax modeling for making metal objects. The ancient

Sanskrit text mansara shipa has a chapter entitled lost wax method or

maduchhistha vidhanam giving details of casting idols in wax. The Abhilasitartha



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chintamani or Manasollasa written by King Bhulokamalla Someshvara of the

chalukya dynasty gives detailed description of lost Wax and casting methods.

Srikumara’s silparatna contains instructions on the hollow casting procedure.

Studying all these detailed procedures the carftsmen make the idols with accurate

measurements and descriptions of the deity in proper proportinon brining out the

salient features and characteristics. Several coating of clay on a finished wax

model are used to creat the mould which then imparts intricate curves to the cast

image.

Lacquer ware :

Lac is said to have been first mentioned in 1590 AD in Aaine Akbari written

by Abul Fazl. Lac is a gummy deposit obtained from insect which are tiny and red

in color and which thrive on certain species of tree. This craft involves applying

lacquer on wood in different color which is done on a lathe or ‘turned toys’ and

can be machine or hand operated. A light species of wood called Ankudu karra is

generally used and the lacstick is pressed against the woodenware to be lacquered.

Desings are painted on toys and figures using a brush. The lac is applied in a dry

state. The lac is softned with the help of the heat evolved from the fariction during

the revolving of the woodenware and enables the color to stick.

The most popular form of lacquer ware are the lac bangles studded with

mirrors, beds and stones in attractive colors and designs. Besides this many

decorative items like bowls, vases containers etc are made.

Music

Telangana has a music tradition of carnatic music and folk music. The

different from of lollk music are ---

Oggukatha

It is a traditional folk singing art carried out by some communities who sing

songs in the form of ballads in praise of their tribal Gods and on Lord Shiva

moving from one place to another. They narrate and dramatise the stories of the

Gods.

Sarada Kala :



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In this story tellers or balladeers narrate srories in song form using the sarada

stringed instruments.

Dances :

Perini Shivathandavam :

Perini Shivathandavam is a dance which originated in the Kakatiya dynasty

which ruled for nearly two centuries and established their kingdom in Warangal. It

was performed in front of the idol of Lord Shiva befor the soldiers set out to fight

in the battle. It is called the ‘Dance of warriors’ and is usually performed ony by

males. Evidence of this dance form can be seen in the sculptures of the Ramapa

temple in Warangal in the sanctum sanctorum or Garbha Gruha of the main

temple. This dance is performed vigorously to the beats of drums as the dacers feel

the power of Shiva entering their body as they invoke him in a deep abstract way

and is considered highly invigorating and intoxicating. This dance form was on the

verge of extinction after the decline of the Kakatiya Empire but has been revived in

recent times.

Gobbi Dance :

It is performed during the sankranthi festival and derives its name from

‘Gobbillu’ or ‘balls of cow dung’ which are placed in the middle of pangolin

designs made in front of houses. These are then worshipped along with ritulas,

Kumkum, turmeric and flowers. In the evening young girls sing and dance around

the Gobbillu in a circular manner similar to the Garbha dance of Gujarat.

Burro Catha

This is a form of storytelling using a muscial instrument called ‘Burra’. This

art evolved from a dance called Tandana katha which was a popular means of

entertainment for the rural masses. A Burra katha group consists of three artistes

the main artist being in the centre dressed with a long flowing dress called

angaraksh, a a colourful turban with a crest feather, a tight pyjama or dhoti, a

colourful waistband musical bells on his ankles.He holds a Burra(a kind of

Tambura) in his hand and sings the ballads while palying the instrument. He is

called the story teller or kathakudu and his stories are based on mythology or

history. He also wears a metal ring called Andelu in his right hand and holds

another ring in hisleft hand and beats music with them. He is accompained by two

other artistes one on either side called Vantalu who are similarly dressed and play



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the instruments called Buarralu or Budigalu or dhaki which are earthern drums of

two heads. One of them is called the Rajkiya who enlivens the session with his

satirical political and social commentary and the other is the Hasyam clown for

comic relief. The ballad compositions contain a variety of songs in content and

form in different meters.

Dandari dance:

This dance is generally perfromed by the Gonds of the hilly region of

Northern Hyderabad with Dandas or sticks. The male dancers wear colourful

costumes and strike their sticks dancing to the accompaniment of trumpers and

drums with musicians and strike their sticks dancing to the accompaniment of

trumpet and drums with musicians leading the procession. They go from village to

village and even the hosts some times accompany them in their dance. According

to the Gonda legend, Dandaria was an ancient Gond hero who was the creator of

this dance and he was originally a desecendant of the Pandavas thus the Gonds

belive they too are descendants of the pandacas thus the Gonds belive they too are

descendants of the pandavas and joyously celebrate this dance.

Dhamal Dance :

This dance is in mine form and performed by the Siddhis of Hyderabad

region. The Siddhis are said to be originally from Africa and Abyssinia who were

brought into Andhra as slaves in the 12th centruy to perform guard duties in the

palaces by the Hindu kings. The ruling classes used them as sailors, soldiers and

guards. It is in the form of martial art using shields and swords and they perform

various musical instruments. Their exotic dances with speical war like movements

and exotic colourful costumes reflect the flavour of their land of origin.

Mathuri Dance :

This is a special dance performed by the Madhuri tribe of Adilabad during

the rainy season of the month of shravan. Unlike in most of the dance forms which

are performed predominantly by men including roles of women, this dance is

performed by both men and women with men in the outer semi circle and women

in the inner circle. The men strike small sticks while women clap to the

accomoaniment of secular and devotional songs. These tribes were said to have

been originally from Mathura and hence their dance is said to bear resemblance to

the Ras Leela dances of Uttar Pradesh.



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Bhamakalapam and Gollakalapam :

These are famous folk art forms of traditional drama written by sidhendra

Yogi in the 7th century. Kalapam is a one act play in a simple traditional dance

drama form.A sutradhar gives the main running commentary of the sequence and

each character narrates his story eith another character making comments or asking

questions. The main emphasis is Satthvikabhinaya with Bhakti or Shringar Rasa.

This dance form with emphasis on moral values was initiated by Sidhendra yogi to

differentiate it from the dance performed by the nautch girls of those times. He

trained young boys from the Brahmin community with complex expressions and

elaborate gestures as in the Kuchipudi dance form with philosophical stories

forming the main theme where in a simple millmaid explains to an erudite Brahmin

concepts of Dharma and the philosophy behind the various incarnations of God on

earth.

Festivals :

Besides the common festivals celebrated throught the year there are many

festivals significant to the region. They are ---

Bathukamma :

This festival is celebrated by the women of Telangana during Mahalaya

Amavasya or Bhadrapada Amavasya in the month of september - October during

Navaratri for a period of nine days and is now declared the Sate Festival of

Telangana. The first day ison Mahalaya Amavasya and the last day culminates on

Ashwayuja Ashtami or Durganshtami two days before Dessehar. This day is called

Pedda Bathukamma or saddula Bathukanna. ‘Bathukamma’ or ‘Divine Mother

Gauri - Life Giver’ is said to be the patron Goddess for women. Women dress up

in traditional finery, clean their courtyard, use cow dung as base and decorate ir

with various designs of Rangoli using rice flour. For the first five days five small

cone shaped lumps with cow dung are arranged in the courtyard. Men hlep in

gathering various kinds of flowers are decorated and scented and stacked in a

conical mound with a lotus aor pumpkin flower on the top along with a symbolic

mound of turmeric depicting Goddess Gauri. In the evening women form a circle

around it clapping and singing folk songs slowly revolving around around in small

steps.

The songs invoke the blessings of the various Goddesses for the happiness,

good health and peosperity of their families.



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Boddemma :

This festival commences nine days prior to Bathukamma festival and

concludes on Mahalaya Amavasya. It is a festival for unmarried girls. The

courtyard is cleaned and decorated with turmeric, flowers and Rangoli. An image

of Boddemma is prepared in seven layers with earth in the shape of a Gopura. In

the evening all unmarried girls sing and dance around it praying to the Goddess for

an early and successful marriage.

Bonalu :

This festival is celebrated to pray to Goddess Mahakali and began during the

period of the Nazism. It is said that during the out break of plague in the 18th

century in Hyderabad, people prayed that they would instal an idol of Mahakali if

the disease was destroyed and hence this festival is celebrated. Another version

states that the Goddess returms to her parental home in the month of Ashadi and

the occasion is welcomed and celebrated as Bonalu. Women and unmarried girls

dress up in traditional finery dacing with Bonam (balancing pots) to the rhythmic

beats of drums. Devotees offers a Thottelu or a small colourful paper structure

supported by sticks as a mark of respect. The brother of hte Goddess represented

by pothuraju is a man anointed with turmeric and vermilion draped in a red dhoti

with bells in his ankles who dances to resounding drums and leads the female

dancers to the temple. Streets are decorated with neem leaves and the Goddess is

offered cooked rice with milk and sugar in brass or earthern pots decorated with

neen leaves, turmeric and vermillion.

Samakka Saralamma :

This festival is held once every two years in the month of February and is

celebrated for four days attracting a large number of pilgrims to Warangal.

Samakka and Saralamma are the mother and daughter duo reverd as trible

Goddesses. Accoring to legens they fought against the unjust and unfair rulers of

the kingdom and are worshipped and revered to this day. All the tribal population

gather together and offer prayers and Thulabaram (offering objects equal to body

weight) generally of jaggery to the Goddesses. They then take a dip in the

Jampanna vagu where Jampanna was said to be the son of smakka and he died

sacrificing his life for the sake of the tribal people in his battle against the Kakatiya

rulers.



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Bhimanna or Ayanna :

Theis festival is celebrated by the Kolam tribes of Aliabad and falls in the

Kolam month of satti. It lasts for three days. Bhimanna or Ayanna is the principal

deity of the Kolam tribe. He is represented by a carved mace of wood crowned

with peacock feathers, a pot with a belt of bellsor anklets and small dolls made of

mud, which are stored in a thatched shed. On a holy Thursday these relics are then

brought to the heart of the village. The deity is then bathed at a hill stream and

brought to the enclosure and animal or fowl sacrifice is carried out and offered to

the deity. The meat is then cooked and offered to everyone.

Yedupayala :

This annual festival is held in Medal on the holy Mahashivaratri day in a

sacred place where the seven tributaries of the Manjeera River join and flow

together.

Festivals of telangana :

Bathukamma is Telangana’s floral festival celebrated by the Hindu women

of Telangana. Every year this festival is celebrated as per Telugu version of Hindu

calender in the Bhadrapaha Amavasya, also known as Mahalaya Amavasya,

usually in september- October of Gergorian calendar. Bathukamma is celebrated

for nine days during Durga Navaratri. It starts on the day of Mahalya Amavasya

and the nine day festivities with culminate on “saddula Bathukamma” or “Pedda

Bathukamma” festival on Ashwayuja Ashtami,popularly known as Durgashtami

which is two days before Dussehar. Bathukamma is followed Boddemma, which is

a 7-days festivial. Boddemma festival that marks the ending of varsha Ruthu

whereas Bathkamma festival indicates the beginning of sarad or sharath Ruthu.

Bathukamma represents cultural spirit of Telangana. Bathukamma is a

beatiful flower stack, arranged with different unique seasonal flowers most of them

with medicinal values, in seven concetric layers in the shape of templegopuram.

IN Telugu, ‘Bathukamma’ means ‘Mother Goddess come alive’ and Goddess

Maha Gauri - ‘Life Giver’ is worshipped in the form of Bathukamma - the patron

goddess of womanhood, Maha Gauri Devi. It is the festival for feminine

felicitation.

Bonalu or Mahankali bonalu is a Hindu Festival, Goddess Mahakali is

worshiped. Bonalu is an annual festival of Telangana celebrated in Twin cities



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Hyderabad, secunderabad and other parts of Telangana, India. It is celeabrated in

the month of Ashda Masam, in July/August. Special poojas are performed for

Yellamma on the first and last day of the festival. The festival is also considered a

thanks giving to the Goddess for fulfillment of vows.

Bonam means Bojanam or a meal in Telugu, is an offering to Mother

Goddess. Women prepare rice cooked with milk, Jaggery in anew brass or Earthen

pot adorned with Neem leaves, Turmeric, vermilion and a lighted Diya on the top

of the pot. Women carry the pots on their heads and make offering of Bonam along

with; Turmeric -vermilion, Bangles ans saree to the mother goddess across the

Temples. and Bonalu involoves the worship os Kali and her various forms.

Goddess is worshiped as Mysamma - Pochamma, Yellamma.

Origin of Bonalu festival (edit

The festival history has started in 1813 in Hyderabad and secunderabad

regimental bazzar. Plague disease broke out in twin cities of Hyderabad and

secunderabad, claiming thousands of lives. Before this a military battalion of

Hyderabad is deployed to Ujjain, knowing about thye plauge in Hyderabad the

military battalion prayed to the Mother Goddess in Mahankaal Temple. Ujjain,

Madhya Pradesh, that if people were saved from the epidemic they would install

the idol of Mahankali back in their city. It is belived that Mahankali destroyed the

disease and keeps pestilence at arms length, Military Battalion came back to the

city and installed an Idol and every year people offered Bonalu to Mother Goddess

Mahankali.

Other version also includes the mythological story and belife that revolves

around the festival, says that this is the time when Goddess Mahakali comes back

to her parental home, in Ashada Maasam or the period from late June to August.

Like daughers are much pampered in their parental homes.

The Ritual :

Bonalu is celebrated in various parts of the city. On the first sunday of

‘Aashaadam’, Celebrations are held at the temple at Golconda Fort. On the second

sunday, at Ujjaini Mahakali Temple in Secunderabad and Balkampet Yellamma

temple in Balkampet, and the third sunday, at the Pochamma and Katta maisamma

temple of Chilkalaguda and the Matheswari temple of Lal darwaza in old city of

Hyderabad. Akkanna Madanna temple in Haribowli, Muthyalamma temple temple

in Shan Ali Banda are among other temples where Bonalu are celebrated. Every

year, lakhs of devotes congregate to pay obeisance to Mahankali.



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On this occasion women dress up in the traditional sari combining it

with jewels other accessories. Teenage Girls wear half-sarees / Lehenga Choli

combining it with jewels order to bring out the tradititonal grace of the attire.

Some Tranced women dance with balacing pots (Bonam), to the rhythmic

beats of drums in honour of the local Goddess. To ward off evil spirits, in olden

days, people used to sacrifice male buffalo in front of the temple, but now, rooters

are sometimes sacrificed.

The fesitival starts at Golconda.

Women carrying Bonalu are belived to possess the spirit of Mother Goddess,

and when they go towards the temple, people pour water on their feet to pacify the

spirit, who, by nature, is belived to be aggressive.

Every group of devotees offer a Thottelu (a small colorful, paper structure

supported by sticks) as a mark of respect.

It is believed that the Goddess comes back to her maternal home during

Ashada Maasam, so people come to see her and bring offerings of food to show

their love and affection, just as they would prepare a special meal when their own

daughters visit them.

Pothuraju

Pothuraju is the brother of Mother Goddess, is represented in the procession

by a well-built, bare-bodied man, turmeric on his body and vermilion on his

forehead. He dances to resounding drums.

He always dances before the Palaharam Bandi, the procession. He is

considered the initiator of the festivites and the protector of the community. He

leads the tranced female dancers who are under spell of the Mother Goddess

(Known asshigam) to the temple, with lashing whips and emerald neem leaves

(Margosa) tied around their waists, accompanied by trumpers and drums.

The Feast

Bonalu is a festival of offering to the Mother Goddess and families share the

offering with family memnbers and guests. A non-vegetarian family feast follows



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after the great Avinasha the offering. The festival environment is quite palpable in

the locality celebrating the feastival, with loud-speakers plying Mother Goddess

song in folk style, and streets are decorated with neem leaves.

Rangam, or performing the Oracle, is held the next morning of the fesitival.

A women standing atop of an earthen pot ‘invoked’ goddess Mahankali onto her

and performs the custom. She foretells the years ahead when devotees ask about

the future.This takes place before the procession is started.

Ghatam is a copper pot, decorated in the form of mother goddess. The

Ghatam is carried by a priest, who wears a traditional Dhoti and body with

smeared in turmeric. The Ghatam is taken into procession from first day of the

festival till last day, when it is immersed in water. The Ghatam in usually

accompanied by drums.

Ghatam is followed after Rangam.The festival concludes with immersion of

Ghatam. THe ghatam of Haribowli’s Akkanna Madanna Temple leads the

procession, placed atop an elephant and accompanied by mounted horses and

models depicting Akkanna and Madanna. It ends in the evening with a glittering

procession and display followed by immersion of ghatams at Nayapul.

A carnival -like atmosphere, where thousands of people wait along the main

streets of Laldarwaza to Nayapul and watch the exquisitely and elaborately

decorated Ghatams. Young men dance in a unique style to the drum beats and folk

songs alongside Pothuraju, dress-up in various mythological roles.

The Ghatams of the Secundrabad City (Lashkar) include Ujjaini Mahakali and

Mahadevi Pochamma at Karbal Maidan, Dokkaalamma at Himam Bavi,

Muthyalamma at Kalasiguda, Nallagutta, Pan Bazar, Chilkalguda, Uppara Basthi,

Kummariguda, Regimental Bazar and Bhoiguda, ect....

There are areas in secunderabad tha existed from during the British era,

Areas in Secunderbad cantonment also have their own dates for celebrating bonalu

in their villages like Modfort, Gunrock, Sikh village (with are now areas in the

cantonment). They celebrate ghatam procession just for one day or two days or so

depending on their age old traditions. Thiru thulkanthamman Temple in old

Mudfort has been doing ghatam since for about 100 years.

The Ghatams of the Old city procession include the Mahankali temples in

Haribowli Akkanna Madanna, Laldarwaza, Uppuguda, Miralam Mandi and

Kasaraatta, the Jagadamba temple of Sultanshahi, Darbar Mysamma of Aliabad,



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Mysamma Temple of Boggulkunta (FGP) and Mutyalamma temple of Chandulal

Bela.

Sammakka Saralamma Jatara :

The sammakka saralamma sharine area in Warangal is reported to have been

built during the 12th century. The temple has no mythological backgorund relating

to the construction of the temple; instead, it is belived to the built in the memory of

two tribal women.

The main deity(s) of the sammakka saralamma temple are two brave women

who stood up for their community and its betterment. They became Martyrs in the

battle. According to the legend, once a troop from the Koya tribal community was

returning from a trip, when they saw a little girl palying with the tigress. The head

of the troop saw the girl and inspired by her bravery, he adopted her and named he

as samakka. Later she married a headman of a neghboring tribal group and hand a

daughter, Sarakka. Both the mother and daughter protested the Kakatiya ings who

froced the tirbes to pay taxes. Both the women fought bravely and reportedly lost

their lives. The Koya community constructed this temple as a token of gratitude.

Annually an event called sammakka saralamma jatara is held which is considered

as one of the largest tribal festivals of the world. The deities are brought from the

forest to a spot for a period of 10-12 days when more than one crore devotees offer

prayers and gift ‘bangaram’, which is pure jaggery to the deities. The entire place

reverberates with divine chants and elaborate arrangements are made for this

Jathara with thousands of buses arriving with pilgrims.

Historcal significance of Dandakaranya

This is also belived to be the place where Lord Sri Rama, his consort sita

and brother Lakshmana made it as their abode for a brief period as part of their 14

years exile in the forest.

People belive that Goddess Sammakka and Sarakka would fulfill their

desires with their miraculous powers. Childless couples visit the above of

goddesses with paryers to bless them children whereas young girls pray for getting

married. Pilgrims bathe in the nearby Jampanna stream to seek puification and

absolve from sins.

Maghasudha pournami, the special occasion!



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The actual festival begings during the month of Magha, on Sudha Pournami

i.e. full moon day in the evening when Sarakka is traditionally brouht from

Kanneboyinapalle village in the forest, and then placed on an earthen platform

which is raised under a tree.

By the sunset of next day, the main goddess sammakka is then brought from

Chilukalagutta. There are two platform of bamboo sticks, which is smeard with

vermilion and turmeric. sicence times immemorial, there is a huge tree, which

stands on sammakka gadde.

When the priests get the ochere box and other important relics from a hidden forest

location, there is a great tumult accompanied frenzied beating of drums, trumpet

blowing and yells. It is said believed that during the festival a huge tiger moves

around peacefully. The cocounts and jiggery offering becomes piled at the foot of

the old trees.

Peerla Panduga :

Muharram, also called Peerla Panduga is an important festival in the state of

Telangana. Munarram is a festival marked by processions. During this occasion, a

relic called alam is taken out as a procession. Ashurkhana, representing a group of

Sufi shrines, is the area where the procession taken place, Many Muslims and even

Hindus take part in this festival by chanting Ya Hussain as they particpate eargerly

in this procession.

In Dabeerpura are of Hyderabad, Hindus are considered alambardaar, which

means standard-bearers at the famous shrine of Bibika Alawa. Hindus throng in

thousands to worship the holy relic of Alam since it is believed that a darshan of

this Alam gives them solac and peace of mind. On this special day of Muharram,

Hindus visit sufi shrines. Peerla panduga is actually an occasion of sorrow when

the Hindu devotees respect the sentiments of their Islamic brothers and praticipate

in a solemn procession.

The Badeshahi Ashurkhana in Hyderabad has a rich 400 years old history

and is also home to maximum crowds during this festival. Thousands of Hidus

visit this sharine, especially during the 9th and 10th day of the festival. Several

foreign tourists also witness the proceedings of these festivities. The final day

involves Alam veing carried on top of an elephant as a prcession from Bibi ka

Alawa towards Masjid-e-Ilahi. The festival is also celebrated in many rural regions

of Telangana close to sufi shrines or Durgahs.



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Administrative reforms of salarjung :

1.Financial reforms of Salarjung -1

In order to bring about economic stability, salarjung-1 introduced the following

financial reforms.

a) In the general administration, salarjung divided the Hyderabad state into 5

provinces called subas and they were further divided into 17 districts. The

Subas were administrated by suberdars and the districts by Tahsildars.

b) He abolished the tax farming system. Under this system the tax farmers

(daftardars) collected huge sums from the peasants and paid only a small

amount to Noam. This system resulted in loss to the state, exploitation of

peasants and lack of dierect contact between peasants and the state.

c) Taludars were appointed to collect land revenue from the peasants. They

were paide by the state. This gave certainty to the income of the State.

d) Third important finanacial measure was stabilization of currency. Issuing of

coins was made the monopoly of the state. Central mint was established at

Hyderabad and the district mints were abolished. Halisikka rupee was

introduced and made it as the standard currency.

As a result of above measures, the economic position fo the State was

improved. He redeemed the state jewels from mortgage and raised fresh loans at

reasonable rate of interest to clear outstanding debts.

2) Administrative reforms :

Salarjung brought drastic changes to rotten administrative system based on

Mughal administrative system. Imporatant changes are

1) Salarjung brought drastic changes in the talukdar system. He appointed paid

talukdars.



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2) Zilabandi system was introduced. According to this system the state of

Hyderabad was divided into5 provinces called Subas and were further

divided into 17 districts. Each district was placed under Awal Talukdars who

was assisted by Doyum and Soyum talukdars. They made identified with

present day sub cellectors.

3) Regional revenue division consisting of two or three districts was created.

Each revenue division was kept under Sadar Talukdar.

4) Revenue administration was kept under the direct control of the state.

Reforming the administration system reduced the corruption and the officals

were kept under the check.

3) Police reforms :

The Nizam rulers paid scant attention to police department. It was based on

Mughal Tradition. There was no regular police department. In villages patels

and partwaris were in charge of law and order. In the cities Kotwals functioned

as police officers.

Salarjung introduced the following police reforms.

a) Police department called Mahkama-i-Kotwali and police force called

Nizamet were created. They were appointed and paid by the state.

b) The posts of superintendent of police (Mahtamin) and police

inspectors(Amins) were created.

c) Regular police stations called chaukis were established.

Thus, a new police system was introduced to maintain law order in the state of

Hyderabad. As a result the incidence of crime was reduced greatly.

4) Judical reforms :

Salarjung reformed the Judical system.



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a) The court of appeal or supreme court, high court and the district courts were

thoroyughly reformed.

b) The Supreme Court called Majils-i-Murafa was located at Hyderabad. The

court called mahkama-i-sadar was also located at Hyderavad. A number of

judicial officer called Munisiffs and Mir-Adils were appointed in districts.

c) Civil and criminal courts were established separately.

d) A separate department of judiciary was created to coordinate the work of

civil, criminal and other courts.

5) Education and public services :

To get desired personnel to run the administrative system of the state on sound

lines, Salarjung-I paid special attention to educational system.

Realizing the importance of English education, salarjung founded Dar-ul-ulm at

Chaderghat in 1855, city college and Deccan Engineering college in 1870. For the

children of Nobles, the Madarasah -i-ala was founded.

The induction of a large number of outsiders into the administration of the state

later on led to friction between the locals and nonlocals. This finally led to rise of

Mulki movement.

6) Communication facilities :

Salarjung- I took sufficient care in improving commination facilities like roads

and railways lines. The prominent railway line laid during this period are

1. Madras to sholapur

2. Madras to Bombay. It passed through important cities like Wadi and

Gulbarga.

3. Hyderabad to Wadi.

Mulki rules :



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Mulki rules were promulgated by Nizam in 1919. And these Mulki rules

were intended to open employment opportunities to Telugu people.

This was a result of awakening among Telugu people that were being

sidelined by Nizam in empolyment opportunities.

It may be noted that in those days officials posts were being cornered mostly

by Elite muslims from Hindustan (North India), Khayasts and Brahmanas of

Bengal Bihar area, Maratha Brahmanas like Deshmukhs, Patils etc...,

Disgruntled Telugus (Telangana people) in 1919 succeeded in making Noam

to issue an order which could eventually reduce import of itellectuals or officials

from ‘Foreign’ lands such as Hindustan or Bengal.

It may be recalled that in 1969 Andhra Pradesh High court decreed that

application of Mulki laws were null and void in the new State. Then Jai Telangana

movement started and violent incidents occurred in Hyderabad against coastal

people. The violence was suppressed at that time.

And in 1972 Supreme court upheld application of Mulki laws in AP state.

Then Jai Andhra movement started demanding separation of Andhra state from

that at Hyderabad and the movement run for 110 days. At last Indira Gandhi came

out with amendment to constitution of India by including Article 371D to

safeguard employment interests of Telangana region who were at that time thought

to be not in a position to compete with coastal Andhra people. And it was

envisaged that all kinds of regional reservations must end by 1980 in order to

create positive ground for integration of people of different regious into one.

I have no idea of on what grounds High Court rejected Mulki laws and why

supreme court upheld Mulki in AP state. Upholding of Mulki law by supreme

court did irreparable damage to the state. May be it was a conspiracy of North

Indians in order to prevent integration of AP into one. But it must be noted that

Mrs.Indra Gandhi was for one Andhra Pradesh and speedy intergration of its

peoples.

But Judgment issued by supreme court in 1972 for application of Noam’s

Mulki law against people of former domains (Coastal and Rayalaseema districts)

of Noam after their reunification is most unfortunate event in the History of

Andhra pradesh. These Mulki order of Noam ordains that a person seeking

empolyment under Noam must be a citizen of Hyderabad for a period of at least

15years.



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Mulki Movement and Its Implications :

With a view to over-head the Hyderabad state administrative machinery

following the great debacle of 1857 mutiny, outsiders were imported on the plea

that there were not enough of capable persons within the state, heralding the era of

explotation of the insiders that continued till now. What it was to be a temporary

phenomenon then, became a permanent feature and the outsiders from the

erstwhile Madars presidency later in the form of “seemandhar” rulers with the

formation of vishalandhra continued even till this day in varying proportions and in

various forms.

In fact those outsiders were supposed to train the locals to undertake higher

responsibilities. Instead, local talent was meticulously suppressed besides creating

fresh opportunities to importumities to import more and more outsiders of their

choice. Neither the foreign returned Osmania University Graduates, nor were the

otherwise talented local youth able to enter the state service. Out siders occupying

key positions favored only a fellow outsider draining weath from Hyderabad. This

gave rise to the feeling that persons come to Hyderabad either for Jobs or for

economoc benefits, as a rule, should not settle down for ever.

A realization of this gave birth to what was known then and later as Mulki

Movement, essentially has been a constructive movement.

Mulki Movement was born out of a discontent and self-respect in every

“Hyderabadi” as far back as 1935 it self. As a sequel to this, a five member group

of well meaningful citizens of Hyderabad of the stature of Miss Padmaja Naidu,

Abdul Hasan syed Ali, Boorgula RamaKishen Rao, Bar-at-law SB Sharma and

syed Abid Hasan proposed to start an organization at that critical juncture, “The

Niam’s subjects League” was born. The group strongly felt that “all was be not

well with the state, things were not what they should be and can be and something

must be and can be done or undone to improve the then exisiting affairs”. The

book “Whither Hyderabad” - published in 1935, gave a brief but dtailed account of

some of the outstanding problems of the premier Indian state that prevaild then. In

the preface, secretary of the league, mentioned that the Mulki Movement was a

self-help and self-development movement without harming anybody or with out

being hostile or antagonistic to anybody.

The “Doctrine” that the League prepared then categorically asserted the

“Rights and privileges” of the sons of the soil. It said “the privileges of serving the



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state, profiting by the economic resources, shaping the administrative policies

belong to Mulkis.” The doctrine explicitly warned those insiders, Who doubt the

“righteousness and legitimacy of the claim” to forfeit their claim to be called as

“Mulki”!

When the league talked of an “Outsider” it meant “any outsider is and

outsider”. There shall not be any WHY and HOW of it! The doctrine called for a

definite stoppage of outdsiders being brought to the state. If it was not done, the

discontent among the people of Hyderabad will grow to such perilous proportions

that it will be extremely difficult to keep it in check warned the league. The was of

the opinion that capable mulkis could be found and ought to be found for every

administrative and technical post.

Had the “Look Ahead” policy suggested by the wise group eight decades

ago, been followed, the situation in Telangana would have been different now.

Few startling facts concerning the non-Mulkis in Hyderabad (if in that ratio

and proportion as well the growth rate is taken then the number of outside in

Telangana today could easily be assessed) were given in the book by the league.

As per the 1931 census, the Telangana region in the Noam’s Hyderabad consisted

of a population of around 75 lakhs including the urban and rural areas. Probably it

would not have been more than four to five lakhs in Hyderabad- the main potential

for empolyment then (as well as now). Among them the Non-Mulkis accounted for

2.5lakhs and more than half of them were from Madras presidency (Mostly

accounted for large number of Madrasis (From coastal Area). When it came to

exploitation, initially in those days, services were mostly manned by Northern

Indians and they formed a sort of caucus and clique with a view to keep out Mulkis

from the administration. This is what is being done by out siders from coastal

Area-the so called integrationists even now.

What would otherwise have been a purely economic question had become a

question of honor and self-respect for the people of Hyderabad. The Mulkis there

fore demanded that they should have the privilege to shape their own

administrative policies and for that the right type of Mulkis were to be chosen.

That was the crux of the Mulki movement of 1935. The league also poined out

that, the Muslims outsiders from Northern India advocated that Hyderabad state

was only for muslims and Hindus outsiders from Southern (Mostly from Madars

Presidency) advocated outsing Muslims, Between these two outside elements, the

atmosphere of the state got polluted. A similar situation with a difference provoked

by the “seemandhra Business Lards” is prevalent even now. A sincere Nationalist



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Mulki accourding to the league never bothers whether the beneficicary is a Hindu

or Muslim but whether it is Insider or outsider.

The league also poined out that outsiders not only entered in to

administrative machinery but also systematically crippled the cottage industrial

potential of Hyderabad and Telangana. There was a time when the state could

boast of several cottage industries that flourished and provided employment to

lakhs of Mulkis. For instance the paper Industry (Karimnagar and Medak), Dyeing

and printing (Warangal, Karimnagar, Nalgona and Medalk), was that, at thistime,

(1912 -1913) the Hyderabad judicial reforms were carried out; and the Hyderabad

judical service was organised on the pattern of the judiciary, set up in the British

Indian provinces. Thus Hyderabad provided a model judicial pattern for the other

Native states of India. Mir Osman Ali Khan’s regine during this period has also an

illustrious record in the annals of great irrigation projects, particularly the

construction of the great Musi dam, which saved the Hyderabadis from the

disstrous natural calamities caused by the frequent flooding of the river musi on

which the city of Hyderabad is situated. The foundation stone for the great Osman

sagar tank, one of the largest in India, was laid by the seventh Nizam on 18

ardibehisht 1322 Fasli (1912). This period also saw the beginning of the

construction of the Laknawara and Ramapa lakes and the pandnipakala and the

Ganga Katua projects. All these projects not only added greatly to the fertility of

Hyderabad state; but they were also instrumental in providing the peoples of

Hyderabad with the basic amenities of life.

In addition to building of the great irrigation projects which led to the rapid

economic development of the country, this early period of Osman Ali Khan’s regin

was also memorable for linking up the most distant parts of the Hyderabad

dominions, by not only laying out new railways lines- a work which had alredy

started under salar Jand I and the late Nizam Nawab Mir Mahboob Ali Khan, but

by spreading a network of metalled roads connecting the districts with Hyderabad

city. This networks of roads aimed particularly at connecting the chief towns of the

districts with Hyderabad city as well as connecting every part of each district with

is chief town. In spreading this network of good roads throughout the districts the

personal interest and the supervision of the ruler played a noted role. It was this

personal interest and supervision by the Noam of all the nation’s builiding

avtivities, which led to the rapid change of Hyderabad from a medieval state to a

modern state, well abreast in terms of progress with the advanced provinces of

British India, and far head of the other princely states of India.

Besides these reformations and modernisation in the state of Hyderabad, it

was during this early period of Osman Ali Khan’s regime, namely, during the



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ministry of salar Jang III, that constructive steps were taken for the preservation of

ancient monuments and the revival of an interest in the ancient culture of the

Deccan by the organisation of the department of archaeology in April 1914. This

interest in the revival of the ancient culture of the No

iam’s Dominions is to be linked with the constructives steps taken, during the

viceroyalty of Lord Curzon, for the preservation of the great monuments of the

ancient and medieval period and of the revival of an interest in the past culture of

India, on a countrywide basis, by the organisation of the department of

Archaeology of the Government of India. It was during Osman Ali Khan’s period,

that the department of archaeology was organised at the instance of Sir John

Marshall, the then Director General of Archaeology, Government of India, with the

cooperation of Sir Alexander pinhey, the then resident of Hyderabad.

At the same time due regard must also be paid to the innate interest which

Osman Ali Khan showed in the preservation of the ancient culture of his

dominions long before the department was actually organised. He was behind the

sanctioning of a large sum of money for enlarging the minarets of the famous

Nqutu shah mosque, the Makka Masjid, etc. Thus, it could be seen that it was this

broad and liberal attitude of the ruler and the personal iterest taken by him in the

activites of this Departmant, that enable the archaeological department of

Hyderabad to play such and outstanding role in the preservation of the ancient and

medieval culture of the Deccan along with the preservation of the world famous

frescoes of Ajanta and Ellora.

The Seventh Nizam was eager to preserve the old relics of his dominions

and he was equally zealous to add new magnificent edifices. Later he sanctioned

money generously for the completion of such works. The Nizam took equally great

pride in the achievements of his house, the Asafia dynasty. He particularly wanted

to keep intact the traditions of his late father, Nawab Mir Mahboob Ali Khan.

From the time of his early regin, Osman Ali Khan’s scientific, literary and

architectural activities were not restricted to the four walls of his own dominions,

but as head of premier princely state of India, his patronage of art and architecture

stretched not only throughout India, but to the other sacred place of the Muslim

world as well. He approached the Noam’s government for the grant of large sums

of money for the foundation of the Unani and Ayurvedic medical colleges in Delhi.

Another example of Osman Ali Khan’s actives in renovationg and adding splendor

to the historical sites of the subcontinent of India was that during his visit to the

Mausoleum of the great chishti saint at Ajmer Sharif, he instructed the Secretary of

his privy purse at Hyderabad to send for the chief engineer of the state, Mir Ahmad



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Ali otherwise known as Ali Nawaz Jang and istruct him to carry out necessary

repairs to the mosque at Ajmer, built by the Emperor shah Jahan.

The seventh Nizam was equally prompt to contribute a handsome grant, on

behalf of his government, towards the foundation of the Madina University at

Madina. He was like all his predecessors of the Asaf Jami Rule, followed a policy

of broad tolerance towards all religions and religious sects amongst his people.

Merger of Hyderabad :

Hyderabad state was a state in Independent India, formed after the accession

of the princely state Hyderabad into the Indian Union on 24 November 1949. It

exsited from 1948 to 1956.

Following the states recorganisation Act Hyderabad state was merged with

Andhra state in 1956 and renamed Andhra pradesh.

Operation polo, the code name of the Hyderabad “Police Action” was a

military operation in september 1948 in which the Indian Armed forcesinvaded the

state of Hyderabad and overthrew its Nizam, annexing into the Indian Union.

At the time of partition in 1947, the princely states of India, who in principle

had self government within their own territories, were subject to subsidiary

alliances with the British, giving them control of their own territories, were subject

to subsidiary alliances with the British, giving them control of their external

relations. In the Indian Independence Act 1947 the British abandoned all such

alliances, leaving the states with the option for full independence. However, by

1948 almost all had acceded to either India or Pakistan. One major exception was

that of Hyderabad, where the Nizam, Osman Ali Khan, Asif Jah VII, a Muslim

ruler who presided over a largely Hindu population, chose independence and

hoped to maintain this with an irregular army recruited from the Muslim

aristocracy, known as the Razakars the Noam was also beset by the Telangana

uprising, which he was unable to subjugate.

The Indian government, anxious to avoid what it termed a Balkanization of

what had been the Indian Empire, was determined to effect the integration of

Hyderabad into the new Indian Union. Amidst atrocities by the Razakars, the

Indian Home Misnister sardar pateldecided to annex Hyderabad in what was

termed a “Police action”. The operation itself took five days, in which the Razakars

were defeated easily.



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The operation led to massive violence on communal lines. The Indian prime

minister Jawahrlal Nehru appointed a commission known as the Sunderalal

committee. Its report, which was not released until 2013, concluded that “as a

conservative estimate....27,000 to 40,000 people had lost their lives during and

after the police action other scholars have put the figure at 200,0000 or even

higher.

Military Governor

Major general El Edrooss (at Right) offers his surrender of the Hyderabad

state forces to Major general (later general and army Chief) J.N.chauhuri at

secunderabad.

After the Annexation into the Indian Union, Major General J.N.Chaudhuri

who led Operation polo stayed on as Military govenor till December 1949.

The state witnesed mulki agitation in 1952 by the locals after a government

jobs meant for the locals were given to non-locals.

Rajpramukh

Hyderabad state had its last Nizam, HEH Osman Ali Khan as Rajpramukh

from 26 January 1950 to 31 october 1956.

First appointed chief minister

After the Annexation of Hyderabad state into India, M.K.Vellodi was

appointed the chief Minister of the state on 26 January 1950. He was a senior civil

servant in the Government of India. He administered the state with the help of

bureacurats from Madras state and Bombay state.

The Nizam was given the ceremonial position of “Raj pramukh” or “

Governor”.

First elected chief minister

In the first state assembly election in India, 1952, Dr.Burgula Ramakrishna

Rao was elected chief minister of Hyderabad state. During this time there were

violent agitations by some Telanganites to send back bureaucrats from Madras

state, and to strictly implement “Mulki-rules” (Local jobs for locals only), which

was part of Hyderabad state law since 1919.



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Districts of Hyderabad state

Administratively, Hyderabad state was made up of sixteen districts, grouped

into four divisions:

Aurangabad division included Aurangabad, Beed, Nanded, and parhani districts ;

Gulshanabad division or Medak division included Atraf-i-Baldah (Hyderabad),

Mahabubnagar district, Medak districk, Nalgona district (Nalgundah), and

Nizambad districts, and waragal divison included Adilabad, Karimnagar, and

Warangal districts (present Khammamdistrict was part of Warangal district).

Merger with Andhra state

In 1956 during the Recorganisation of the Indian states based along

linguistic lines, the Telugu speaking region of the state of Hyderabad state was

merged with Andhra state. The Marathi speaking region was merged with Bombay

state and Kannada speaking region with Mysore state.

The states Reorganisation commission (SRC) was not in favour of an

immediate merger of Telugu speaking Telangana region of Hyderabad state with

Andhra state, despite their common language. Para 378 of the SRC report said one

of the principal causes of opposition of vishalandhra also seems to be the

aprehension felt by the educationally backward people of Telangana that they may

be swamped and exploited by the more advanced people of the coastal areas.

Andhra state and Hyderabad state were merged to form Andhra Pradesh on

1, November 1956, after providing safeguards to Telangana in the from of

Gentlemen’s agreement. But in June 2014, Telangana re-emerged as a separate

state. Hyderabad city will continue to be the capital of both Andhra Pradesh and

Telangana for 10years.

Chief ministers of Hyderabad

Major General Choudhary - Military governor 1948-1949

M.K.Vellodi - 1950-1953 (appointed by Government of India)

Burugula Ramakrishna Rao - 1953-56



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III) Hyderabad state in Independent India :

Burgula Ramakrishna Rao –

1953-56 : In the first general elections held in Hyderabad state in 1952, Dr.

Rao was elected from shadnagar constituency, and later took over the reins of the

state as the chief minister.

He was the first and the last elected Chief Minister of the former Hyderabad

state and first Telugu leader after two and a half centuries of Asaf Jahi rule of

Hyderabad state. He ran a popular administration for almost five years until the

state was trifurcated and Telangana merged with Andhra to become Andhra

Pradesh.

He took several significant steps for the welfare of the people, including the

historic Land reforms in the state. The passage and implemenation of the famous

Hyderabad Tenancy and Agricultural Act to 1950, followed in 1954 by Hyderabad

Tenancy and Agricultural lands (Amendment) Act, was an important signpost of

land reforms in the country. Dr.Rao not only provided the conceptual framework

for these Acts but also piloted their passage and vigorously pushed through their

implementation, providing tenancy rights to those who had been cultivationg lands

for some time. Dr. Rao could foresee the shape of things to come and feel the pulse

of the people and the need for an integrated state of Telugu- speaking people-he

put his weight as the elected Chief minister of the state in favor of visalandhra that

helped the formation of Andhrapradesh on November 1, 1956. He thus became that

architect of the AP state.

From November 1956 to July 1960, Dr.Ramakrishna Rao was the Governor

of Kerala and later Governor of Uttar pradesh till April 1962. He was later elected

to the Rajya sabha. In which he served from 1962 to 1966. He died on September

14, 1967.

1952 Mulki Agitation or Mulkhi Agitation was a a political movement for

the safeguard of jobs in Hyderabad stategovernment. It was the first event in

Telangana movement.

History

After the Annexation of Hyderabad state into the Indian Union, the

administration was under military Government, J.N.Chauhuri. There was a large



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scale recruitment in the Hyderabad state government, but the non-local new

recruits occupied positions meant for the locals under the Mulki rules provided by

the erstwhile ruler, the Nizam of Hyderabad. There was widespread

discontentment among the locals which led to the agitation.

The Agitation :

In 1952, students led an agitation against non Mulkis or non localss (Mulki

meaning locals). The popular slongns were Ghair Mulki go back or Non-Mulki go

back and Idli sambar go back. Telanagana protagonist K.Jayashankar was on his

way in a bus to participate in the agitation, but the bus broke down in Bongir and

could not take part in it.

State Recorganisation Commission :

The states recorganisation commission (SRC) was a body constitude by the

central Government of India in 1953 to recommend the reorganization of state

boundaries. In 1955, after nearly 2 years of study, the commission recommended

that India’s state boundaries should be reorganized to form 16 states and 3 union

territories.

Back ground

India Administrative Divisions in 1951

After India became independent from the British Empire in 1947, the

constituent units of India were classified

India Administrative Divisions in 1951

After India became independent from the British Empire in 1947, the constituent

units of India were classified under the following distinct categories :

Categor

y

Descriptio

Administrator

States



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Part A

States

Former

British

Provinces

An elected

governor and state

legislature

9 States: Assam, Bihar,

Bombay, East Punjab, Madhya

Pradesh, Madras, Orissa, Uttar

Pradesh, west Bengal

Part B

states

Former

Princely

States or

Groups of

Covenantin

G states

Rajpramukh

(former princes)

9 states: Hyderabad, Jammu

and Kashmir, Madhya Bharat,

Mysore, Patiala, and East

Punjab states Union (PEPSU),

Rajasthan, Saurashtra,

Travancor e-Cochin , and

Vindhya Pradesh.

Part C

states

Former

Princely

States and

provinces

Chief

Commissioner

10 states: Ajmer, Coorgm

Cooch, Behar, Bhopal,

Bilaspur, Delhi, Himachal

Pradesh, Kutch, Manipur and

Tripura.

Part D

states

Union

Territory

Governor

appointed by the

Indian president

Andaman and Nicobar Islands

The borders of these states, inherited from British India, were not suitable

for easy administration. The internal provincial borders of British India were a

result of historical events, as well as political, military and strategic planning by

the British. The government agreed that the recorganization of state borders was

necessary, but the basis of reorganization was yet to be determined.

One of hte proposals was to reorganize the state on the basis of languages of

India. This would make administration easire, and would help replace tha caste and

religion-based identities with less controversial linguistic identities. Earlir in 1920,

the members of the Indian states as one of the party’s political goals. The

provincial committees of the party were set on this basis since 1920. In 1927, the

congress declared that it was committed to “to redistribution of provinces on a

linguistic basis”, and reaffirmed its stance several times, including in the election

manifesto of 1945-46.



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But, soon after independence, the congress-led Government became

concerned that the states formed solely on a linguistic basis might be unsuitable,

and might even pose a risk to the national unity. On 17 June 1948, Rajendra

prasad, the president of the constituent Assembly, set up the Linguistic provinces

commission (aka Dar Commission) to recommend whether the states should be

reorganized on linguistic basis or not. The committee included SKDar (retired

Judge of the Allahabad High court,), JN Lal (lawyer) and Panna Lall (retired

Indian Civil service Officer). In its 10 December 1948 report, the commission

recommended that “the formation of provinces on exclusively or even mainly

linguistic considerations is not in the larger interests of the Indian nation. It

recommended the reorganization of the provinces of Madras, Bombay and Central

provinces and Berar primarily on the basis of geographical contiguity financial

self-sufficiency and ease of administration. Soon after the repot was published, the

congress, at its Jaipur session, set up the “JVP committee” to study the

recommendations of the Dar Commission. The committee, comprised Jawaharalal

Nehru and Vallabhbhai patel, in addition to the congress president pattabhi

sitaramayya. In its report dated 1 April 1949, the committee stated that the time

was not suitable for formation of new provinces, but also stated “if public

sentiment is insistent and overwnelming, we, as democrats, have to submit to it,

but subject to certain limitations in regard to the good of India as a whole.

B.R.Ambedkar submitted a Memorandum (dated 14 October 1948) to the

Dar Commission, supporting the formation of linguistic provinces, specifically the

formation of the Marathimajority Maharashtra state with Bombay as its capital. To

addressw the concern of national unity, he suggested that the official language of

every province should be same as the official language of the Central government.

K.M.Munshi, a Gujarati leader opposed to incoporation of Bombay in the proposed

Maharashtra state, opposed the linguistic reoganization proposal, saying that “ the

political ambition of a linuistic group can only be satisfied by the exclusion and

discrimination of other linguistic groups within the area. No safeguards and no

fundamental rights can save them from the subtle psychological exclusion which

linguism implies.”

By the 1952, the demand for creation of a Telugu-Majority state in the parts

of the Madras state had become powe ful. Potti Sreeramulu, one of the activitis

demanding the fromation of a Telugu-majorty state, died on 16 December 1952

after undertaking a fast-unto-death. Subsequently, the Telugu-majority Andhra

state was formed in 1953. This sparked off agitations all over the country, with

linguistic groups demanding separate statehoods.



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In order to recorganise the states, the government of India constituted the

state recorganisation commission (SRC) under the chairmanship of Fazl Ali, a

former supreme court judge.

SRC report

The commission submitted its report on 30 September 1955, with the

following recommendations :

1. The three-tier (part-A/B/C) state system should be abolished.

2. The institution of Rajapramukh and special agreement with former princely

states should be abolished.

3. The general control vested in Government of India by Article 371 should be

abolished.

4. Only the following 3 states should be the un iln Territories : Andaman and

Nicobar, Delhi and Manipur. The other Part -C/D territories should be

merged with the adjoining states.

The report was tabled in the Lok Sabha on 14 December 1955.

In part II of report of the states reorganization commission (SRC) 1955,

titled “Factors Bearing on Reorganization”, the commission clearly said that “it is

neither possible nor desirable to recoganise states on the basis of the single test of

either language of our national unity.

Implementation

The states recoganisation Act of 1956 implemented some of the

recommendations of the SRC.

In addition to the three Union Territories (UTS) proposed by the SRC, it also

established a total of 14 states in addition to these UTs.

B. R. Ambedkar submitted a Memorandum (dated 14 October 1948) to the

Dar commission, Supporting the formation of linguistic provinces, specifically the

formation of the Maratimajority Maharashtra state with Bombay as its capital. To

address the concern of national unity, he suggested that the official langaue of the



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central government. KM Munshi, a Gujarati leader opposed to incorporation of

Bombay in the proposed Maharashtra state, opposed the linguistic reorganization

proposal, saying that “ the political ambition of alinguistic group can only be

satisfied by the exclusion and discrimination of other linguistic groups within the

area. NO safeguards and no fundamental rights can save them from the subtle

psychological exclusion which linguism implies.

The Gentlemen’s Agreement :

The gentlemen’s agreement of Andhra Pradesh was signed between

Telangana and Andhra leaders before the formation of the state of Andhra Pradesh

in 1956. The agreement provided safeguards with the purpose of preventing

discrimination against Telangana by the government of Andhra Pradesh. The

violations of this agreement are cited as one of the reasons for formations of

separate statehood for Telanagan.

Background

The Gentlemen’s agreement of Andhra Pradesh has a precedent in the

sribagh pact of 1937 which was between the leaders of Rayalaseema and coastal

Telugu speaking districts of Madras state to provide assurances for Rayalaseema

in return for their willingness to join Andhra state. This unbinding pact was largely

forgotten probably because of the large political representation the region has had

in the state governments since independence.

When the Hyderabad state led by the Noam of Hyderabad was invaded by

India in operation Polo, there was a debate in the Telugu-speaking districts of the

Hyderabad state (1948-56) (also known as Telangana), on whether to join the

newly formed Andhra state, carved out of Telugu speaking districts of Madras

state.

States recoganisation commission (SRC), in 1955, recommended that “the

Telangana area is to constitute into a separate state, which may be known as the

Hyderabad state with provision for its unification with Andhra after the general

elections likely to be held in or about 1961 if by a two thirds majority the

legislature of the residency Hyderabad state expresses itself in favor of such

unification.”

Opposition to the merger



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Hyderabad chief minister in his letter to the congress president said

communist parties supported the merger for their political calculations. Hyderabad

PCC chief said overwhelming majority from congress party opposed the merger

and communists were elected in special circumstances in 1951 and visalandhra was

not a political issue in 1951 and Assembly does not replect people’s view on this

issue. He also said 80% of congress delegates who were elected in 1955 opposed

merger. Government had to provide the additional security for communist leaders

who supported the Visalandhra. The locals agitated against the non-locals in 1952

Mulki Agitation.

In Hyderabad assembly out of 174 MLAs on 3 December 1955, 147 MLAs

expressed their view. 103 MLA’s (including Marathi and Kannada MLAs)

supported the merger, 16 MLAs maintained neutral stand and 29 opposed merger.

Among Telangana MLAs, 25 Telangana MLAs disagreed with the merger, 59

Telangana MLAs supported the merger. Out of 94 Telangana MLAs in the

assembly, 36 were communists (PDF), 40 were congress, 11 were socialist party

(SP), 9 were independents. Voting did not take place on the resolution because

Telangana proponents insisted on to including the phrase “As per the wishes of

people” in the resolution.

To continue the leadership of Telangana to join the new state, an agreement

was reached between the leaders of both sides on February 20, 1956. This came to

be known as the Gentlemen’s agreement, allowed the formation of the state of

Andhra Pradesh in 1956, against the SRC’s recommendations.

Agreement text

A Regional standing committee :

1. There will be on legislature for the whole of Andhra Pradesh which will be

the sole law making body for the entire state and there be one governor for

the state aided and advised by the council of ministers responsible to the

state Assembly for the entire field of administration.

2. For the more Telangana region there will be a regional standing committee

of the state assembly consisting of the members of the state Assembly

belonging to that region including the ministers from that region but not

including the chief minister.

3. For the Telanganan region there will be a regional standing committee of

the state assembly consisting of the members of the state Assembly



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belonging to that region including the ministers from that region but not

including the chief minister.

4. Legislation relating to specified matters will be referred to the Regional

committee. In respect of specified matters proposals may also be made by

the regional committee to the state government for legislation or with regard

to the question of general policy not involving any financial commitment

other than expenditure of a routine and incidental character.

5. The advice tendered by the regional committee will normally be accepted by

the government and the state legislature. In case of difference of opinion,

reference will be made to the governor whose decision will be binding.

6. The Regional committee will deal with following matters :

i) Development and economic planning within the framework of the general

development plans formulated by the state legislature.

ii) Local self government, that is to say, the constitunal powers of Municipal

corporations, improvement Trusts, District Boards and district authorities for

the purpose of local self government or village Administration.

iii) Public health and sanitation, local hospitals and dispensaries.

iv) primary and secondary education.

v) Regulation of admission to the educational institutions in the Telangana

region.

vi) prohibition

vii) sale of agricultural lands.

viii) cottage and small scale Industries, and

ix) Agriculture, cooperative societies, Markets and Fairs.

Unless revised by agreement earlier this arangment will be reviewed after

ten years.



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B. Domicile Rules :

Telangana is regarded as a unit as far as recruitment to subordinate services

ins concerned; posts borne on the carde of these services may be reserved for being

filled up by persons who satisfy the domicile conditions as Precribed under the

excting Hyderabad Mulki rules. (12 years of stay in Telangana area).

C. The position of Urdu:

The government of India would advise the state government to take

appropriate steps to ensure that the existing position of Urdu in administrative and

judicial structure of the state is maintained for a period of five years.

D. Retrenchment of surplus personnel in the new state :

The government of India do not anticipate any retrenchment. The intention

is that so far as possible, the service personnel from the Hyderabad state should be

automatically integrated into the services of the Andhra Pradesh without any

process of screening. Should, however, any retrenchment be found necessary, the

entire personnel of the services of the enlarged state will be treated on equal

footing.

E. Distribution of expenditure between Telangana and Andhra Regions :

Allocation of expenditure with the resources of the state is a matter which

falls within the purview of the state government and the state legislature... Since,

howere , it has been agreed to the representatives of Andhra and Telangana that

the expenditure of hte new state on central and general administration should be

borne proportionately by the two regions and the balance of income should be

reserved for expenditure on the development of Telangana area, it is open to the

state government to act in accordance with terms of agreement in making

budgetary allocations. The Government of India propose to invite the attention of

the chief minister of Andhra to this particular understanding and to express the

hope that it will be implemented.

F. The existing educational facilities :

including Technical education in Telangana should be secured to the

students of Telangana and further improved----



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G. The cabinet

will consist of members in proportion of 60:40 percent for Andhra and

Telangana respectivel, out of 40% of Telanganan ministers, one will be a Muslim

from Telangana. If the chief minister is from one region the other should be given

DY Chief ministership.

1969 Agitation for Telangana

The Telangana agitation in the first week of January 1969 in Chama when

students demanded the implementation of the Telangana safeguards enumerated in

the Gentlemen’s Agreement. It soon spread to different parts of Telangana. The

students got divided into two groups : one demanding the implementation of

safeguards and the other demanding a separate Telangana state.

Non -Gazetted Officers threatened direct action on January 11, 1969, if their

demands were not met. At the out break of the agitation, the Chief Minister of

Andhra Pradesh called for an All party meeting and announced that there was a

perfect unanimity among the leaders to achieve full integration of Andhra Pradesh

state.

Two issues were discussed and agreed upon :

1) The appointment of a senior civil service officer to decide the question of

Telangana surpluses.

2) Relieving of all domicile persons from Telangana posts and providing jobs

for them in the Andhra region.

Following the All-Party Accord of January 1969, the state Government

issued orders for the transfer of non-domicile public employees from Telangana.

The Government order on these transfers was the Public Employment Act of 1957.

The rules were challenged by Andhra empolyees in the Andhra Pradesh High

Court. The High Court struck down the Public Employment Act and the rules. The

Government appealed to the division bench of the High Court.

A Few other Andhra employees led by A.V.S.Narasimha Rao field a

separate writ petition in the supreme court on February 4, 1969, Challenging the

validity of the Government order and also the public Employment Act 1957 and



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the rules. The constitution bench of the Supreme court gave its judgement on

March 28 quashing the government order.

As a follow-up measure of the All-Party accord, the Chief Minister of

Andhra Pradesh arranged for the accounting of Telangana suplus funds. Kumar

Lalith, Deputy comptroller and Auditor General, assessed the surplus funds as Rs.

34.10 Crores.

The Telangana agitation continued in the meantime. In the beginning it was

leaderless.

Madan Mohan, a lawyer. formed a forum known as the Telangana Praja

Samithi (TSP) in February 1969. Chenna Reddy was sympathetic to these leaders.

Violence increased. Firing was often employed to disperse violent crowds. The

TPS organized conventions in many towns across Telangan and soon got

strengthened. Chenna Reddy came out openly in support a separate Telangana and

K.V.Ranga Reddy gave his belssings to the movement. law and order continued to

deteriorate.

The prime Minister Indira Gandhi discussed the problem with leaders of the

opposition in parliament on April 9, 1969. Except for the Swatantra party all other

did not supprot a separate state. The prime Minister Indira Gandhi rejected the

demand for the ouster of Kasu Brahmananda Reddy from the leadership of the

Andhra Pradesh congress.

The Prime Minister announced an Eight-point Formula on April 11,

1969 to ensure the development of Telangana. In consonance with this

formula,

Eight point plan

After several days of talks with leaders of both regions, on 12 April 1969,

Prime minister came up with Eight point plan.

Eight point plan :

This plan includes appointment of five committees:

1. High-powered committee would be set up to determine financial surpluses to

Telangana



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2. Telangana development committee.

3. Plan implementation committee.

4. Committee of jurists to be consulted on safeguards

5. Committees to look into grievances of public servants .

Telangana leaders were not satisfied with the accord.

the Centre appointed two committees:

1. Committee of Jurists under former Justice K.N.Wanchoo to suggest

measures to provide constitutional safeguards for the Telangana people in

the matter of public employment.

2. Committee under Justice Bhargava to assess the revenue surpluses of

Telangana.

In spite of these measure the agitation mounted and grew in itensity. Bandhs,

hartals and processions were very frequent. Demand for a separate state became

the central theme of the agitation.

The prime minister visited Hyderabad on June 4, 1969. She met leaders of

different groups and political parties. Subsequently, then Union Home Minister,

Y.B.Chavan, also visited Hyderabad to have discussions. Consensus reached on

two things :

1) The dismissal of Brahmanada Reddy’s ministry.

2) Proclamation of Presidential rule in Andhra Pradesh.

Realizing that the agitation was very strongly motivated, particularly about

the dismissal of his government, Brahmanada Reddy tendered his resignation on

June 27. The congress leadership sent congress president Nijalingappa and a senior

member Kamaraj Nadar, to seek the verdict of the state Legislature Party. The

Congress Legislature Party affirmed its support to Kasu Brahmananda Reddy and



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suggested that he should continue until normalcy was restored and a peaceful

changeover should be opted, giving the leadership to someone from Telangana.

The leaders felt that agitation politics alone would not be sufficient to

dethrone Brahmananda Reddy. This realization made the TPS enter into the

electoral politics. It won a by election in June 1970, defeating the congress (R). By

this time, the congress had already spilt at the national level and the TPS supported

the leadership of Indira Gandhi. Brahmanda Reddy also supported her.

In the December of 1970, Indira Gandhi dissolved the Lok Sabha and

announced a mid-term poll. The TPS eventually constested all the 14 seats to

Parliament from Telengana and won 10 out of them. In spite of her over whelming

majority in the LokSabha, Indira Gandhi did not give any leverage to the TPS

which opted for a compromise in September 1971 and merged with the Congress

(R) . The deal involed:

1. Continuation of Mulki Rules ;

2. Separate budget and accounts for Telangana

3. Separate Pradesh Congress Committee for Telangana

4. Resignation of Brahmananda Reddy in favor of a Chief Minister from

Telangana.

The Telangana agitation did not achieve its important goal a sperate state,

but secured assurance of safeguards for the region. Its achievement was quite

significant. It wrested fro the first time the Chief Minster, P.V.Narasimha Rao

(Former Education Minister in the state cabinet) was an integratiionist and

politically a light weight in the Reddy dominated Telangana politics. Ten

Government spending diversion

Justice Bhargava committee which looked ito Telangana surpluses, found

that 283 million rupees diverted from Telangana to Andhra region between 1956

and 1968. Economist C H Hanumanth Rao further analyzed the data from the

committee report and concluded that for Telangana, cumulative surplus with



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interest during that period was 1.174 Billion rupees. During this period, the

revenue budget of the state grew from 586 million rupees in 1957 to 2.04 billion

rupees in 1968.

Government employees and opposition members of the state legislative

assembly threatened “direct action” in support of the students. Purushotham Rao

was for outright separation, and he supported the student views. He unveiled a map

of Telangana in the state assembly.

Portfolios in his ministry went to Telangana, three of them belonging to the

erstwhile TPS.

Chenna Reddy and Telangana Praja Samithi

Although the congress faced some dissension within its ranks, its leadership

stood against additional linguistic states. As a result, defectors from the Congress,

led by M.Chenna Reddy, founded the Telangana Praja Samithi (TPS) political

party in 1969 which intensified the movement. In June, Prime Minister Indira

Gandhi Came to Hyderabad to discuss the issue with Telangana leaders. Telangana

employee unions started strike on June 10 supporting Telangana movement. Major

leaders of the movement were jailed in July and released in August upon court’s

intervention. With the success of bye elections, TPS decided to contest

Parliamentary election alone wven though congress party tried to become electoral

ally. In the May 1971 parliamentary elections, Telangana Praja Samithi won 10 out

the 14 parliament seats in Telangana. Despite these electoral successes, some of

the new party leaders gave up their agitation in September 1971 after realizing that

the Prine Minister was not inclined to towards a separate state of Telangana, and

rejoined the safer political haven of the congress ranks. In a book written by the

secretary of External Affairs, T.N.Kaul and published in 1982, he mentioned that

in 1969 prime minister Indira Gandhi wanted to commence the process of

formation of a separate state for Telangana by instructing Sri P.N.Haksur, her

senior secretary in the PMO, but she had to withdraw at the last mintue due to

intervention by kaul who dissuaded her from it by reminding that Hyderabad’s

case was pending in the Security council. United Nations dropped tha Hyderabad’s

case.

Students role :

Some students protested “implementation of the safe guards from Andhra

Pradesh” while some protested for a “separate Telangana”. The local newspaper



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Indian Express reported that the latter group were dominant. According to the 19

January 1969 edition of The Indian Express, the agitation turned violent when a

crowd attempted to set fire to a sub-inspector’s residence. 17 were injured in police

firing. Discussions about the promised safe-guards were held. The Telangana

Regional committee was, however, not fully convinced of the out come. This

agitation was met by a counter agitation by the Andhra students accusing the

transfer Andhra employees as a discrimination between one region and other. The

transfers were eventually challenged in the high-court.

Protest in Kothagudem:

Telangana people protested against non-mulkis and went on strike on

January 5 1969. Krishna daily wage labor went on hunger strike.

Fast unto death by Ravindranath :

Student Ravindranath who lit the Telangan forest fire in Chama was still on

fast, and his health continued to deteriorate. In solidarity, students intensified their

protests. Kodada is a Noam Telangana town on the coastal Andhra border.

Agitators stopped the buses going from Kodada to the Kosta districts, stranding

500 passengers.

As days passed, the student movement gradually turned violent. Two student

groups, one demanding a separate state, another demanding special protection for

the region, staged rallies in the city. Students blocked the gates of the secretariat

for 90 minutes. In Chama, students resorted to throwing stones and damaged many

Road Transportation corporation (R.T.C) buses. They also attacked the telephone

and telegraph offices and destroyed the communication infrastructure. Because of

the violence, the R.T.C halted bus sevices between the Telangana and Andhra

regions.

CM Sri Kasu Brahmananda Reddy urged people not to be misled by the

separatist slogans. He said that, with the limited sesources it has, the government

was doing everything in its power to develop backward regions of the states. He

reminded people that, out of 165 villages electrified in the states, 85 of them were

in Mahaboob nagger alone.

G.O.36 :



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At the meeting of the leaders of all the political parties of the Legislature

held on 19th January, 1969 to consider the measure for ensuring effective

implementation of the Telengana safeguards, the following decision has been taken

in regard to employment in posts reserved for domiciles of Telengana region: “All

non-domicile persons, who have been appointed either directly by promotion or by

transfer to posts reserved under the Andhra Pradesh published Employment

(Recruitment as to Residence) Rules, 1959 for domiciles of Telengana Region will

be immediately relieved from service. The posts so rendered vacant will be filled

by qualified candidates possessing domicile qualifications and in cases where such

candidates are not available the post shall be provided employment in the Andhra

region without breaking service and by creating supernumerary posts, if

necessary.” 2. with a view to implementing the above decision government issue

the following orders : All non- domicile persons appointed on or after 1st

November, 1956 to the following categories of posts reserved for domiciles of

Telengana under the A.P. public employment (R.R) Rules, shall be relieved not

later than 28th February, 1969.

(1) In the 79.

Fove point Formula :

Telengana : My 5 - point Formula

In due course, once the president sends the proposal to the state, the

Assembly can recommend the following!

1. Conduct a people’s referendum in Telangana. If a large majority prefer

splitting, go ahead and form a new state.

2. Since it makes sense geo graphically, keep Hyderabad in Telangana. Make

it the joint capital for three years.

3. Pass on 13/23 share of revenues generated from Hyderabad to seemandhra

for the next ten years to build a new capital city; the centre to contribute an

equal amount.

4. A GOM can work out a fair formula for dividing other resources such as

water and power.



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5. Make usage of words like “settlers” a criminal offence. Every Indian citizen

has equal rights all over India.

Mobilization phase (1971-1990) :

1st case :

Andhra Pradesh state electricity board filed a case in highcourt to implement

mulki rules in electricity board in Kothagudem thermal power plant

According to 1957 public employments act Andhra Pradesh state Electricity Board

does not come under this act.

This sown the seeds of Telagana in Kothagudem.

Jai Andhra movement is a 1972 political movement in support for the

creation of Andhra state in the light of perceived injustices felt by the people of the

coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema Regions in the police firing eight people were

killed. It was starred after the failure to implement on local rule for government

jobs. Prominent leaders from Coastal Andhra like Gouthu Latchanna, B.V.Subba

Reddy, Kakani Venkataratnam, Vasantha Nagashwar Rao etc. Participated in the

agitation. It was a sequal to the 1969 Telangana movement. However, the unlike

the Telanganas of the Andhra regions wanted a separate state without the

developed capital of Hyderabad. Over 400 people sacrificed their lives for the

movement. One of the main opinions expressed was “Development is seen only in

and around Hyderabad and it is time the coastal districts also develop rapidly.”

Grievances of the Andhra and Rayalaseema regions felt that Mulki rules were

unfair to them and they were “being treated like aliens in their own land.” The

agitatiors, unfortunate and further deepened the rift demand as logical in light of

the separate Telangana movement.

The movement

Under the Mulki rules in force at the time, anyone who had lived in

Hyderabad for 15 years was considered a local, and was thus eligible for certain

government posts. When the supreme court un help the Mulki rules at the end of

1972, the Jai Andhra movement, with the aim of reforming a separate state of

Andhra, was started in coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions.



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In 1972, Gouthu Latchanna took a leading role in the Jai Andhra movement

started by students of Andhra University demanding th division of Andhra Pradesh

into old Andhra state and Telangana state on the issue of “Mulki” rules. He was

imprisoned in Mushirabad Central Jail and released in 1973.

Police firing

Thirteen people killed in 3 places in Andhra on November 21 during the

bandh call given by student body. In the police firing eight people were killed on

December 23 in Vijayawada Kakani venkata Ratnam, a former minister, died of

shock at the height of separate Andhra agitation on December 25, 1972 when eight

people were killed in police firing. given Aftermath

Removel of Mulki rules and all other demands were met and a six-point

formula was put in place.

After nine ministers from Seemandhra region in the P.V.Narasimha Rao

cabinet resigned, he had to resign as chief minister of Andhra Pradesh on 10

January 1973, and president’s rule was imposed in the state.

Article 371 (d) :

Article 371(d) forms a part of the constitution of India. It safeguards the rights of

local people in employment and education and was created after agitation in the

state of Andhra Pradesh. It was incorporated as the 32nd Amendment of the

constitution in 1974. It has became a bone of contention for the bifurcation of the

state of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana.

Officers or Jaya Bharat Reddy committee :

The officer’s committee headed by K. Jaya Bharat Reddy (1985) found

major violations and, as a result, GO 610 was issued. This too was violated as the

House committee on Implementation of GO 610 (20001) and the J. M. Girglani

Commission (2003) found. So all the efforts constitutional amendment,

presidential order, House committees etc - resulted in worse results due to bad

intentions. Finally, the only logical solution came to pass and Telangana was

granted statehood.

However, the Andhra Pradesh Reorganization Act, 2014 extended the

provisions of Article 371D to the new state of Telangana. This was intended to



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help the Telngana government protect local employment and educational

opportunities even after statehood was achieved.

The question now is very simple. The presidential Order 1975 continues to apply

to the residuary state of Andhra Pradesh only. It no longer legally applies to

Telangana. Though the enabling Article 371D applies to Telangana, it only allows

the Telangana government to apply for a new order-not use the old one.

The Telangana government must, therefore, apply now for a fresh

presidential order 2015. In order to do so, it must devise a fresh scheme with new

zones (districts) and new set of qualifications in terms of duration fo residence, etc

and identify cadres where these will apply. It may or may not set quotas for non-

locals.

Will it follow the old Mulki rules model or repeat the formula of the 1975?

The order will be crucial in defing who is a genuine local person. If is sets quotas

non-locals these should be anyone who is a citizen of the Republic.

Whatever the scheme, a Telangana Presidential order is imperative. This

new presidential order must come in force before the recruitment drive proposed

by the Telangana Government is undertaken. It will also assist in such schemes as

the FAST scholarship and other social welfare schemes intended for the benefit of

locals.

Birth of naxalism inTelangana :

The Naxalite movement raised its head in Telangana region for the first time

in early 1970. One of main impetuses for its raise was the unprecedented,

undemocratic and brutal manner in which the then government of Andhra Pradesh

suppressed the agitation for realization of just and long standing demand of people

for a separate state of Telangana in 1969-70. Nearly three hundred and seventy

(370) people, many in flower or their youth, died in indiscriminate police firing.

The demand for demerger of Telangana from Andhra Pradesh had its roots in

deliberate apathetic attitude and blatant refusal of successive governments in

implementing various constitutional safeguards, deliberate flouting of Gentlemen’s

Agreement, various government orders (GOs), formulae, judge ments of High

court and supreme court etc. which originally guaranteed the use of Telangana’s

resources for the development of Telengana alone and government jobs for mulkis

of Telangana alone. The simmering discontent at monumental disregard of



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successive governments for various safeguards coupled with dersive attitude of

people from Andhra area towards their culture and language made proud people of

Telangana fiercely determined about restoring their original status as a separate

state in the Indian union. This was reflected in unequivocal and near unanimous

support for the regional party that took up the cause of Telangana then. Telanagana

Praja Samithi (TPS), got 11 out 14 Loksabha seats, in the General Elections of

1971, in the face of a huge emotional surge in favour of congress party of Indira

Gandhi elsewhere in the country, in the aftermath of Indo-pak war leading to the

creation of Bangladesh.

However, the democratic and just demand for a separate state of Telangana

was brutally suppressed and repressed and the political class betrayed the trust of

its people. No longer able to express their discontent through positive and

democratic means of agitations and elections many a young man, steeped as they

were in the spirit of times, took to the apparently attractive route of Naxalism.

Though naxalism had initially scored few brownie points in the first two decades

of its existence apparently dovetailing with avowed socialistic pattern of society

aspired to in the constitution, people of Telangana have realized true colors of

Naxalism and lent an active hand in consing it to its true place-the dustbin of

history . Naxalism no longer commands the kind of respect and awe it once

inspired among cross sections of people and it can now at best draw a yawn among

the well-informed and a yearning among ultra left-inclined intelligentsia for blood

soaked utopia inspired by their chairman Mao Tse Tung.

It should not be forgotten that the naxalite movement in Andhra Pradesh

started in 1969 (first time in Srikakulam district in north coastal Andhra Pradesh),

while Andhra Pradesh has been one of the largest states in India. If one goes by the

analogy that smaller states become havens of naxalite activity, then the state of

Andhra Pradesh shouldn’t have seen the naxalite movement at all.

3) Naxalism and non-Telangana rules:

Naxalism was confined to very few sections of Telangana society even

during its halcyon days. These few sections of society, supported by a few

perverted intellectuals provided a willing fodder fro propagating the false

propaganda of Naxalism. To add fuel to fire, the successive governments tipped

the the scales in far our of Naxalism by treating it a mere law and order issue over

looking the enormous socio-economic complexity of the problem. Successive

governments sought to brush the issue of Naxalism under the carpet and people of

the region had to pay heavy price. Perhaps, the leadership of Andhra Pradesh state

which mainly hailed from Andhra and Rayalaseema regions had a tacit



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understanding that the stranglehold of Naxalism would continue and be confined to

Telangana region only there by ensuring that their rapacious of the region’s

resources would continue unabated.

3) Futility of armed struggle: With the passage of time, the mindless

violence and indiscriminate killings indulged in by Naxalites and their supporters

have made the people of Telangana realize that Naxalism does not care for them

but it actually stands for anarchy and underdevelopment. The people realized that

Naxalism in fact has avested interest in keeping them under ducated and

underemployed and that it feeds offf their underdevelopment like a maggot off a

dead animal. Though such realization had not happened over night, it did happen

and people have overthrown the shackles of violent Naxalism and embraced

wholesale the Mantra of development.

There has also been a paradigm shift in the outlook of the people of

Telangana in the last one and a half diads away from revolutionary politics. This

was due to fall of soviet Russia to some extent, and also due to open capitalist

system China, which boasts of ‘dictatorship of the Proletatiat’ has adopted from

late 1970 onwards. The sections which supported Naxalism in Telangana also

understood the futility of engaging the all-powerful state in an armed conflict and

realized that non-violent and constitutional means alone would bring about the

social and economic advancement. Towards this directions, formation of

Telangana state alone was thought to be the panacea for all the ills plaguing

Telangana. The last 20 years have seen a big growth of middle class in Telangana,

which is against violence. Some of the intellectuals among the middle class in

Telangana, which is against violence. Some of the itellectuals among the middle

class did tremendous reserch in various fields exposing the flagrant injustices

meted out to Telangana by the non-telangana (Andhra) rulers, giving intellectual

base and moral support to the Telangana statehood cause. That’s how we have seen

the formation of so many organisation and fora in the last fifteen years agitating for

Telangana. And the formation of Telangna Rashtra samithi (TRS) in 2001 is a

watershed in the direction.

The Telangana society even now witnesses live examples of the furility of

the armed struggle.We see show people who subscribe to the militant ideology got

killed and how their family members suffer even now ; we see people who are still

underground could not actieve anything substantially; we see people who dabbled

with naxalite politics gave up underground life and how they struggle to readjuist

them selves in society or difficulties facea by them in reintegrating themselves into

society. So with all these live examples, why would anyone join the naxalites?



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The relevance of an alternative political system to parliamentary democracy

in Telangana districts is diminished for a variety of reasons. Hitherto, there was no

accountability on part of the elected representatives and bureaucracy too. In the last

15 years, courtesy various government and non-government initiaves, people

began enforcing their collective will on politician / bureaucrat segments for

accountability. To a large extent they succeeded.

(4). “Telangana Model” :

The police and people of Telangana took up great fight against the menace

of naxalism in the last 30 years with grit and determination and have succeeded in

quelling the naxalite movement to a very large extent. At present, the naxalite

movement is confined to not more than six police station limits in Chama district

(in Telangana), which isbordering Chhattisgarh state. The government of India has

been lauding the efforts of the Andhra Pradesh Government in suppressing the

naxalite movement and exhorting other statesto follow ‘the Andhra Pradesh model’

in quelling the naxalite movement. This much-talked about ‘Andhra Pradesh

model’ is nothing but ‘Telangana model’ , because it is the Telangana police who

stood in the forefront in the fight against the naxalites and laid down their precious

lives and brought the state back from the brink of collapse. It is the police of

Telangana, and not of Andhra, who devised new strategies and imaginative tactics

and methods in handling the naxalite uprising.

(5) The enfrachisement of people :

The democratic process of electing leaders, however chaotic and unruly it

may appear to be has its positive impact among the people. Almost six decades of

elections for various bodies including the constitution mandated enfranchisement

of local bodies and concomitant reservations for the under privileged led to a sea

change in their attitude towards democracy. From merely looking it as an exercise

in seeing their erstwhile kings and feudal overlords transformed into their elected

leaders, they have started looking at them as a tool enfranchising the entire

community as a whole. The compulsory reservations for the dalits, backward

classes and women int the local bodies has enabled emergence of many a capable

leader from among their ranks. From being the faceless and the vioceless, they

became the face and the voice of the nation. This has given hope to cross sections

of society restoring their faith in parliamentary system of democracy. The vacumof

leadership, created by desappearance of feudal elements and landed gentry in

villages in Telangana, has been filled by the sections mostly belonging to

backward classes, scheduled classes and poor or middle class forward castes. In



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70s and 80s, it was the people from scheduled classes, backward classesand poor

forward castes who joined the naxalite movement and went undrground. Now it is

these very backward classes, scheduled classes and poor or middle class forward

classes who are providing leadeship in the village of Telanagana. After tasting

power in villages, these classes have started acting as bulwark against the reentry

of naxalites into Telangana in the last 15 years because they feel that reentry of

naxalites will take away their political power / empowerment.

Earlier, the PW drew ots strength from societal segments like: Students; Workers ;

women’ Landless/ Peasantry, Dailt sections / Middle class. For a variety of

reasons, almost all these setions have withdrawn from the ultra-left politics.

Students have become career oriented ; workers are no more with these political

idelogies (singareni Karmika samakhya (SIKASA), a ferocious armed trade union

outfit, agitationg for the rights of coal mine workers in singareni, dying a natural

death is the best example); the dalit awakening or assertion of its rights by dalits is

the biggest social movement in the recent history, be it for categorisation fo

reservations or the way they take pride in calling themselves with the caste tag;

landless poor/ peasantry have also moved away as land is no more an issue. The

political empowerment has weaned away all these sections from the naxalite

influence.

6) Social profile of rural Telangana :

The social profile the Telangana village has changed tremendously. Even the

lower caste people are following two-child norm very strictly and sending their

children to English medium schools in their villages or nearby towns where

English medium schools are exisiting. These families want their children to study

well, get good employment and grow big in society. Many of these children have

became engineering gradeatesm medical graduates and those who couldn’t prusue

4 professional courese started learning computers and getting jobs in retail outlets,

malls, privatesector, software etc. Thus, there is a trend towards careerism and

success in life than indulging in revolutionary politics and joinging underground

naxalite bands in Telangana. The spread of education going hand in hand with

unprecedented spurt in employment opportunities across the globe has made youth

concentrate on their career and future rather than run after mirage of Naxalism.

Untouchability and discrimination based on caste has almost become a thing of the

past. The new generation hardly faces this problem and all sections of society

intermingle very closely.

(7) Liberalization of economy :



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Five decades of controlled economy could only guarantee shortages of

goods and ideas. People then were timid, taking pride in merely parroting

borrowed slongans and living the dreams of diseased minds. All that changed with

liberalization of economy. Whatever might be stated about the evils that have

befallen the cuntry after detching the socialistic pattern of development and

embracing the liberalization, one positive aspect that cannot be denied is that it

gave people Hope. It has enabled people to dream and dream big and put the tools

in their hands to realize those dreams. Government offers were flowing with cash

and they started inplementing various infrastructural and development projects

besides various welfare measures. The positive effects of liberalization have

certainly trickled down and they can certainly be felt across the region.

4) Distribution of land : The economic profile of the Telangana village has

changed for good. However flawed the government policies of land

distribution might be, it cannot be denied that such polices have made proud

land owners out of many landless poor. Land reforms have been quite well

implemented with lakhs of acres distributed to the landless poor. Coupled

with land distribution, develpment of several irrigation project have assured

at least one crop a year to the poor. The rural folk in Telangana have taken

to commercial cropping like growing chillies, turmeric, cotton etc.. which

are yielding good produce and improving income levels. With establishment

of agricultural market yards in almost every mandal, the farmers are getting

good remunerative prices. Since the market yards are not far away from their

villages, instead of depemding on middlemen and brokers, the farmers

thermselves are taking their produce to the market yards to sell, and if there

is no proper support price, they are able to store their produce in cold storage

godowns, to sell it at a later date when they get a good price.

Another positive aspect of land distribution is that it has to a large extent

eliminated concentration of land in few hands there by removing the bogeyman of

naxalism.

5) Development of telecommunications and road network :

Another aspect of development that has marched onwords hand with

liberalization is enormous incerease in telecommunications and development

of road metwork. Form being and elit means once, a mobile phone has

become a life necessity that truly enfranchised the common man. A trained

artisan without means to advertise his skills has suddenly found himself

within the reach of his potential customers. A farmer in remote area is no

longer at the mercy of the local trader but can easily access the latest



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imformation on prices of farm inputs, their availability and the support price

offered by the government and best market for his produce. Road network

has developed termendously which has reduced not only travel time but also

opened up the 5 interior and inaccessible parts of Telangana to the out side

world. Government machinery including police can reach any part to

Telangana with in no time. This was not the case about 20 years ago.

6) Disappearance if ‘visible enemy’:

There are no exploitative sections or elements in Telangana villages

now. The ‘visible enemy’ ceased to exist in Telangana villages. So, there is

no exploitation of the poor or the feudal oppression. This led to the growth

of cast based associations which have brough about a visible shift in the

rural profile of Telangana. The caste based associations are taking up

struggles in a big way for the improvement of their caste/community. Now,

the people have become more loyal towards their community. The

community associations are even dictating the voting preference of their

community during elections.

7) Role of media:

The phenomenal growth of media insustry in Andhra Pradesh, the

ability of the media to highligh people’s problems (though with a political

slant decided by media managements) led to a situation where people do not

need an alternative political force like Naxalites to voice demands on behalf

of people.

8) Naxalites lost emotional touch with the masses :

If we look at the slogans of Maoists themselves it used to be “land to

the tiller”, “all powers to gram rajya committee”, “poradithe poyyedemi ledu

sankellu tappa” (“We will not lose anything except the fetters if we fight”)

etc, which struck an emotional line with masses and stirred them. Now the

Maoist slogans are: “Down with American imperialism”, “Down with CBB”

(Comprador-Bureaucratic-Bourgeoisie), “Down with LPG (liberalisation,

Privatisation, Globalisation) Policies”. These do not touch masses on an

emotional plane.

9) SC s and ST (POA) Act:



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The SC and ST (POA) Act has played a significant role in

empowering the SCs and STs in villages. It’s a revolutionary legislation. The

SCs and STs who didn’t have a channel to express their

grievances/complaints earlier, used to approach the underground naxalites to

complain them about their victimization and injustices. The naxalites used to

take advantage of the hapless position of the victimised SCs and STs and

lure them into the naxalite fold on the promise of avenging their

victmisation. After the vigorous enforcement of the SC and ST (POA) Act,

the SCs and STs have started approaching the authorities either directly or

through SC, ST associations for redressal of their complaints in legal and

constitutional methods. This denied a very important source of recruitment

into the naxalite fold and sounded death knell for naxalism in Telangana.

With the absence of visible exploitation or visible enemy in Telangana

villages, the naxalites have found it very difficult to get new recruits into

their fold. Nay, they are even finding it difficult to enter villages.

10) Role of universities :

Universities used to be the hub of radical student activities in 70 and

80. In fact, universities played a prominent role in spreading naxalite

ideology and attracted. Scores of brilliant students into naxalite parties.

Radical students Union (RSU), owing allegiance to revolutionary ideology

had great following in colleges. The new generation of students is hardly

attracted towards naxalism. They 6 are showing more interest in shaping

their careers than in dabbling in Ultra-leftist politics. The facts that in the

last 15 years there is not a single graduate who has gone underground into

naxalite fold in Telangana, speaks volumes about the total loosening of the

grip of the naxalite elements on the student community.

11) Generation gap :

Different sections of society in Telangana have witnessed the rise and

fall of naxalite movement. Let us understand this phenomenon with an

illustration. If one generation (say my father’s generation) had benefitted

from the naxalite movement in respect of getting wages enhanced / dignity

to downrodden sections / stopping of atrocities by upper castes, the second

generation (say my generation) too participated in the naxalites movement as

this generation had seen the benefits and experienced them. But the third

generation (Say my son’s generation) has only heard about the catalytic role

played by the naxalites in bringing these social changes to some extent. This



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generation has as strong cennection or empathy with naxalites / pw / Maoists

as they with Mahatma Gandhi. So how would the thinking sections of

Telangana would get attracted to this violent movement?

12) Naxalite struggles and people :

There could be some support for some calls from some sections by the

naxalite elements in Telangana. But even going by the Maoist/ naxalite

analysis itself, people support and participate in all the partial struggles

aimed at getting some economic/ social benefits. But once the benefits are

accrued on account of partial struggles, these benefitted sections move away

from the ultra -left politics and do not get revolutionised. The Maoist

understanding is that small sections of people who get revolutionised. The

Maoist unserstanding is that small sections of people who get benefitted due

to partial struggles (for wage hike, uninterrupted power supply, waiver of

loans, jobs, social causes etc), would get further revolutionized and join the

PPW (protracted People’s War). But this is not happening and they have

conceded this is many documents.

13) ‘Social Investigation’ by Maoists :

In 2004 CPI(ML) (PW) (present CPI (Maoist)) Conducted a

study in north Telangana and brought out a document titled ‘Social

Investigation of North Telangana’. The study contained starting facts

and shocking revelations about the state of naxalite movement in

Telangana.

i) The study talked about lack of support to naxalites due to steep fall in

number of recruits into CPI (ML) PW (present CPI (Maoist)) ;

ii) Lack of quality and educated recruitment from colleges;

iii) Transformation of social and economic profile of rural Telangana;

iv) Growth of capitalist mentality and careerism due to liberalization among

the rural classes ;

v). Improvement in quality of life;



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v) Lack of response to leftist movements;

vi) Enormous increase in communication facilities and road network;

vii) Friendly approach by police department as against its oppressive nature,

which was it hallmark till about early 1990;

viii) Increase in enemy’s (police) informant network in every village, even

though there are no feudal or reactionary elements in villages to pass on

information to police forces; 7

ix) Phenomenal improvement in police resources and construction of ‘attack-

proof’ police station;

x) Empowerment of women and oppressed classes, etc. Thus, finally, the

document that it is very difficult for the naxalites to get back the lost

glory in Telangana.

14) Post 2009 and suicides by Telangana youth :

The preent phase of ingensive Telangana movement started about 3

years ago, i.e.from November 2009. Very rarely does one get to witness a

movement which is so peaceful, democratic and intense. Students have been

in the forefront of this movement wholeheartedly and have gone to the

extent of snuffing out their own lives, but have not harmed other. Nearly 800

youth of Telanagan committed suicides protesting the highly apathetical and

irrational attitude of the Government of India in fulfilling the promise of

creation of Telangana, which it made in December 2009. Maoist did try to

infiltrate the movement, by forming Telangana Praja Front’ (TPF), but

totally failed to influence any sections of the society. They failed to attract

even one recruit into Maoist party either from student community or from

rural Telangana in the last 3 years! To give an example, the bandh Call give

by mainstream polites in support of Telangana, have been roaring successes

whereas the bandh calls given by naxalites have been total failures.



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But, if genuine and democratic aspirations are suppressed and constitutional

processes fail, then definitely there’s every cahnce of frustrated youth taking to

violence and joining naxalite movement, similar to what happened in 1970s in the

aftermath of cruel suppression of Telangana movement in 1969-70.

15) Telangana is not a small state : Saying that Telangana will become

another Chhattisharh because naxalism thrives in smaller states and they

cannot with stand naxalite onslaught is, to say the least, ridiculous. Equating

Chhattisgarh with Telangana is not all correct and smacks of mischief. It is a

propaganda let loose by people with vested and slfish interests and with

ulterior motive, like non-Telangana politicians, non-Telangana bureaucrats

and some section of media to stall formation of state of Telangana.

Telangana is not a small state. It has an area of nearly 1,15,000sq kms and a

population of nearly 4 crores. It will rank 12th in size (larger Bihar and West

Bengal, and much bigger than Punjab and Harayana put together!) and rank 11th in

population (larger than Gujarat, Odisha, Punjab and Harayana ) out of 29 states

(including Telanganan) in India. (Chhattisgarh has an area of 1,35,1919 s qkms

and rank 10th among the Indian states now, and it is larger than Tamil Nadu. Then

how can Chhattisgarh be called a small state? ! Telangana is a little smaller than

Tamil Nadu. A state which is going to rank 11th in population and 12th in size in

area, out of 29 states can, by no stretch of imagination, be called a small state).

20) Naxalism and Chhattisgarh : To understand the growth of naxalism in

Chhattisgarh, one has to delve deep into history.

CPI and CPM :

CPI (ML) (PW) was established in Telangana in April 1980 by Kondapalli

Sitharamaiah, an Andhrite from Krishna district. (By that there were some naxalite

parties like CPI(ML), CPI (ML) Janashakthi, UCCRI (ML), etc already existing in

Telangana, from early 1970s onwards) Sitharamaiah had studied the famous

Telangana Armed peasant uprising of 1946-51, led by communist party of India

(CPI) against the Noam, and later against the Government in Telangana, and

analyzed out because the communist guerrillas then did not have an alternate base

to shift their forces (armed underground cadres) to other plcaes to escape the armed

might of the state. Hence he rightly foresaw that there would certainly be strong

reaction by the state to the armed naxalite insurrection by PW, and he wanted to

develop an alternate base. He thought Bastar district of unified Madhya Pradesh

state would fit the bill perfectly, because of its backwardness, lack of basic

governance, predominant presence of tribals, thick forest cover, etc.



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Thus, in 1980 itself (that is almost simultaneously with its formation in

Telanagana), CPI(ML) (PW) started functioning in Dandakaranya (erstwhile

Bastar dist) of Madhya Pradesh. But as a matter of strategy, it started developing

its organisation styealthily among the tyribals, and refrained from indulging in

viilent activities, unlike in Telangana, where it let loose a reign of terror in rural

areas. Even though it had all the trappings of afull-fledged underground naxalite

party, like having a state committee, district committees, area committees, armed

squads, etc it concentrated only on developing the organisation and befriending the

local tribes in Bastar. The Madhya Pradesh government never took notice of the

presence of Naxalites in this area because the naxalites were not indulging in

vioence. The government there neither developed the areas under naxalite

influence nordeveloped fighting capabilities of the police forces nor put specialized

institutions in place to tackle the naxalite menace. When chhattisgarh state was

formed in 2000 (which was carved out of Madhya Pradesh) it received the legacy

of serious naxalite problem due to decades of apathy, maladministration and

criminal negligence of basic facilities to people by the Madhya Pradesh

government. Naxalism did not grow in Chhattisgarh but was bequeathed to it by

Madhya Pradesh, which was the largest state of India before it was separated.

Again, if large states are insulated from naxalism problem, then why is it that

Madhya Pradesh had this problem! Hence, the argument that smaller states lead to

emergence of naxalite problem is basically fallacious and unsound. Naxalism grew

and sustained in larger states like Andhra Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar and

Maharashtra and not in smaller states.

Same is the case with Jharkhand. Naxalism in Jharkhand is the legacy of

undivided Bihar which was plagued by serious backwardness, inefficent and

corrupt administration, etc.

16) Naxalism grew because of violations in Unified AP :

Naxalism is an anachronistic idea that has outlived its utility whatever that

might have been. It never had a chance to succeed in the first place. It was only a

passing cloud and the clock cannot be turned back. It feeds off ignorance and

cannot tolerate light of knowledge and development that is today’s Telangana. The

suggestion that Telangana might become a hotved of Naxalism if it is carved out as

a separate state is a mere wishful thinking bereft of logic and it 9 clearly ingores all

the events that have taken place since 1970s. Naxalism in Telangana is already

confined to history books and the bogey of Naxalism can only raise derisive

laughter. Hence, growth and sustenance of naxalism has nothing to do with the size

and population of a state. It grows because of deliberate neglect of genuine

grievances and high level of discrimination in employment opportunities and



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administration, failure to implement constitutional safeguards, agreements,

government orders and judgments of Hight Court and supreme Court, tyranny of

the majority etc.

Denial of just, rational, democratic and constitutional demand of demerger

of Andhar Pradesh state and creation of Telangana state, will give fillip to naxalite

elements to spread the fact of failure of democratic and constitutional processes

and means for realizing Telangna dream. This may force the frustrated and

desperate Telangna youth to join the armed naxalite ranks. This may infuse fresh

lease of life to naxalite parties, who have almost been wiped out from Telangana,

to start their armed insurrection again, thus endangering the fragile security

scenario of the country. Hence creation of Telangana state will clear Telangana of

vestiges of naxalism and pave way for sustained. equitable and balanced

development.

Anti Lord stuggles in Jagityala and siricilla :

The peasant struggle of Karimnagar is an important chapter of the Indian

agrarain revolution. Both in maturity and depth it has supassed the Naxalbari flare-

up and (arguably) the Srikakilam struggle, from which it has learnt many lessons.

The time has not yet come to write its history but it is certainly worth while taking

a cross-sectional view. The struggle started in Jagtial (Jagityala) and Sircilla

(Sirisilla) talukas, and quickly engulfed Peddapally. Subsequently it has spread to

Metpslly, Manthani and Huzurabad. THe area that has most reently been in the

news is Peddapally, where on February 22 this year the CPI(ML) ‘People War’

organiser Devender Reddy beame 16th victim of police ‘encounters’ in the

16months since they were revived in September 1980. Paddapally is in the

northern part of Karimnagar district. It is trisected length-wise by two busy roads;

one of them proceeds from the Siiuareni coal mines region (Where coal, power,

fertiliser and cement are produced) down to Karimnagar and on wards to

Hyderabad, carrying an incessant stream of lorries laden with coal, cement and

fertiliser. The other road is the Chanda-Hyderabad highway, passing through

forest-rich Aliabad. Carrying an equally heavy traffic of lorries laden mostly with

huge logs of timber and in season crates of juicy oranges from Maharashtra.What

is remarkable is that in this stendy sucam of forries one rarely sees more than a

few carrying bags of paddy or mirchi (Chillies) - such a common sight in the

Vijayawada -Guntur-Elur region of green revolution Andhra.

This is symptomatic of Peddyapally, a region that transmits products of

‘capitalist’ India but has itself remained largely fedual. The taluka president of the



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Radical youth League could think of only four landlords in the whole taluka who

had tractors (in contrast with Jagtial where many landlors have turned modern).

None of the landlords shows any interest in crops other than paddy and millets, and

even then they do not go in for fertiliser-Hungry high-yielding varieties but stick to

the traditional ones. This is in spite of the fact that Peddapally now gets water from

the pochampad project (on the Godavari river), as a consequence of which the

price of land has appreciated from about RS 3,000 to Rs 20,000 per(Wet) acre. A

second reason for describing the region as feudal is that the surplus appropriated by

the landlords is not transformed into productive capital but istead is either

consumed or ‘invested’ in mercantile activities. Unlike the rich mills. Husking is

done domestically, thought many of them use machines for the puropse. Most of

the surplus goes into PWD contrcts (including the Pochampad canal itself), shops

(the favourites being, ‘wine’ shops), and real joining villages to towns like

Ramagundam, Peddapally and Dharmaram. He is said to bribe PWD people into

keeping the roads Kuccha so that the state Road Transport Corporation may not

ivade hisjagir. Finally, a sizeably section of the working people are exploited

feudally. They are not tenant - peasants (tenancy has not developed to any

considerable extent in Telangana) but fedual farmservants.

What makes them feudal is not that they are paid annually instead of dail

(indeed, many of them are paid monthly) but that their wages are not calcualted on

the basis of the amount of work they do (whether that is computed in terms of

quantity of output or labour-time), instead they are required to be at the beak and

call of the lanlord and to look after an indeterminate amount of nonproductive

chores in addition to a varying, amount of productive work. In other words what

they sell is not their labour-time (labour power employed for a certain time) but

their entire time. An equally important element is vetti or vetti chakiri (corvee;

begar in Hindi). Vetti has been de-veloped to an extraotdinarily comprehensive

extent in Telangana. Not only do the peasants do vetti in the fields of the landlords,

all the wording people suffer this abuse. The dhobi, the shepherd, the barber, the

today-tapper, every body has to provide unpaid services on customarily specified

occasions. Add to this the abuse of women belonging to the toiling classes by the

landlords, and other feudal customs like the working people (particularly those

belonging to the lowest castes) being expected not to wear a shirt or chappals in the

presence of the dora (lord), and sou have a complete picture of Peddapally - not in

the days of the Nizamashahi but right up to 1978. For that was when the dam of

antifeudal agrarian struggle burst in Peddapally. One can conjecture any number of

reasons for it. It may be seen as a diffusion of the struggle of the Jagtial and

Sircilla talukas which had, be that time, already been decalred disturbed areas. It

may also be seen as a consquence of the Pochampad canal and the increasing



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commoditisntion it brought in its wake (for after all the agratian revolution is only

a democratic revolution); and finally it may be seen as a long-awaited penetration

of communists into an area that was only waititng for the (Karimnagar was not

involved as much as Warantai, Algona and Chama in Telanganan peasant uprising

of 1946-51), Not that Peddapally had earlier been completely innocent of

communist influence; there are some villages which were regarded as CPI

strongholds; but given the nature of that party’s politics during the last two

decades, nothing much needs to be said about its ineffectiveness.

The struggle started in 1978 from the villages of Ranapuram and Kannala.

The organisation that conducts the struggle is the Rytu-Coolie sangham, an all-

purpose organisation whose concerms are far from being merely economic.

Problems of caste sex, corruption, drink-all are handled by the Sangham. In quite a

few villages the sanghams are the only local administrative authority respected by

the noor-and in some cases also the rich. The struggle was initially organised

around around two issues.

One is the wasteland around the village that is often illegally grabbed by the

landlords. The people forcibly occupied that land and distributed it among the

landless (such occupation of illegally appropriated waste-land is an important

element of the struggle in the entire region: the land thus occupied is either divided

equally among the landless or cultivated collectively by them-the latter being more

common in the tribal regions). The other issue is the ‘fines’ and ‘fees’ that the

landlords have swallowed from the people during the un official ‘panchayats’ for

settling discontinues between them. These fees and fines often amount to

substantial sums. During the struggle the People demand return of the fees and

fines. And also additional ‘donation’ to the sang ham from the landlords in

fractional repayment of what has been appropriated from the people in the past.

When the state government started giving talk-level bakery contracts (from this

year), the sang hams of various villages demanded (and got) compensation from

the successful bidders for the loss suffered by small brewers. All this amounts to

substantial sums of about 10-40,000 Rupees per village. This sum is kept with the

Sang ham and used for common purposes like building schools. Laving roads,

paying teachers, getting tanks bonded, etc. (this work which has demonstrated to

the people that even at a constructive level the sang hams are different from the

ruling class parties, appears to be anions the lessons learnt since the srikakulam

days: in those days such work would have been regarded as Revisionist.) All this

came later, of course. The first struggle in Ranapuram and Kamala, led by

Defender Reddy (a native of Ranapuram), then a lean and dutiful looking college

drop-out. was for occupation of 300 acres of waste-land appropriated by the



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landlords. The success of this struggle ted to the people of pal item. Dongaturti,

Ramayapalle, Raechapalle villages inviting Defender Reddy to organize them to

struggle for getting back from the landlords the fees and fines that had in the past

been collected from them. As the movement spread, retaliation by the landlords

(with willing help from the state) also increased. In quick succession police camps

were set up in Chintalapalli, Takkellapalli, Rained, Kukkalagudur and Putnur. The

way the camps were set up is instructive. Takkallapalli and Rained are dominated

by a certain Srinivasa Rao; he has lands in the latter village and at Takkellapalli

he manages the lands of a landlord. Mutyam Rao (most of the Landlords of this

region are velamas by caste) who died some time back. Mutvam Rao left behind a

son, but he is an invalid and a rake of the worst feudal kind to boot, and spends all

his time-at Hyderabad. Way back in 1978. Srinivasa Rao beat up and detained two

peasants; people from 15 villages went to his house, caught hold of his two sons,

and held him to ransom; they would give back his sons only if he released the

peasants he had detained. The exchange took place. but immediately the police

moved in. Charged 800 people with abduction (the case has been dismissed ) and

set un police camps at both Rained and Takkellanalli; the camps are yet to be

lifted, after nearly four years. The names of Bnonmaiah belonged to Putnur and his

nice of land was in Kukkalagudur; in January 1979 it was decided to build a

memorial for them in the latter village and a public meeting was held, which was

attended by about 15,000 people. This appears to have scared the landlords of the

two villages, for they took to the offensive soon after the meeting. When the

people of Putnur questioned the landlord Rajeswara Rao labour waste-land and

surplus land in his possession, he complained to the police that he had been

attacked. A police camp was immediately set un at the milage: it is still to be

removed. At Kukkalagudur, landlord and PWD contractor Rajaiah (one-time CPI

Sarpanch of the village) starred malicious propaganda against the sang ham and the

tussle that it led to brought a police camp in a village automatically means that a

police raj is established there, with no law except that of the lathi. Accounts of the

repression unleashed by the police in these villages make macabre reading. They

destroyed crops by diving animals into fields ripe for harvesting of by stopping

water supply and staring the crops (it is a general rule that water from the local

tank has to pass by the landlords fields to reach other peoples fields and so the

police only have to enlist the help of the only too willing landlords to stop water

supply to the peasants crops) ; if a peasant had a motor to draw water from a well,

Narla Kishtaiah and his brother Narla Bucchimallu of Putnur have suffered loss of

about Rs 15,000 because of such degradations. Ellenki Rama Swamy of

Takkcllapally had his poultry destroyed and birds, stolen while he was in hiding

from the police. Perhaps the worst sufferer is Galipalli Parvatalu. A casual labor at

the Kiser cement factory (owned by the Birla) near Takkellapally. who does not



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have any property to be despoiled; so they attacked his person. His courage in

exposing the misdeeds of the police enraged them and they illiterate him badly at

the police camp at Takkellapally. he was thrown over the “round and one end of a

rifle was forcibly thrust into his stomach. His intestines were badly damaged and in

spite of an operation he is still unwell. Being landless, he can live only if he works

with his hands; but today he cannot do the most common work casual laborers. at a

cement factory are required to do - loading and unloading cement bags. But none

of these could stop the movement from spreading, under the leadership of

Defender Reddy, He appears to have been quite an extraordinary leader; the poor

people of the villages of Peddapally talk in glowing terms about his dedication,

integrity 815 and tirelessness. He would lead the people in their hundred, red flags

in hand, to plant the flags in waste/surplus land and till it against all odds. Near

Takkellapally there is a tree covered hillock which was being despoiled by the

landlord, and which Devender Reddy led the people of the village to occupy and

land with teak and bamboo trees. The sang ham has also taken on the duty of

guarding the hillock, and nobody is allowed to cut the trees, not even members of

the sang ham, when the plants are fully grown, the sang ham will it self supervise

cutting and sale of the timber (and undertake simultaneous replanting) whose

proceeds will go to the sang ham and will be used to pay and additional teacher at

the school, or strengthen the tank-bund, etc (that , at any rate, is what the sang ham

leaders plan, and would certainly have implemented had Devander Reddy not been

killed; but after his killing the police have started impounding the amounts with the

Sanghams, and in some villages like Palakirti, have changed the Sang ham leaders

with stealing/misappropriating the amount). But the most significant achievement

of the struggle led by Devender Reddy is that veto has been completely put an end

to here after no landlord in Peddapally can hope to get unpaid services from any

category of toilers, nor can he misbehave with women of lower castes. (Struggle

for increased wages has also been there; where as earlier daily labor used to get R

s 3-4 per day, they now get R s 6-7 farm servants have also increased their monthly

wage to R s 100 curiously enough, the struggle for higher wages is generally listed

as an after-thought in any discussion with sang ham leaders : it is not clear whether

this indicates the relative ease with which these struggles were won or the weakly

developed commodity consciousness of the People) All this could not be allowed

to go on of course. Devender Reddy had to go and he went. There was nothing

very secretive about the arrangements made, either. The ‘encounter’ in which he

died was with sub-inspector Parkas Reddy of Ramagundam. At magisterial enquiry

conducted into his death on March 16, Parkas Reddy told the RDO of Peddapally

that “as of 22/12/81 he had been deputed on special duty along with four police

constables to apprehend underground cadre of extremists, Devender Reddy. His

jurisdiction was the whole of Peddapally and Sultanabad ralukas.It took him



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almost exactly two months to get his quarry, and in the process he raised such hell

in the village of the area that when the people are not talking about their leader

Devender Reddy, they are talking about their tormenter Parkas Reddy...Destroying

Property, breaking the walls of wells, throwing clothes on the road and riding his

jeep over them, beating women for the sin of feeding Devender Reddy on his

secret visits, thrashing members of the Sang ham to the bone, spreading slanderous

stories about Devender Reddy, accusing him of misappropriating the funds

collected in the name of the sanghams and of misbehaving with women (the people

are more enraged about these slanders than about the murder)- Prakash Reddy

created a reign of terror that lasts to this day. Now he visits the villages with the

question: ‘Has your new leader come? Who is he?) under his protection the

landlords forcibly took back from the Sangham the one lakh rupees that they had

been forced to part with against illegal fees and fines they had collected in the past

: at nearby Guruvapally, the sangham has similarly taken Rs.5,000 from the

landlord, this time a Reddy. The day after the enquiry into Devender Reddy’s death

the landlords acquired enough courage to get the sarpanch (who is sympathetic to

the sangham) arrested on the charge of extortion. The question ‘How are the

landlords of your village’ put to a woman of the village riding a bullockcart

elicited the angry answer. They have become as before’. At Putnur, with the

coming oalmyra trees for three months, causing loss of 7-8 thousand rupees. If

some body stood surety for arrested Sangham activists, very soon they would find

them selves also undr arrest. Quite a few sarpanches of the taluka have been

arrested under spurious charge, for the sin of having stood surety for activistsof

therir’ villages, (Saroanches sympathetic to the peasant movement are apeculiarity

of Peddapally taluka. The ‘peoples war’ group of the CPI(ML), which is leading

the struggle there, baycotts all elections as a general rule but individuals

sympathetic to the party do manage to set elected to local bodies as independent

candidates against landlord -backed Congress-I candidates.)

Even as he was creating terror in the villages, Prakash Reddy was hatching a

plot to get at his quarry, Dharmaram, is a village on the Hyderabad-Chanda road,

about 10 kms from Karimnagar. The landlord of Dharmaram is a velama,

Damondar Rao, who has about 500 acres of land, (In the words of Lal Mohammed,

a tea shop owner of Dharmaram, ‘land -ceilings have not come to our village they

have stopped at Karimnagar’.) About 9 kms from Dharrmaram. along a kuccha

road, is Khila Wanaparti, a medium -sized village. The landlord of this village are

also velamas, many of them relatives of Damodar Rao. One of them is the police

patel (munsab) of the village. He and his brother together own about 100 acers of

land. Their farm servents, Narasaiah and Pochamallu, had also been leaders of the

sangham of the village ; the movement was new to the village and revolutionary



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ideology had not struck roots there, Narasaiah and Pochamallu were there fore

ideal candidates for conspiring to trap Devender Reddy. They brought him to

village on the pretext of wanting to discuss, their resignation from the sangham

with him, and informed the police. Prakash Reddy came to the village at dusk and

approached Narasaiah’s hut, where his prey was talking to some people. Warned

about his arrival, Devender Reddy attempted to run away, but: he was over-

powered from behind and killed. The story that his own revolver went off during

the scuffle and filled him is obvious nonsense. With the increasing clamour of civil

liverties groups about bogus encounters, the police have changed their track; they

not longer even claim to have killed in selfdefence; these days the deaths are

accidental. And perhaps soon they will become voluntary .Anyway, apart from the

sub-inspector, the only pople prepared to support the story (at the executive

magistrate’s enquiry ) were the conspirators Narshaiah and Pochamullu; and the

story of the latter wasw so unbelived that the executive magistrate was himself

constrained to comment that Pochamallu was lying. He was supposed to have been

running ahead of Devender Reddy, but his statement corraborates in full detail the

sub-inspector’s version of what happened behind his back. The truth is known to

the people of the village but they refuse to tell it even to sympathetic civil liberaties

organisations, let alone to the enquuring maginstrate such is the terror created by

sub-inspector-on-special - duty , Prakash Reddy.

Agrarian crisis :

In the backdrop of nationwide outrage over the suicide of a farmer in full

public view at a cal rally in Delhi, there is a renewed attention to the continued

agrarian crisis gripping the new state of Telangana and unaated suicides by the

debty-ridden farmers.

The opposition parties and non-governmental organisations pointed out that

over 340 farmers had committed sucide since June 2 last year when the new state

was carved out of Andhra Pradesh. The realisation of the statehood goal was

supposed to herald new hope for the official figure.

Quoting reports submitted by the sistrict collectors, state Revenue secretary

R.K . Meen said the 96 farmers committed suicide since June last year. However,

there are no takers for the officaial figure.

Taking a serious note of the issue, the National Human Rights Commission

(NHRC) directed the Telangana government to submit a comprehensive report on

the reasons for the increasing number of farmer suicides and relife and

rehabilitation measures being taken by the government.



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The NHRC notice came in response to a petition filed by scores of the

affected families who have been demand a hike in compensation to Rs five lakh

from the present Rs 1.50lakh. Significantly, the commission noted that a majority

of the farmers who took their lives were small and marginal farmers holding less

than 3 acres of land.

The experts say that failure of two successive crops-khrif and rabi-this year,

coupled with mounting debts and failure of the government’s crop loan waiver

scheme, are the main reasons for large-scale suicides by farmers across the state.

While severe drought conditions and erratic power supply damaged kharif crops,

the recent unseasonal rains damaged standing Rabi crops, dealing a double blow to

farmers.

The Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) government admitted that the

problem was serious and promised to stand by the bereaved families. As part of

measures to tackle that rural distress, the government has started implementing

loan waiver scheme, one of its key poll promises. “The crop already released Rs

4,500 crore for loan waiver scheme, clearing a quarter of the loans,” the state

Agriculture Minister P Srinivas Reddy said.

However, the opposition parties and farmers’ organisations argue that the

governments help was “too little and came too late in the day” as delayed and

deficit rains, poor and erratic power supply and lack of fresh loans from banks had

pushed the farmers into depths of despair.

“The government should treat this crisis as a national disaster. It should

declare an agricultural emergency in Telangana. Unless public and private loans

are waived and some confidence-building measures are taken, suicides will

continue,” said activist P SrihariRao who had filed a public Interest Litigation

(PIL) in the Andhra Pradesh High Court to seek help for the families of farmers

who have committed suicide.

With scanty rainfall hitting the hydel power generation, the cotton and paddy

farmers in the upland Telangana regions had to bear the brunt. Typically, the

farmers in Telangana depend on pumpsets to irrigate their lands. “For the last one

decade, we have been witnessing farm suicides after October when the Kharif

season ends. But this time, the number has already crossed the 300-mark,” said G

V Ramanjaneyulu, Chief Executive officer of centre for sustainable Agriculture

(CSA), an NGO



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Rise of political parties :

After 1969 coastal people did not get supremacy over telangana so they decided to

stay in Hyderabad there fore they established houing board and HUDA. After

N.T.Rama Rao became chiefminister there was termendous increase in migrations

and they purchased land in and around for very low price. All the major investors

in real estate belongs to Andhra and made Telangana people, to live in slums. They

bought sand from Mahabubnagar, Medak for construction in Hyderabad major real

estate companies :

Cinema and Media :

The question should be the other way around. Sicence day one, we have

been treated like second-rate citizens. Depriving us of development is one issue,

but the fact that every one makes fun of us is also an important point in Telangana.

Take that film industry for instance. There are no cinema heroes from Telangana.

Moreover what hurts the most is that the language spoken by the people of

Telangana is always attiributed t a joker or a villain in the movies.

Corporate education and hospitals :

NTRama Rao gave much importance to corporate education and hospitals so

there was decline in services at government hospitals and standard of education

declined in government run schools and colleges. As the income of Telangana

people is less and they could not effort for corporate medical facilities and

corporate education they remain as lillterates and there health got detorted. Poor

Telangana people cant effort to go star hospitals and no staff in public health

centres.

Domimant culture and its implications :

The dominant culture in a society refers to the established language, religion,

values, rituals and social customs. These traits are often the norm for the society as

a whole. The dominant culture is usually, but not always, in the majority and

achieves its dominance by controlling social institutions such as communication,

educational institutions, artistic expression, law, political process, and business and

alos majority of statues belong to Andhra.

Komaram Bheem was a tribal leader who fought against the Asaf Jahi

Dynasty for the liberation of Hyderabad. Komaram Bheem openly fought against



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the ruling Nizam government in a guerrilla capaign. He defied courts, laws, and y

other form of Nizam authority, living off the sustenance of the forest. He took up

arms against Nizam Nawab’s soldiers, and fought Babi Jhari until his last breath

His life history was written originally by the comrade leader of Telangana

rebellion, Puchalapalli Sundariah region.

Daasarathi Krishnamacharyulu, Popularly known as Daasarathi was a

Telugu poet and writer. Dasarathi holds the titles Abhyudhaya Kavi and

Kalaprapurna. He was also the recipient of Sahitya Academy Award for his poetic

work book Timiramto Samaram (Fight against Darkness) in 1974. He also chosen

as Aasthana Kavi of the Andhra Pradesh Government.

Early life

Krishnamacharyulu Dasarathi was born as Daasarathi on 22 July in 1925 in

a middle-class vaishnava family Brahmin. His native village Chinnaguduru is in

Maripeda Mandal, Warangal district. An orthodox, but discreet, vaishnava bhakta,

he was an erudite scholar of Indian mythology (Puranas) with a fine grip on

Telugu, Sanskrit and Tamil languages. He marticulated from the Khammam

government high school but gave up higher education to join the movement against

the autocratic Nizam rule in the Hyderabad kingdom.

Career

Activism

As a volunteer in the left-wing Andhra Mahasabha movement, Dasarathi

travelled from village to village in Telangana to enlighten the public. Mahatma

Gandhi and Kandukuri Veeresalingam influenced him. However, he joined the

political left, as most of his friends were leftists and communist revolutionaries.

Poetry

He began writing poetry very young when he was a student. His poerty was

revolutionary and was influenced by the communist ideology of Karl Marx. The

downtrodden, poor, exploited, workers were his subjects in poetry. He strongly

believed that the capitalist, feudalist and autocratic society under Nizam rule would

give way to democracy and equality.



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After the Independence of India in 1947, many independent kingdoms and

principalities joined the newly formed Indian Union. However, Hyderabad state

under the autocratic rule of the then ruler Mir Osman Ali Khan did not join the

Union. Mir Osaman Ali Khan failed to control the atrocities committed by the

Mazlis Ittehadul Muslimeem party. At this juncture, the state congress Party under

the leadership of Swamy Ramananadaterdha called for an action against the

autocratic Nizams rule.Thousand of people went to jail by responding to this call

and participating in satyagraha (Civil disobedience).

Arrest and imprisonment

Dasarathi was arrested in 1947 and was sent to Warganal central jail, along

with many other leaders who went on to prominence in independent India.

Dasarathi was later moved to Nizamabad central jail.While in jail he wrote poetry.

After his release he left Telangana for Vijayawada and wrote poetry against the

Nizam in Telugu Desam, a daily paper devoted to news and articles related to

Telangana and the Nizam’s rule.

In 1948, the Indian Union took over the Hyderabad state in a police action

and put and end to the autocratic Nizam rule and to the violence unleashed by the

Razakars and Mazils Ittehadul Muslimeen Party. Later in 1956 the Telangana part

of the Hyderabad state was united with the state of Andhra and eventually formed

the state of Andhra Pradesh, which was till June 2, 2014.

After democratic rule was established in Hyderabad, Dasarathi served in the

government of Andhra pradesh for some time. Later, he worked for all India Radio

Vijayawada and Madras (Chennai) as a prompter and retired in 1971, He served as

the government poet from 1971 through 1984. He also rendered service as an

emeritus producer for All India Radio Doordarshan (Television).

Literary works

Daasrathi obtained fame through his revolutionary poetry. His first book

Agnidhara (Flowing Fire) was published in 1947. This book is a bout the

Telangana Armed struggled against Nizams rule, in which young Daasarathi

served as a revolutionary. Daasartathi wrote part of his book Angnidhara while he

was in jail and completed it after his release. His other works include Rudraveena

(1950), Mahandrodyamam, Punarnapam, Amruthabishekam, Kavithapush pakam

and Ghalib Geethalu (1961). Ghalib Geethalu is the Telugu translationof the poem



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of Urdu poet Mirza Asadullah khan Ghalib. He has also composed Lyrics to some

Telugu films.

Daasarathi said that the “Nizams brutal rule, peoples woes under his rule,

Indian Independence, Entry of Indian Armed Forces to free Nizams state and the

fall of Nizam” as the inspiration for his writings.

Tollywood :

He wrote lyrics for many Telugu movies. His debut movie was Vaagdanam.

He wrote lyrics for approximately 2000 songs in Telugu film industry. He also

wrote lyrics for the popular movie Pooja.

Vattikota Alwar swamy (1915-1961) was a Telugu writer, human rights activist,

communist leader, journalist and publisher. The first novelist in Telugu. He was

born in Madaram kalan (shaligouraram mandal) village of Nalgonda district on

November 1, 1915. His parents were Machavaram Dimhaderamma and

Ramachandra Charyulu. As his father died when he was young, he completed his

education while working as cook for his teacher Seetharama Rao.

He was active in the library movement and the communist movement, and

he fought against Nizam government. His activities angered Nizam and he was

jailed. His book about his experience in Vattkota jail, Jailu Lopala (Inside Jail),

was published. His other works include novels Prajala Manishi (people’s Man)

(1952) and Gangu (1940-45). He died on February 5, 1961.

Liberalization and privatization and its impact :

We have seen landmark shift in Indian Economy since the adoption of new

economic policy in 1991. This had far reaching impacts on all spheres of life in

India. There can be no concrte conclusions about their impact on Indian People.

This turns out to be more of an ideological debate like capitalism vs socialism. But

there is no doubt in the fact that those reforms were unavoidable and very

compelling. There was in fact, similar have all across the globe after disintegratio

of USSR and end of the cold war. Many post -colomial democratic regimes, which

were earlier sheltered by USSR, lost their umbrella. They had no option, but to fall

in line to new unipolar world order dictated by USA.Even China in late 1980

adopted Open Door policy through which it liberalized its economy by shedding

communist mentality completely. South East Asian economies also reformed their

economy and started engaging more with global economy.



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Note : Changing sectoral composition of India economy since independence

Composition -services - Steady significant increase (was more marked after

reforms), Industry -- Less marked increase (stagnated after reforms), Agriculture

Significant Decline patterns in the above graph explain inequity of Indian growth

story. As per principle of economics, when a particular sector performs

disproportionately higher than average growth rate, economic wealth starts

concentrating into that sector. In this case that sector is service sector. Within this

sector, highest growth is marked by sectors such as financial services, Real estate

service etc..., which are least employment elastic. Consequently, growth of past

decade was limited toupscale areas of the countries as almost whole service

industry, operates from these areas. Majority of India got spillover or trickle down

growth from here. This accelerated migration to Urban areas. This in turned

created array of social problems associated with urbanization. It fundamentally

changed pattern of India society.

Now we have ultra-modern and ultra-primitive society coexisting and

conflicting with each other. On one side Social institutions like personal law

boards, khaps and kangaroo courts etc. Tries to uphold their control over their

respective community members, on other hand there is westren wave pulling out

these vey members. undoubtedly strongest of new century. This revolution was

different because it made globalization even more obvious and stark. It made

possible transfer of real time human labor across nations, without transfer humans

themselves. Further, it erased all boundaries which hinder free flow of information.

This has benefited sharing, nurturing and development of knowledge in societies

which earlier had access only to substandard or non-updated information. As

always package is coupled with some grin realities too.

Government all across the world has lost their capacity ot regulate end ward

of against malicious, flase, sensitive information and content. Rise of Islamic state

demonstrate that, IT revolution has helped development of global terrorist links

more than anything. Moreover, explicit content is freely available on web, to which

unmatured childern have unrestricted access.

GDP growth rate - India’s annual growth rate from 1990-2010 has been 6.6%

which is almost double than pre reforms era. GDP growth rate surpassed 5% mark

in early 1980. This made impact of 1990’s reforms on growth unclear. Some belive

that 1980’s reforms were percursor to LPG reforms. Other things apart, it is clear

that 1980 reforms led to crash of economy in 1991, which was remedied by LPG

reforms whichwere quite more comprehensive. It was IMF loan which gave



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government to adjust its economy. It was largest ever loan given by IMF. Initially

there were global doubts on India’s credibility for loan, but India has been so far a

disciplined borrower.

Industrial Growth Rate - Barring few years industrial growth rate has been not

much impressive. Share of Industry still remains stagnantly low at 25%. Worst is

that India has transitioned to be a service led economy, directly from an agrarian

one. One expialtion of this is end of policy of imports substitution which derived

industrial growth upto 1990. Foreign companies got free access to Indian markets

and made domestic products uncompetitive. They obviously had batter access to

technology and larged economies of scale.

India’s position also lagged on account of research and innovation. Import

substitution required certian degree of investment and efforts in domestic

production. It was carried out even when imports were cheaper. This resulted in

good and batted capacity building upto that government to spend on R & D.

Technology denial ended with liberalization and globalization. Till that time Indian

Industry was better and modern than that of China. But in two decades China has

surpassed India by huge margin in case of both Industry and innovation.

Impact on small scale in India.

This impact shall be studied right from the beginning of colonization in 18th

century. Colonization can be considered as 1st wave of globalization. In pre

colonization era, India’s textileds and handcraft was renowned worldwide and was

backbone of Indian economy. With coming of industrial revolution along with

foreign rule in India, Indian economy suffered a major setback and much of its

indigenous small scale cottage Industry was destroyed.

After independence, government attempted to revive small scale sector by

reserving items exclusively for it to manufacture. With liveralization list of

reserved items was substantially curtailed and many new sectors were thrown open

to big players.

Small scale industry however exists and still remains backbone of India

Economy. It contributes to major portion of exports and private sector

employment. Result are mixed, many erstwhile small scale industries got bigger

and better. But overall value addition, product innovation and technology adoption

remains dismal and they exist only on back of government support. Their products

are contested by cheaper imports from China. Polices of government towards SSI

were coveredin previous article access here and here .



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Impact on Agriculture :

As already said, share of agriculture in domestic economy has declined to

about 15%. However, people dependent upon agricultuire are still around 55%.

Cropping patterns has undergone a huge change, but impact of liberalization can’t

be properly assessed. We saw under series relating to agriculture that there are still

all pervasive government controls and interventions starting from production to

distribution (here SPS and here -WTO).

Gobal agricultural economy is highly distorted. This is mainly because

inbalance in economic and political power in hands of farmers of developed and

developing countries. In developed countires, commercial and capitalistic

agriculture is in place which is owned by influential Agricorporations. They easily

influence policies of WTO and extract a better deal for them selves at cost of

farmers of developing world.

Farming in developing world is subsistence and supports large number of

poor people.

With globalization there has been high fluctuation in commodity prices which put

them in massive risk.This is particularly true for cash crops like Cotton and

Sugarcane. Recent crises in both crops indicate towards this conclusively.

Also there is global food vs. Fuel confusion going on. Sugar and corn are

used to manufacture ethanol which is used as fuel. In USA corn is produced mainly

for this purpose, as sugar cane is in Brazil. Now there apprehensions that what if

coverting food into fuel is more remunerative for producers ? More than i billion

people still live in hunger, much more are just hand any purchasing power. Clearly,

Agriculture is biggest market failure, but is rarely discussed for being so in WTO.

Another global debate born out globalization is one of GM crops. Here too

powerful MNCs like Monsanto hold key. USA allows unhindered use of GM

crops, but EU bans it . In India field trails are going on. (It was discusseshere)

One the positive note, India’s largely self-sufficient and high value

distinguished products like Basmati Rice are in high demand all over. Generally

speaking, India is better placed to take up challenge of globalization in this case. If

done in sustainable and iclusive manner, it will have a huge mulitplier impact on

whole economy. World wide implicit compulsion to develop food processing

Industry is landmark effect of globalization.



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Apart from these, Farm Mechanization i.e.use of electronic/solar pumps,

Tractors, combines etc. All are fruits of globalization. Now moving a step further,

information technology is being incorporated into agriculture to facilitate farming.

Impact on services sector :

In this case globalization has been boon for developing countries and bane

for developed ones. Due to historic economic disparity between two groups,

human resources have been much cheaper in developing economies. This was

further facilitated by IT revolution and this all culminated in exodus of numerous

jobs from developed countries to developing countries. Here US have to jealously

gurard its jobs as we guard our agriculture.

IT industry :

Softeware, BPO. KPO, LPO industry boom in India has helped India to

absorb a big chunk of demographic diviend, which otherwise could have wasted.

Best part is that export of services result in export of high value. There is almost no

material exported which consume some natural resource. Only thing exported is

labor of professional, which doesn’t deplete, instead grows with time. Now Inida is

better placed to became a truly knowledge Economy.

Exports of these sevices constitute big part of India’s foreign Exchange earnings.

In fact, the only three years India had Current Account surplus, i.e.2000-2002, was

on back of this export only.

Banking

Further, in banking too India has been a gainer. Since reforms, there have

been three rounds of License grants for private banks. Private banks such as ICICI,

HDFC, Yes Bank and also foreign banks, raised standards of Indian Banking

Industry. Now there is cut through cmpetiton in the banking industry, and public

sector banks are more responsive to customers.

Here too IT is on path of bringing banking revolution. New government

schemes like Pradhan Mantri jan dhan Yojana aims to achieve their tragets by

using Adhaar card. Having said this, public sector bank still remain major lender in

the cuntry.



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Similarly Insurance Industry now offers variety of products such as unit

linked Insurance plans, Travel Insurance ets. But, in India life Insurance business is

still decisively in hands of life Insurance corporation fo India.

Stook Markets :

Another major development is one of stock Markets. Stock Markets are

platforms on which corporate secutities can be traded real time. It provides

mechanisms for constant price discovery, options for investors to exit from or enter

into investment any time. These are back bone of free markets these days and there

is robust trade going all over the world on stock exchanges. Their Importance can

be estimated from the fact that, behavior of stock markets of a country is strongest

indicator of health and future prospects of an economy.

These markets has thrown open wide array of associated sevices such as

investment banking Asset mangement, underwriting services, hedging advice etc.

These collectively employ lakhs of people all over India. Similarly there are

commodities market which provides avenues for investment and sale of various

eligible commodities.

Telecom sector :

Conventionally, Telecom sector was a government owned monopoly and

consequently service was quite substatndard. After reforms, private telecom sector

reached pinnacle of success. And India telecom companies went global. However,

corruption and rent seeking marred growth and out look to this sector.

Entry of modern Direct to Home service saw improvements in quality of

television services on one hand and loss of livelihood for numerous local cable

operators.

Education and Health sector:

It should be noted that food (Agriculture), Health and education (and to

lesser extent banking) are among basic necessities, which every human being

deserves and can’t do without. Unfortunately, in developing cuntries there is

market failure in all these sectors and majority of people can’t afford beyond a

certain limit (or can’t afford at all). Concept of free markets, globalization,

liberalization etc. fails here miserably. Free markets provide goods and services to

people who can afford paying for them, not to those who deserve and need these.



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Now we consider these sectors from angle of our inclination towards free

markets, certainly there has been lot of progress. There has been world class

education available in India and Deregulation has resulted in Mushrooming of

private engineering and Medical colleges. But in reality, this had far reaching

decastating effect on society.

These new colleges accommodate only a miniscule proportion of aspirants at

very high costs. Recently an Independent organization Transparency International

came out with report claiming thta India’s medical system is most corrupt in the

world. This was no surprise, we all know from where it starts. High fees of

education forces many aspirants take educational loans from banks. After qualfing

job market is unable to absorb majority of them. Practice turns out to be option of

last resort. Now to make a decent living and to pay bank the loans person is lured

by corruption. Conswquently, when many similar cases are put together, we ger a

corrupt system, economy and society.

Reality is that after dergulation and liberalization, government along with

other sectors, pulled its hand from sectors too. Now there is Medicore to high

quality options are available in private sector which can be avalied as per one’s

budget. In public sector less than Mediocre to Mediocre options are available. This

leaves huge proportion of aspiring students and expecting patients.

On social front India’s perfornance is deplored all over the world and it is

probably behind all importan developing economies. This lacuna has been

recognized and government has taken the charge. In case of education almost

universal enrollments has been achieved upto primary level and now impetus

should be on improiving quality, so that student of public schools comes at par

with atleast average private ones.

There was a decline in Telangana GSDP, agriculture and handicrafts and

natural resources with liberalization and privatization policies.

Quest for telangana identity :

Parvathaneni Upendra was a Telugu Desam Party Union cabinet minister from

Andhra Pradesh in India. He consted in elections from himyatsagar constuency in

1983 and severe agaitations rose against him and later he dereated in elections.

Pratap Kishore Padha Yathra :



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Pratap Kishore’s fight for a separate Telangana state started in 1956, when

the state of Andhra Pradesh was formed by merging the Haderabad state and the

Andhra state against the recommendations of the Fazal Ali Commission popularly

known as the SRC commission, and the will of the Telangana people. He had the

foresight to see the systematic degeneration the region will be forced into if it was

merged with the state of Andhra.

In 1969, Pratap kishore along with Keshava Rao and Telangana leaders

formed the TRS, Telangana praja samiti. The TPS spear headed the agitation for a

separate telangana in 1969, in which over 360 students were shot dead. The

founders of the TPS like pratap kishore were all employed in private service and

hence could not take up the party positions. And the leadership was passed on to

Chenna Reddy and Madan Mohan.

Pratap Kishore, the man behind the 1969 agitation had to go underground to

evade arrest and etention by the Andhra polices but was arrested in November of

1969. and detained in Musheerabad jail. While in the jail Pratap Kishore organized

a meeting of jailed Telangana fighers and the minutes and resolution passed in this

meeting within the jail were smuggled out and reported in the national media,

needless to say it created a furore within the state and national government. Seeing

the condition in which the students were being held in the jail, Pratap Kishore led a

hunger strike with the result that the students were treated as political prisoners and

not like common criminals as was then happening.

Pratap Kishore a staunch separatist spent the years from 1980 to 2004 in

carrying out his crusade for a separate state of Telangana and kept that cause alive

during the bleak 1980’s and 90’s when no one dared speak of a separate state. He

revived the Telangana Praja Samiti in 1984 and held Telangana conventions in

Hyderabad, Warangal and Mahabubnagar as well as mohallah meetings across

Hyderabad. In June 1987, Pratap Kishore lead a 5 member TPS team on a

padayatra from the Charminar in Hyderabad to Delhi, to highlight the cause of

Telangana. In 1985 the TPS as a protest against the unhygienic living conditions in

the city and the apathyof the government, presented a kilo of garbage collected

from the over flowing and uncleared garbage dumps in the city to Mr.N.,T.Rama

Rao, the CM of Andhra Pradesh. The direct fallout of this was the holding of the

Municipal council elections in 1986.

From 1985 to 2003 Pratap Kishore led the TPS in a dawn todusk fast every

November 1, at the Telangan Martyrs Memorial in Basheerbagh, as amark of



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respect for the martyars who laid down their lives in 1969, fighting for a separate

state. This in spite of the fact that from 1996 he was a cardiac patient and was on

medical support. As general of TPS, Pratap Kishore published a large number of

status reports on the lack of development and the injustice done to Telangana and

tried to build government consensus for a separate statehood. In 2000 at an open

house jorganized by the state Electricity Borad and the world bank, which had

granted a loan of Rs 4,200 crore to the ASPSEB, Pratap Kishore spoke against the

APSEB’s practice of billing the consumers bi-monthly and charging an iterest on

the previous months consumption. He stated that this was hurting the middle class

citizens especially those living on their pensions. Where in instead of making one

small payment each month they werer being to make one back bone of the retired

senior citizens making their ends meet on their pensions. This speech of his

received a standing ovation and the world Bank took up the issue with the result

that APSEB today sends out monthly bills.

In fact, most of the works published by him towards Telangana state How to

achieve Telangana spoke about the ways of protest we today talk about like

boycotting Andhra products and traders, not letting out homes to Andhra’s, support

and preference for Telangana people while selecting them for jobs. Pratap Kishore

a journalist, a writer he wrote over 100 short stories, Urdu couplets and a die hard

Telangana separatist breathed his last on January 29, 2004 surrounded by his

family. As per his wishes, his ashes were immersed in the sangam of the Isa and

Musa rivers in Hyderabad, as he wanted his ashes to be mingled with the soil of

Telangana.

Political and ideological efforts :

Haradanahalli Deva Gowda is an India politician who was the prime minister of

India from June 1996 to April accepted for smaller states during his tenure. He said

telangana unemployment will be reduced in telangana.

Jai Telangana Party was founded by P.Indra Reddy. Supported by konda

madhava Reddy, jai shankar sir and kesav rao Jadhavin 1997.

Growth of popular unrest against regional disparities :

Many regional politicians from Andhra showed unrest on telengana on disparity on

telangana dialect visalandhra was established on linguistic basis with the merger of

Andhra and telangana but they named it as Andhra instead of Telugunadu or

Telugu Pradesh from then onwards telangana people had second hand treatment,



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very few statues can be seen of people who worked for telangana socio and

cultural development.

Political parties :

Majority of the chief ministers froms Andhra region even Jalagam Vengalarao is

telangana settler from Andhra region P.V.Narsimhama Rao tired his best to

implement mulki rules but he could not survive by the politics played by Andhra

landlords.

Krishna water tribunal : Andhra Pradesh got 800 tmc water was telangana 299

tmc.

Rajaolibanda Diversion scheme or RDS is an irrigation project located across

river Tungabhadra in Kurnool district of Andhra Pradesh states. The full reservoir

level of this barrage is 332.32 m MSL.RDS left canal provides irrigation water in

Raichur district and Mahbubnagar district of Telengana. The Bachawat

Tribunalhad allocated 17.1 tmc ft to its left canal of which 15.9 tmc ft was

exclusively meant for Mahabubnagar district. The RDS left canal has been a source

of sorrow to the Mahabubnagar farmes because it is hardly giving them 8to10tmc

ft against their entitlement of 15.9tmc ft.

Towards formation of telangana state:

Early Incidents (1969 to 1985)

1969 to 1973 : This period was marked by two political agitations, namely

“Telangana and Jai Andhra’ movement. Social tensions arose due to influx of

people from the Coastal Andhra region. Protests started with the hunger strike of a

student from Khammam district for the implementation of safe-guards promised

during the creation of Andhra Pradesh. The movement slowly manifested into a

demand for a separate Telangana.

Some students protested “implementation of the safe guards from Andhra

Pradesh” while some protested for a “separate Telangana”. The local newspaper

Indian Express reported that the latter group were dominant According to the 19

January 1969 edition of The Indian Express, the agitation turned violent when a

crowd attempted to set fire to a sub-inspector’s residence. 17 were injured in police

firing. Discussions about the promised safe-guards were held. The Telangana

Regional committee was, however, not fully convinced of the outcome this

agitation was met by a counter agitation by the Andhra students accusing the



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transfer Andhra employees as a discrimination between one region and the other.

The transfers were eventually challenged in the high-court.

The army had to be called in. After several days of talks with leaders of both

regions, on 12 April 1969, prime minister put forth, a eight-point plan. Telangana

leaders rejected the plan and protests conitinued under the leadership of newly

formed political party Telangana Praja samithi in 1969 asking for the formation of

Telangana. Under the Mulki rules in force at the time, anyone who had lived in

Hyderabad for 12 years was considered a local, and was thus eligible for certain

government posts.

Telengana Praja Samithi was formed under the leadership of Dr.Chenna

Reddy with the intention of leading the movement. The Party however, split in

November 1969 with the exit of dissident congress leaders. The movement slowly

lost momentum and dissolved. 1971: Chief Minister Brahmananda Reddy resigns

to make room for a Telangana Chief Minister. On 30 september 1971,

P.V.Narasimha Rao -who would later become the Prime Minister of India was

appointed the Chief Minister of Andhara Pradesh. “The Telangana Praja Samiti

was dissolved and its members rejoined the congress.” 1972: When the supreme

Court upheld the Mulki rules the Jai Andhra movement, with the aim of re-

formaing a separate state of Andhra, was started in Coastal Andhra and

Rayalseema regions. The movement lasted for 11o days. The supreme Court

upheld the implementation of Mulki rules. The people from the Andhra region

viewed the Mulki rules as “treating them like aliens in their own land.”

1973: a political settlement was reached with the Government of India with

a Six - point Furmula. It was agreed upon by the leaders of the two region to

prevent any recurrence of such agitations in the future. To avoid legal problems,

constitution was amended (32nd amendment ) to give the legal sanctity to the Six-

point formula. In 1985, when Telangana employees complained about the

violations to six point formula, government enacted government order 610 (GO

610) to correct the violations in recruitment. As Telangana people complained

about non implementation of GO 610, in 2001, government constituted Girglani

Commission to look into violations.

1997 to 2010

In 1997, state unit of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) passed a resolution

seeking a separate Telangana.



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Bhuvana Giri Sabha : to expose the problems faced by telangana people

bhunagiri sabha met in Bhuvana giri in 1997. They gave the name of “daggapadda

telangana” to this Sabha, Belli latha who took active role in this sabha was brutally

killed by some unknown people.

Telangana Maha Sabha :

Esatablished in 1997. Maha sabha was held at Suryapeta. Veerma took

active part but unfortunately he died in encounter.

Demands :

Unconditionally Hyderabad should be part of separate telangana .

Funds alloted to Andhra, telangana and rayalaseema should be in transperancy

Not sector to be privitised

Cases on innocent people should give up

Land distribution should be done immediately

All languages should be developed evenly and no language should be iferior.

In 2000, congress party MLAs from the Telangana region who supported a

separate Telangana state formed the Telangana Rashtra samithi (TRS), led by

Kalvakuntla Chandrashekar Rao (KCR), was formed in April 2001 with the single-

point agenda of creating a separate Telangana state with Hyderabad as its Capital.

In 2001, the congress working committee sent a resolution to the NDA government

for constituting a second SRC to look into the Telangana state demand. This was

rejected by the union home minister. L.K.Advani citing that smaller states were

neither viable nor conducive to the integrity of the country. In April 2002, Advani

wrote a letter to MP A.Narendra rejecting a proposal to create Tehangana state

explaining that “regional disparities in economic development could be tackled

through planning and effcient use of available resources.” He said that the NDA

government, there fore does “not propose creation of a separate state of Telangana

However, in 2012 , Advani said that if their then parther TDP cooperated during

NDA tenure, a separated state of Telangana could have been created This was

confirmed by the president of the TDP, Chandrababu Naidu, on 1 september 2013

in a public meeting . In the run-up to the 2004 Assembly and parliment elections,

the Unless there is consensus among all political parities in the state and unless

that consensus is reflected in a resolutionof the state Assembly, we don’t propose

to include it the NDA agenda “For these elections, the congress party and the TRS



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forged an electoral alliance in the Telangana region to consier the demand of

separate Telangana state. Congress came to power in the state and formed a

coalition government at the centre; TRS joined the coalition after the common

minimum program of the coalition government included that the demand for

sepatate Telangana state will be considered after due consultations and consensus.

In February 2009 the state government declared that it had no objection, in

principle,to the formation of separate and the time had come to move forward

decisively on theis issue. To resolve related isses, the government constituted a

joint house committee. In the lead-up to the 2009 General Elections in India, all the

major parties in Andhra Pradesh supported the formation of Telangana. In the

2009 elections TRS managed to win only to assembly seats out of the 45 it

contested and only 2 MP seats. Some media analysts thought Telangana sentiment

faded within few months of getting re-elected as popular CM, Y.S.Rajashkhara

Reddy (YSR) died in a helicopter crash in September 2009. This resulted in a

leadership crisis within the congress party and also created a political vacuum in

the state. During this time, TRS president K.Chandrashekar Rao (KCR) raised his

pitch for the separate state. ON 29 November 2009, he started a fast-unto-death,

demanding that the congress party introduce a telangana bill in parliament. Student

organisations, employee unions, and various organisations joined the movement

general strikes shut down telangana on 6and 7 December. In an all party meeting

called by the state government on the night of 7 December to discuss regrading

KCR’s fast and how handle it. all major opposition parties extended their support

for a separate state for Telangana. The state congress and its ally Majli-e-Ittehadul

Muslimeen have left it to the congress high command to take a final decision.

Minutes of the meeting were faxed to congress high command.

Announcement of bifurcation and subsequent rollback :

On 9 December 2009, Union Minister of Home affairs P.Chidambaram

announced that the Indian government would start the process of forming a

separate Telangana state, pending the introduciton and passage of a separation

resolution in the Andhra Pradesh assembly. This resulted in protests across both

Andhra and Rayalseema. Students, Workers, lawyers and various organizations in

the regions launched the samaikyandhara Movement demanding that the state be

kept united. MLAs from these regions also submitted their resignations in protest

seeking a reversal of the home minister’s statement.

On 23 December, keeping view the reactions of people of other regions, the

government of India announced that no action on Telangana will be taken untill a



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consensus is reached by all with drawing their resignations while MLAs and

ministers from Telangana started submitting their resignations, and demanded that

the Centre take immediate step to initiate the process of bifurcating Andhra

Pradesh.

A joint action committee (also known as JAC or TJAC ) comprising political

and non-political groups was formed to lead the demand for separate Telangana

with Osmania University professor M Koda Rama Reddy as its convernor.

On 3 February, the government appointed a five-member committee headed

by justice SriKrishna to look into the issue.

2010 : Srikrishna Committee

The Srikrishna committee headed by former chief justice B.N.Srikrishna

toured all the regions of state extensively land invited people from all sections of

the society to give their opinion on the statehood. It revceived over one lakh

petitions and representations from political partiesm organisations, NGOs and

individuals. It also held consultations with political parties and general public

while also factoring in the impact of recent developments on different sections of

people such as women, children, students, minorities, other backward classes,

scheduled castes and scheduled Tribes.

On 16 December 2010, two weeks before the dadline for the submission of

the srikrishna report, TRS organized a public meeting in Warangal. It was

estimated that over 2.6 million people attended this meeting. It was reported that

even more would have attended, byt were stranded due to traffic jams along roads

leading to the city. TRS president K.Chandrasekhar Rao appealed to Prime

Minister Manmohan singh to note that the people of Telangana in the next session

of Parliament.

Days before the Srikrishna committee submitted its report to the central

government, KCR declared that his party was ready to wash Sonia Gandhi’s feet if

she agrees to the Telangana demand. He said his party is associated with the

movement and was willing ot dissolve the party if the state was formed.

Release of the report and summary of findings

The Indian Home Ministry released the 505 page Srikrishna committee on 6

January 2011. The committee opined that most regions of Telangana (excluding



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Hyderabad) were either “on par or a shade lower” than coastal Andhra. When

Hyderabad is included, Telangana fared better. The most backward of al regions

was in fact Rayalaseema. The committee, however, agreed with the violations of

GO 610. Most viloations, however, have been in the education and health sectors

due to death of qualified locals. It also noted that the funds released for educational

institutions in Telangana movement as a threat to national integrity. Nothing the

emotions in the general public about the issue, aperceive heglect in implementation

of assurances given to the region, it also said that “There fore, after taking into

account all athe pros and cons, the cmmittee did not think it to be the most

preferred , but the second best, option. Separation is recommended only in case it

is unavoidable and if this decision can reached amicably amongst all the three

regions.”

Solutions proposed

The report discusses six solutions to the problem, the preferred option being

keeping the state united by simultaneously providing certain definite constitutional

and statutory measure for socio-economic development and politiacl empowerment

of Telangana region through the creation of a statutorily empowered Telangana

regional council. The second best option is bifurcation of the state into Telangana

and seemandhra as per existing boundaries, with Hyderabad as the capital to

Telangana and seemandhra to have a new capital.

Reactions to the report

The eighth chapter of the report was not made public for undisclosed reason.

After a judgment delivered by Justic L Narasimha Reddy of Andhra Pradesh High

Court, the content of the “Secret” chapter were submitted to the High Court. The

Chief Justice in his 60 page Judgement said “The committee travelled beyond the

terms of reference in its endeavour to persuade the Union of India not to accede to

the demand for Telangana”. The judgement also quoted the SKC report’s 8th

chapter and said “The manoeuvre suggested by the committee in its secret

supplementary note poses an open challenge, if not threat, to the very system of

democracy. “The eight chapter was not make public after division bench

comprising the chief Justice of the AP high court has stayed the order of Justice L

Narasiha Reddy Hence, the facts of the comments of the judge on the eighth

chapter remain unverified.

Non-cooperationmovement and Million March :



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On 17 February 2011, a noncooperation movement was started which lasted

for 16 days with participation by 300,000 government employees. It caused a loss

of Rs 8 billion per day in revenue to government. In February and March,

Assembly session was boycotted for weeks and parliament session was disrupted

for several days by Telangana representatives. Million March was oganised by

Telangana JAC in Hyderabad on 10 March 2011. Many seemandhra bound police

were dropped into Hyderabad city to stop the Telangana movement. In a move to

dosrupt the march, seemandhra police arrested over thousand activists throughout

the region and closed down entry to Hyderabad city by stopping certain

tranportation sevices and diverting traffic. Around 50,000 people reached the

venue of the march, Tank Bund by hoodwinking police. Telangana activists

damaged 16 statues of personalities representing Telugu culture language and

threw some of the remnants into the lake in November 2011, Telangana Rashtra

samiti Vidyarthi vibhagam (TRSV) state president Bali suman was arrested by

hyderabad police after cases were registered against him in connection with

damaging statues on Tank Bund during the ‘Million March’, attacking police

personal, damaging police and seemandhra media vehicles.

Mass resignations :

From April till June, the movement saw a lull with different parties citing

various reasons and fresh deadlines to renew the agitation. In July, 81 of 119

Telangana MALs in the state, 12 out of 15 Telangana ministers in state, 13 out of

17 Telangana MPs in Loksabha, 1 Rajyasabha MP (Congress), 20 MLCs resigned

protesting delay in the formation of Telangana. On 20 July 30 years old Yadi

Reddy was founded 100yards from parliament House in Delhi. An eight pages

suicide note says the young driver fromj greater hyderabad region of Telangana

was upset over the government not creating a new state for his homeland. The

speaker of the AP assembly on 23 July summarily rejected the resignations of all

101MLAs citing that they were made in an emotionally surcharged atmosphere.

All Telangana MPs who earlier submitted their resignations and were boycotting

the parliment session also decided to attend the parliament monsoon session citing

Sonia Gandhi’s ill health.

Sakala Janula Samme

On 12 september 2011, a day before sakala janula samme (All peole’s

strike), TRS organised a public meeting in Karimnagar which was attented by over

a million people including TJAC leaders, BJP and new Democracy party leaders.

Starting 13 Se[tember, as part strike by all section of people supporting telangana

statehood, government employees throughout Telangana stayed out of work,



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lawyers boycotted courts and 60,000 coal miners of singareni collieries (SCCL

Ltd.) also joined the strike soon goevenment teachers, state road transport

corporation employees and state electricity board employees joined the strike. On a

call give by JAC, road blockades on national highways thoughout Telangana, rail

blockade and the strike of auto rikshaw union were organized on 24 and 25

September causing disruption in trasport sevices virrtually all sections of people

joined this strike. On 30 September, as the strike entered the 18th day, even while

congress central leadership met several Telangana congress leaders, JAC called a

bundh in Hyderabad city. On 2 October, JAC leaders, employee unions leaders and

TRS leaders including KCR met Prime minister to explain the situation in

Telangana due to the strike and asked to expedite the decision on the statehood

demand. The strike has resulted in an unprecedented power crisis in the state with

only 223 MU of power generated against the demand of 275MU impacting both

the industry and agriculture Due to Rail blockade call on 15 October 110 trains

were cancelled and 68 trains were diverted by authorities. The railways operated

12 trains and Hyderabad metro trails with full police protection. Telangana

protestors tried to have sit in on rail platforms or on railways tracks at various

places. Police arrested thousands of protesters including 8 MPs and 4 MLAs. ON

16 October public transport employees called off the strike. Within days other

unions too called off the strike one after another. After 42 days, on 24 October

remaining employees unions called off the strike. M. Kodandaram said that the

strike had impacted the over all thinking of the centre towards creation of separate

state and the movement will continue with other protest activities.

On 29 October 2011 three congress party MLAs belonging to Telangana

region resigned and joined TRS in protest as they were disappointed with congress

leaderships delay in Telangana state formation. On 1 November, congress MLA

Komati Reddy Venkata Reddy started an indefinite hunger strike untill the central

government announced a roadmap for telangana state. 5 days later, the fast was

borken when police arrested him under section 309 of IPC (Attempt ot commit

suicide) and shifted him to Nims, hyderabad where he was kept under intravenous

fluids. He ended his fast on 9 November. 97 year old freedom fighter Konda

Laxman Bapuji also lanunched his week-long satyagraha at Jantar Mantar in New

Delhi. demanding statehood to the region.

2012

IN January, BJP led by state party president Kishan Reddy started the 22-

day Telangana ‘Poru Yatra’, across 88 assembly constituencies stressing the need

for Telangana state. Thouth the four was successful in reiterating the party’s Pro-



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Telangana state, it could not garner as much support as hoped because of the

indifferent attitude of the TRS and TJAC. In fact the failure of the TRS in

declaring its support to Kishan Reddy’s yatra has resulted in growing difference

between the two parties. By elections took place on 18 March in 6 Telangana

assembly seats. TRS own 4 out of 5 seats it contested with huge majorities ranging

from 15,024 to 44,465. In 2 out of the 4 seats won by TRS (kamareddy and

Adilabad), the TRS candidates polled less number of votes compared to 2009

assembly elections when they contested as candidates from TDP which was in

alliance with TRS. Ex -TDP MLA NagamJanardhan Reddy won from

Nagarkurnool seat as an independent with TJAC support. COngress lost deposit in

one constituency and TDP in 3 Constituencies. Bye-polls were conducted for 18

Assembly seats and 1 Parliment seat on 12 June. The YSRCP won 15 assembly

seats and the lone parliament seat in

Sakala Janula Samme

On 12 september 2011, a day before sakala janula samme (All peole’s

strike), TRS organised a public meeting in Karimnagar which was attented by over

a million people including TJAC leaders, BJP and new Democracy party leaders.

Starting 13 Se[tember, as part strike by all section of people supporting telangana

statehood, government employees throughout Telangana stayed out of work,

lawyers boycotted courts and 60,000 coal miners of singareni collieries (SCCL

Ltd.) also joined the strike soon goevenment teachers, state road transport

corporation employees and state electricity board employees joined the strike. On a

call give by JAC, road blockades on national highways thoughout Telangana, rail

blockade and the strike of auto rikshaw union were organized on 24 and 25

September causing disruption in trasport sevices virrtually all sections of people

joined this strike. On 30 September, as the strike entered the 18th day, even while

congress central leadership met several Telangana congress leaders, JAC called a

bundh in Hyderabad city. On 2 October, JAC leaders, employee unions leaders and

TRS leaders including KCR met Prime minister to explain the situation in

Telangana due to the strike and asked to expedite the decision on the statehood

demand. The strike has resulted in an unprecedented power crisis in the state with

only 223 MU of power generated against the demand of 275MU impacting both

the industry and agriculture Due to Rail blockade call on 15 October 110 trains

were cancelled and 68 trains were diverted by authorities. The railways operated

12 trains and Hyderabad metro trails with full police protection. Telangana

protestors tried to have sit in on rail platforms or on railways tracks at various

places. Police arrested thousands of protesters including 8 MPs and 4 MLAs. ON

16 October public transport employees called off the strike. Within days other



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unions too called off the strike one after another. After 42 days, on 24 October

remaining employees unions called off the strike. M. Kodandaram said that the

strike had impacted the over all thinking of the centre towards creation of separate

state and the movement will continue with other protest activities.

On 29 October 2011 three congress party MLAs belonging to Telangana

region resigned and joined TRS in protest as they were disappointed with congress

leaderships delay in Telangana state formation. On 1 November, congress MLA

Komati Reddy Venkata Reddy started an indefinite hunger strike untill the central

government announced a roadmap for telangana state. 5 days later, the fast was

borken when police arrested him under section 309 of IPC (Attempt ot commit

suicide) and shifted him to Nims, hyderabad where he was kept under intravenous

fluids. He ended his fast on 9 November. 97 year old freedom fighter Konda

Laxman Bapuji also lanunched his week-long satyagraha at Jantar Mantar in New

Delhi. demanding statehood to the region.

2012

IN January, BJP led by state party president Kishan Reddy started the 22-

day Telangana ‘Poru Yatra’, across 88 assembly constituencies stressing the need

for Telangana state. Thouth the four was successful in reiterating the party’s Pro-

Telangana state, it could not garner as much support as hoped because of the

indifferent attitude of the TRS and TJAC. In fact the failure of the TRS in

declaring its support to Kishan Reddy’s yatra has resulted in growing difference

between the two parties. By elections took place on 18 March in 6 Telangana

assembly seats. TRS own 4 out of 5 seats it contested with huge majorities ranging

from 15,024 to 44,465. In 2 out of the 4 seats won by TRS (kamareddy and

Adilabad), the TRS candidates polled less number of votes compared to 2009

assembly elections when they contested as candidates from TDP which was in

alliance with TRS. Ex -TDP MLA NagamJanardhan Reddy won from

Nagarkurnool seat as an independent with TJAC support. COngress lost deposit in

one constituency and TDP in 3 Constituencies. Bye-polls were conducted for 18

Assembly seats and 1 Parliment seat on 12 June. The YSRCP won 15 assembly

seats and the lone parliament seat in cabin around 1,000 Telangana supporters

went on a rampage over powering over 100 uniformed men stationed in the area

and burnt down the cabin after manhandiling railway staff. The entire singnalling

system was damaged and officals pegged the loss at around Rs 60 lakh. After

19:00, TJAC leaders violated the deadline and refused to leave the venue till the

government issues a statement on Telangana . Police first used water cannons and

later lobbed tear gas shells on the crowd and on the the stage to force the



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protestors to leave the venue finally at midnight the JAC called off teh march

citing heavy rain and injured supporters. The next day local police registered 15

cases against Kondamram and others for violence during the march . Ralway

police also registered case against unidentified persons for damage to the signalling

system at Lakdikapul. Cases were booked against the student leaders of TSJAC,

OUJAC, Telangana vidyarti Parishad and TVV. The bandh drew little reponse in

hyderabad and was partial in telangana districts. Osmania University students

again resorted to stone throwing and police retaliated by using tear gas shells.

All Party meeting in December :

On 28 December 2012 a meeting was organised by Sushilkumar shinde,

Home minister of India to discuss the telangana issue. It was attended by 8 political

parties having significant presence in the state legislature. Afte hearing views of all

the parties, the home minister said that this will be the last such meeting on this

issue and that the government will come up eith a decision within 30 days. IN the

meeting, MIM and CPI(M) reiterated their strong opposition to division of the

state. YSR Congress remained neutral and requested the central government to

take a decision. Congress representatives gave a letter signed by its president

which said that it never withdrawn its letter to Pranab Mukharjee in 2008

supporting Telangana state formation. Telangana JAC demanded more clarity from

Telugu desam before they allow TDP to be a member of JAC.

2013

2013 witnessed more protest by the TJAC including blockade of the road

blockade of NH 7 in Mahabubnagar district. Public property was destroyed. This

year also witnessed protest by 5 congress MPs for 48 hours at the entrance of the

Indian Parliament leaders from various political parties joined TRS in support of

the movement.

Chalo Assembly :

In May 2013 the TJAC gave a call to lay siege to the state legislative

assembly in Hydrabad on 14 June 2013 to demand th formation of Telangana.

Governmnent refused permission to the march as they had information that anti-

social elements might participate in the event and cause violence like in previous

events of sagara Haram and Million March where violence erupted despite

promises made by the TJAC Police made pre-emptive arrests of activists through

the region which led do stalling of the assembly proceedings by opposition parties.

The chief minister directed the director-general of police at a high-level review



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meeting not to use even rubber bullets in their efforts and observe utmost restraint

in maintaining law and order. Amid fear of violence by Naxalites after an open

latter clamied to have been written by them on the rally, police sounded a high

alert across the state and almost sealed all the arterial roads leading to the

Assembly. Over 25,000 policemen belonging to both central and state security

forece were deployed. The TJAC leaders alleged that the government has been

using repressive measures to prevent them from represinting the aspirations of

Telangana people in a peaceful manner Educational institutions declared a holiday

and public transport went off the roads and shols and establishment shut as a

precautionary measure. On the day of the event in aspit of the restrictions placed,

police could not totally prevent Telangana activists from sneaking into prime

loccations and making a vain bid to rush towards the Assembly. Hundreds of

people including state legislators, JAC chaiman and other leaders were arrests

across the city. Osmania University campus witnessed pitched battles as police

colsed the campus gate to stop students leaving campusin a rally then resorted to

tear gas shelling when student started stone pelting . After the march, the TJAC

chairman remarked that their goal to reach Assembly complex and highlight their

demand was fulfilled.

Congress core commitee Meeting :

According to an internal survey reportedly done for the state government

(cited by media sources in June), the congress party will get around 35-40seats out

of 294 MLA seats in the state, with TRS ahead in Tenagana rgion while YSRCP in

the seemaAndhra region. This survey was reprotedly being considered to arrive at

a decison on the statehood issue. On 30 June, congress leaders belonging to

Telangana region organized a public meeting in hyderabad with a turn out of over

100,000 to show their support to Telangana state. It was attended by Damodar Raj

Narasimha, Deputy chief minister of the state, central ministers, state minster, MPs

and MLAs who expressed the confidence that their party leadeship will create the

separate state soon and said that congress will perform well in next elections in

such a situation on 1 July congerss party in-charge of the state, digvijay singh said

that party is at the final stages of taking decision on telangana issue. He also

diercted state chief minister, deputy chief minister and state party president (they

represent assembly constituencies in Rayalaseema, Telangana and coastal Andhra

regions respectively) to furnish a road map, keeping both option open, that could

help lead to a decision On 11 July the three leaders presented their views in the

congress core committee meeting , post wnich it was announced that a decision

will be taken by the congress working committee. The chief minster N Kirna



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kumar Reddy met several MPs, MLAs and MLCs on 29 July in a bid to resolve the

issue being taken up by the central congress government.

CWC resolution on bifurcation

The congress working committee (CWC) unanimously passed a resolution

on 30 July to create the state of Telangana. The committee also that the concerns of

people frojm the remanining rgions sharing of water and power resources will be

addressed. The bifurcation decision sparked off fresh protests as part of the

Samailyandhra Movement.

Reactions ;

TRS welcomed the decision and its chief k. Chandrashekhar Rao said that

his party is fine with hyderabad being the joint capital This was seen as an attempt

by the INC to merge TRS into isself for the genrral and provincial election after

being marginalised in the Rayalseema and coastal regions byu the YSR congress.

A BJP state level leader gave credit for the move to Gujarat chief minister Naradra

Modi by saying that the move by congress was in reaction to Modi’s tour to

hyderabad on 11 August . BJP national level leaders reacted by saying that the

move was under pressureand that their party supports the creation of telnagana and

Vidarbha. They demanded that other requests for the creation fo new states such as

those of Gorkahaland and Bodoland need to be done by appointing a second states

Recorganisation commission earlier too. We now demand that the government

should set it up and seek a report within a specific time frame many parties and

politicians including the chief minister who hails from Rayalaseema protested the

bill. SOme even tremed it as “undemocratic”. The congress and YSRCP were

wiped out in the following elections, however in all three regions of the erstwhile

Andhra Pradesh. Indian genral election, 2014.

The decision sparked protests by the Gorkha Janmukti Morch (GJM) in the

form of an indefinite strike of an indefinite strike for Gorkhaland. GJM president

Bimal gurug also redigned from the Gorkhanaland Territorial Administration in

demand fro Gorkhalan, citing West Bengal government interference with is

autonomy. It was evern speculated by the Bundelkhand Mukti Morcha for

Bundelkhand Meanwhile, the national Home minister opined that the lack of

development in the proplsed areas and the proximity to other hotbeds in

chattishgarhs Bastar and Maharashtras Gadhidoli regions might cause and increase

in Naxalism in Telangana Communist party of India (Maoist) if the administration

is not quickly consolidated. The next steps towards the re-formation of Telangana,



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expected by early 2014, are : Thye national cabinet sharing its plans with the

president of India and the Andhra pradesh legislaure. The Prime Minister would

then organise a committee to negotiate a consensus between the leaders from the

three regions for issues such as sharing revenue and water. Both national houses of

parliament would then have to pass a resolution to create Telangana.

Cabinet approval of Telangana state:

3 October 2013, the Union cabinet approved the creation of the new state of

Telangna.A group of ministers (GOM) was created to settle issuse concerning the

new state and the state of Andhra Pradesh. Hyderabad will be the shared capital for

10 years, after which it will belong to Telangna, said the Home Minster on 8

OCtober, recently retired director general of police Dinesh Reddy said the chief

minister, Kiran Kumar Reddy pressured him to issue a public statement that the

creation of Telangana would lead to intensification of Maoist activities. He also

charged that the CM had reprimanded him for seeking additional central forces for

containing expected trouble in seemandhra in the run up to the congress working

committee’s Telangana resolution at the end of July.

Events leading to the formation of Telangana

Formation of group of minister (GOM)

Government of India set up the group of ministers (*GOM) headed by union

home minister sushilkumar shinde to address all the issuee that need resolution at

the central and state government levels during the foramation of Telangana state.

GOM met on 11 October for the first time released its terms of reference on 16

Oct. GOM met 2nd time on 19th Oct. and considered the background notes which

had been prepared by the Home ministry regarding the various issues pertiaining to

the bifurcation. It also asked feeback from public to send their suggestions

pertaining to the specific terms of reference before 5 November on 29 October, the

back ground notes prepared by home ministry for GOM appeared in the media. On

30 October, union Home minister sushil kumar shinde called for an all party

meeting , to be attended by representatives of national and regional parties of the

state, to discuss the issues related to bifurcation in a letter to 8 major political

parties in thestates, home ministery asked the parties to submit their suggestions to

the GOM by 5 November, following which an all party meeting will be held. On

13-14 November GOM met the representatives all parties of the state to discuss

(TDP boycotted the meeting) about the issue related to vifurcation. GOM had

meetings including some with CM, Deputy CM, cabinet ministers from the state



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and other state leaders while finalizing the Telangana draft bill. On 3 December,

Talk of including 2 Rayalaseema distrits, Ananthapur distric and Kurnool district,

in Telanganan state by GOM was criticized by pro Telangana groups. TRS and

JAC called for Telangna wide bandh (Strike) 0n 5 December 2013 which had a

good response on the evening of 5 December 2013, cabinet approved the

Telangana draft bill prepared by group of ministers (GOM). The bill have to

approved by parliament before it becomes 29th state of the union.

Legislative Proceedings

6 December 2013:

India’s Union Home Ministry sends the Telangana draft to the president of

India.

11 December 2013:

The president of India reviews the bill and passes it on to the Anhdra

pradesh state Assembly to elicit its views, giving it untill 23 January to respond

with its viewss. The bill was ungently hand delivered the following day to

Assembly secreatariat by the joint secretary o Union Home Ministry.

16 December 2013:

The Telangana draft bill was introduced in Andhra Pradesh state assembly

by deputy speaker Mallu Bhatti Vikramarka in speakers absence. This was met by

protests and chaos created by the seemandhra MLAs.

17 December 2013:

Assembly decides to disuss the bill starting the following day this evokes

mixed reactions including allegaions on seemandhra leaers attempt toderail the bill

by delaying the process.

18, 19 December 2013:

Assembly proceedings continue to be disrupted. The situation forces the

spearker, Nadendla Manhor to adjourn the house until 3 January . This is met with

protests from the Telangna MLAs. Telangana and seemandhra leaders meet the

president pranab mukherjee vying with each other to complain about the way the

Telangana bill was being hanlded.



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1 January 2014:

2 days before that start of the next assembly session. the chief minister Kiran

Kumar Reddy replaces D Sridhar Babu with S Saliahanath. This move mcomes

criticized as the former hails from telangana and the latter is actively involved

with Samaikyandhra movement. Sridhar Babu resings from the cabinet in protest.

3,4 January 2014:

Situatioj fails to improve as assembly sessions remain desrupted .

6 January 2014:

Unable to continey assembly session amid chaos, the speaker request

membrs to submit written amendments, if any to the clauses of the bill by 10

January.

8 January 2014:

The bill is finally taken up for debate. However, this lasts for only a few

minuties with the YSR congress party MLAs resuming protests

9 January :

The debate continues only agter YSRCP MLAs were suspended. While there

was polrization on regional lines, debate more or less turned into a blame game

over the state bifurction issues as every party indulged in a game of political one

upmanshilp. Congress leaders from seemandhra and minister Vatti Vasanth kumar

spoke opposing the telangana bill and said bifurcation is against seemandhra

interests. On 10 January, E Rahjender spoke in length supportingt Telangna bill

while highlighting the grievances of Telangan people and the history of the

movement. CPI floor leader G Mallesh, Congress leader from Telangana and

government chief whip Gandra Venkaramana Reddy spoke supporting Telangana

bill. House was adjorned until 17 January . After 17 January, debate had less

disruptions. Chief minister rewuested the presiedent 4 week additional time for the

debate had move poopsed by Telangana leaders.On 23 January president gave 7

days extension, untill 30 Hanuary, for assembly to give its views on telangana draft

bill.



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23-25 Jan 2014 :

The chief minister presents his anslysis on how the difurcation is derimental

to both regions, the highlights being the effect on current irrgation projects in

Telangana and better subsidized lelctricity given to farmers of telangna. Telangana

MLAs ridicule the chief minister and prevent the proceedings citing no opportunity

to make a counter argument. The chief minister later expressis his opinion as the

AP Reorganization bill -2013 being defective. Other members view this as an

unsuly delayed reaction.

27 Jan 2014 :

Chief minister Kiran Kumar Reddy, gave notice to assembly speaker

requesting to move resolution rejecting the Telangana bill. The move was

criticized by Telangana MLAs including the ministers and deputy chief minster

saying that cabinet was not consulted on the subject. They said this amounts to

defying the union cabinet constitution and president . After this, no debate was

possible in the assembly as Telangna members insisted that speaker reject the

chiefmjnsters notice. On 30 Jan 2014, Andhra Pradesh asembly speaker declared

that assembly completed the debate and all the members gave their views. He said

he would send to the president of India a compilation of 9,072 suggestions and

amendments he received in writing from membrs, inclu7sing 87 members who had

spoken on the bill in the house. Further he accepted the chief ministers notice of

resolution to reject the AP recorganization bill and declared that resolution passed

by voice vote with out even waiting for the maMLAs in the house to say ‘aye’,

admist pandemonium and protests from Telangna MLAs. Earlier in the day

seemandhra memgers rused to the well of the house demanding that the resolution

moved by the CM, without cabinet approval, be put to vote, those from the

telangana region, inclouding the ministers and deputy chief minister did the same

with the demand that there should be no voting. At 11.30 pm, in what appears to

bea coordinated strategy between the speakerm the chief minister and the

seemandhra legislators, all the members from that region converged at the well of

the house and formed a wall around the speaker even as Manohar read out the

resolution, put it to vioce vote and declared it as having been passed. The bill will

now be sent back to president pranab mukherjee after which it is slated to be table

in Parliament. The resolution was placed in the house and was declared passed

with in 15 seconds. Analystsa say “rejection of Telangana bill” is not vaild and is

usefull only for political grand statning. Union cabinet minister Jaipal Reddy said

that the resolution ot reject the Telangana bill was passed in the assembly by

cheating and it has no statutory and political sanctity. General secretary of congress



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party’s in charge for Andhra Pradesh, Digvijaya singh said that the bill that the

president sent to the assembly was never meant to be put to vote and said that the

congress high command and the center would go ahead with its plans to introduce

and pass the Telangana bill in parliament during the forthcoming session. On 4

February, GOM cleared the Telangana bill after making few amendements to it

based upon the input from state assembly . On 7 Feburay, Union cabinet cleared

the Telangana bill and plans to introduce in upper house of parliament with 32

amendements. Amdndment include the details of financial package to seemandhra

to address their concerns. On 13 Feburay Telangana bill was introduced in the

Loksabha the lower house of parliament, by union home minister, sushilkumar

shinde despite protests, disruptions of seemandhra MPs. In an unprecedented

incidence, the use of pepper spray by seemandhra MP, Lagadapati Rajagopal in

the Loksabha during the introsuction of the bill caused all the members to leave the

house and some members to be hospitapized.

18 February 2014:

the Telangana bill is passed by the loksabha with supports from the BJP and

congress. Broadcast of the proceedings enters a blackout during the voice vote.

This caused widespresad criticism of the manner in which the bill was passed.

20 February 2014: The telangana bill is passed by Rajya sabha with the support

form the BJP. The bill receives the assent o the president and published in the

gazette on 1 March 2014. On 4 March 2014 the government of India declares 2

June 2014 the telangana formation day. Telangana is the 29th state of the Unon of

India with Hyderabad as its capital. Both states will share the capital for 10 years

until seemandhra can establish its own. However, the revenues of Hyderabad and

state governing power will go only to Telangana . No special status was accorded

to seemandhra, though it was hinted in the Telangana bill.

Six -point formula is a political settlement was reached with the governmetn of

India with a six-point formula on 21 September 1973. It was agreed upon by the

leaders of hte two regions to prevent any recurrence of such agitations in the

future. To avoid legal problems, constitution was ameneded (32nd amendment) to

give the legal sanctity to the six-point formulal During the time there was

presidents rule in Andhra Pradesh after p.v.Narasimha rao resigned as chief

ministers.

Six –points

1. Accelerated development of the back ward areas of the state, and planned

development of the state capital, with special resources earmarked for these

purposes; and appropriate representation of such back ward ateas in the state



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legislature , along wityh other experts, should formulate and monitor

development schemes for the areas. The formation at the state level of a

planning Board as well as sub-committees for different backward areas

should be the appropriate instrument for achieving this objective.

2. Institution of uniform arrangements throughout the state enabling adequate

preference beling given to local candidates in the matter of admission to

educational institutions, and establishment of a new central University at

Hyderabad to augment the existing educational facilities should be the basis

of the educational policy of the state.

3. Subject to the requirements of the state as a whole, local candidates should

be given perference to specialed extent in the matter of direct recruitment to

(i) non-gazetted posts (other than in the secreatariat. Offices of Head of

Department, other state level offices and istitutions and the Hyderabad city

police (ii) corresponding posts under the local bodies and (iii) the posts of

Tahsildars, Junior Engineers and civil Assistant surgeons. To improve their

promotion prospects, service cardres should be organised to the extent

possible on appropriate locals basis up to specified gazatted level, first or

second, as may be administratively convenient.

4. A high - power administrative tribunal should be constituted to deal with the

grievances of service regarding appointments, senirority, promotion and

other allied matters. The decisions of the Tribunal should ordinarily be

binding on the state government. The consitution of such a tribunal would

justify limits on recourse to judiciary in such matters.

5. In order that implementation of measures based on the above principles does

not give rise to litigation and consequent uncertainty, the constitution should

be sutably amended to the extent necessary conferring on the presedint

enabling powers in this behalf.

6. The above appoach would render the continuance of Mulki Rules and

Regional committee unnecessary.

Violation



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In 1985, when Telangana employees complained about the violations to six-

point formula, government enacted government order 610 (GO610) to correct the

violations in recruitment. As Telangana people complained about non-

implementation of GO 610, in 2001, government constituted Girglani commission

to look into violations.

The Girglani commission submitted its preliminary its report on 6-10-2001

on implementation of Go 610. The commission submitted its final report on the

deviations in the implementation of the presidential order and making suggestions

on safeguards to set right injustices and anomalies. The Fine Report, comprising

716 pages spread over three volumes, was handed to the government on September

30, 2004. The Assembly’s winter session was held in December 2004 but the state

government chose not to table the report in the House at the time. Four-and -a-half

months after the final report was recevied, the government laid it on the table of

the Assembly on February 16, 2004. The brief, one-page action taken report

merely mentioned that the government has constituted the seven-member group of

Ministers to examine the Report. The first meeting was held on 11-1-2005 and it

was decided to communicate the Report to all departments of secretariat for their

examination and to furnish their suggestions/proposals pertaining to their

departments.

Normally, the ATR indicate the follow-up action taken by the government

on the findings and recommendations of an Inquiry commission appointed under

the commission of Inquiries Act. In the instant case, the only follow-up action that

the government has taken is the nomina tion of a group of ministers and

dispatching the copies of the reports to the departments at the Secretariat level.

This explains the callousness and casual approach of the congress government,

which promised in the poll manifesto on the eve of 2004 Assembly elections to

implement the GO Ms 610 in letter and spirt.

Only the Home Minister Shri K Jana Reddy and the Home Department have

evinced some interest in initiating action on the Girlani Commission’s findings and

suggestions. The Home minister announced recently that the government has

decided to repartriate to their home districts as many as 3,150 police personnel

who have been working in Hyderabad Cyberabad commissionerates in violation of

APF and GO Ms 610. The Home Minister, however, clarifed that such repartriation

would be done in phases to avoid administrative, departmental and legal problems.

Moreover, no methodology or time-limit has been specified for repariation of

personnel to their respective zones. It is unfortunate that other ministers and



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departments have maintained stoic silence on the issue and not taken any action on

the Girlani comminssion report so far.

Girglani commission report as “an eye-opener” is the gross injustice done to

the people of Telangana region all these decades. Our party gives credence to the

contention of TNGOs Union that as many as 60,000 non-locals from other region

in violation of SPF, presidential order and GO Ms 610. It is our considered view

that the presidential order on reservations to local cadidates has been grossly

violated in Telangana and thousands of ‘settlers’ have grabbed the government

jobs in Hyderabad, Rangareddy and other eight Telangana districts. It is all the

more painful to note that those who have been wilfully denying rightful

employment to locals in Telangana in the name of an integrated AP have chosen to

subvert the work of Girglani commission in various ways. Not even one-third of

the 134 -odd departments furnished data to Girilani commission. If all the

departments had extended their full cooperation, the commission would have

brought to light starting facts on the injustice meted out to Telangana since the

formation of Andhra Pradesh on November 1, 1956.

Justice pingle Jaganmohan Reddy was chief Justice of Andhra Pradesh

High Court.

He was born on 23 January 1910. He practised in the High Courts of

Bombay, Madras and Hyderabad during 1937-46. He saved as deputy secretary,

Government of Hyderabad, Additional Judge, District and Sessions Judge,

Additional Judge High Court, Hyderabad from 25 February 1945 till 16 November

1946.

A commission of Inquiry was set up to probe into the firing occurred on

September 3 and 4 and submitted report on 28 December 1952.

Report :

1) lack of coordination between people and police and politicians.

2) disturbances rose out of furstrated people

3) people tried to dispressed by using tear gas and lathi charge, then opened fire

1953 intial debates for Telangana :



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He worte a social history ot the Telugu people, Andhrula saanghika charitra,

which was first published in 1949 and has since gone through many deitions. It

was the first Telugu language book that ot win the best national book award

(Kendra sahity Academy Puraskaram.). From the 1970 on wards it was a

prescribed text for the Indian Administrative sevice and Indian police service

examinations and of the Andhra Pradesh civil service commission.

Pratapaareddy was a scholar in sanskrit, Telugu, Urdu and English

languages. He had termendous admiration for Telangana Telugu. He is famous for

his research articles, novels, poety, story writer, and lierary critic. He used to say,

“British Andhrulu Brownvandharm (English-Telugu) matlaadite memu

tarakyandhram (Urdu-Telugu) matladutamu. (British Andhras peak Tenglishh

(Telugu-English) and we speak Turdu (Telugu -Urdu).”

He compiled a list of 354 Telangana poets under the title “Golconda

Kavaulu” to prove that Telangana also had literature and poetry. Pratapareddy

wrote approximately 40 books, including Nizamrashtra Palanam, Mogalayi

Kathalu, Sanghoddharana, Ucchala Vishadamu, Grandhalayamu, Hinduvula

pandugalu, Haindava Dharmaveerulu, Yuvajana vignyanam etc.

Most promint among his writings was Andhrulu Sanghikacharitra (social

History of Andhras), which won him prestigious “Kendra sahitya Award,” a

federal Indian government award for literature. In this book he described a

thousand years of Telugu cultural and social history. Some of the interesting points

in this book were: Men used to wear mattelu (toe rings) during Nannaya period (~

1000AD). Telugug script is called “Onamalu” derived from Om Namah Sivaya of

Saivim. Reddys and velamas were not Telugus. They were inmmigrants.

Rashtrakutas from north became Reddy’s and vellalu from Temil countrry

became velamas. Velamas were social reformers and Reddys were orthodox and

hence there was always rivalry between these two tribes. During the period of

srinadha (~15th century) they were considered equal in the society.

He was the editor and founder of Golconda Patrika, a journal in Hyderabad

state. Many of his articles appeared in journals like Sujata, Shoba, Bharati etc.

He was moved by the sad plight and illiteracy of Telangana people. He was

disturbed by the fact that Urdu was the ruling language and Telugu had no respec.

There were no facilities for Telangana Telugus to strudy in their mother longue.



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Raja Bahaddur Venkatranareddy, the police commissioner of Nizam state,

employed him as the secretary of Reddy Hostel in Hyderabad. Pratapareddy set up

a very good library in the hostel in Hyderabad. Pratapareddy set up a very good

library in the hostel and brought activity and discipline among the students. He quit

job at Reddy Hostel to launch a Telugu language jounal “Golconda” for the benifit

of Telugu people. Golconda was published twice a week. In one of the editorials of

Goloconda he wrote that the purpose the journal was twofold:

1) to serve Telugu language in Telangana and

2) to help develop every body in Telangana without any tribal/ caste prejudices.

Kaloji narayana Rao:

Kaloji Narayana Rao (9 September 1914 -13 November 2002) more

popularly known as Kaloji or Kalanna was an Indian poet, freedom fighter, Anti-

fascist and political activist of Telangana. When he supported for visalandhra at

Warangal headed by sri sri people thrown stone on him . With this incident one

come to know about people intention about telangana.


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