WOMAN IN ANCIENT SANSKRIT LITERATURE
Devaky, E S. “Feminist Readings in Kalidasa's works ,” Thesis. Department of Sanskrit, University of Calicut, 2006.
CHAPTER I1
WOMAN IN ANCIENT SANSKRIT LITERATURE
Diversity, the peculiarity of Indian culture, is seen not only in
language and customs, but also in all aspects of society. Therefore, it is
not easy to define or find a stereotype Indian woman in literature
because literature or society cannot be seen without connection,
influence or implication to each other. As such, the study of literature
cannot be done divorced from society in which it is produced. The
human relationship in a society depends upon the foundation of
economic relationship. The basis of Indian society has a history, which
has an antiquity of centuries. It has undergone modifications through
ages, not only in form but also in spirit.
India has a systematised society from ancient times, with a
documented history. The diversity of Indian society is the result of this
diversity of the basic principles like caste (varna) hierarchies, (girama)
(stages of life) and puvu~artha (aims of life) on which the society is
structured. The people are classified according to these principles.
Kalid~sa, being a strict follower of this system, pictured his characters
also based on this foundation. So to understand the position of woman
in the works of Kalidasa, the knowledge of this social structure is
necessary. Therefore, a study of this social structure and the picture of
woman in Sanskrit literature from the Vedas to Kalidasa are included in
this study.
Varna
Vaqza is the classification of people in society based on the
occupation or duties assigned to them.' Race, culture and character also
form the basis of vama apart from profession. In the 10" mandala of
8gveda (QV), which is believed to be of later origin, used the term
varna to denote social order or division into bmhmana, k~atriya, vaiSya
and Siidra, who had formed from the purusa. Among them Brdhmana2 was
respected and worshiped considering them as equal to gods and used
the epithets like bhiisura, mahisura3 etc. In later period, as people dealing
with intellectual activities, they entered into politics and began to
handle posts like ministers, royal priests etc. and to take active and
decisive role in administration of the country. Ksatriya were associated
with power and became kings or rulers. They were advised to abstain
from attaching themselves to sensual pleasures.' In later period, these
two classes, being the lawmakers, jointly laid down the laws, rules and
regulations, beneficial to them. VaiSya, the merchant class, like present
day, could command respect all the time, and controlled the reign, and
economy of the state. The Siidra, who formed the working class, serving
the other three classes, was in the lowest rung of the society and was
denied access to any intellectual activities. In addition to these there
was another class called antyajas, who according to Manu, were come
Bhagauadgeeta. IV. 13
MS I. 88 TSam. 1.1.33 MS. I. 89
'P.V. Kane, History of Dharmaiastra vol. I p 165.
out, as a consequence of pratiloma marriages who handled various
S&tras, arts and the like, but had no access to intellectual activities.
Another principle helped to shape Indian society is adrama. Varna
is the base of social order whereas girama is the rules to be followed in
an individual life. The life span of an individual is divided generally
into four stages viz. brahmacarya (studentship), garhasthya
(householdership), vanupvastha (forest life) and sanyasa, (renunciation).
Non-remaining in any of these adramas was considered as sinful. This
&ama system attained a divinity during smrtis when it was made the
duty of every individual to follow it1. This fourfold scientific staging
was introduced for the proper utilisation of human resources in all
spheres, beneficial to the individual, society and the state as well.
Brahmacarya is the period of education in the life of an individual
and was framed according to the caste system to prepare the individual
for a disciplined personal life. In grhasthlTs'rama, the second and the
most important stage, a person enters to the family life2. Marriage was
regarded as a sacrifice and one who did not enter the married life was
considered as not perfect'. This stage is also considered as for enjoying
the worldly pleasures4. To avoid the misuse of this, some social
' M S V.1.92
M S . 11. 595 ABr. 11. 2. 2. 6. 7
4 R V . I. 8
obligations or yajfias benefiting the society were also introduced during
the Vedic period. After enjoying worldly pleasures in accordance with
dharma, one enters to the vanaprastha, preparatory stage of
renunciation. In that stage he has to control emotions, mind and body.
Sanyasa was intended to develop the attitude of detachment.
Following this tradition, Kalidasa also had much respect to
g~hasthairama. All of his heroes are householders. Though he depicts his
heroes as followers of this four &ramas, he is partial to this DSrama.
Kings had occasion to enjoy all the pleasures of worldly life. In KS,
Kalidasa depicts ~ i v a , an ascetic, as in this stage, whose conjugal life
was exalted and performed his duties perfectly as a householder. He
describes ascetics like Kanva and Gautami also as possessing emotions
and attachments of a householder. Kalidasa was much attracted by this
stage of life and was an upholder of the second aSrama as is seen in
RaghuvamSa (RV), where Raghu, his ideal hero lives in a cottage near the
kingdom, even during his vanaprastha.
Another leading principle of Indian society is the concept of
purusarthas or aims of life. They are four in number-caturvarga. They are
Dharma, Artha, Kama and Moksa. The first three constitute Trivarga.
Dharma or righteousness is a mode of life or code of conduct, which
regulates activities of a person as a member of the society and as an
individual and is the foremost, acceptable, and the most important,
among the four, any lapse of which affects life adversely. Kalidasa
depicts it in AbhijfiiinaSakuntala (SK) , first canto of RV and in the story of
Agnivarna. Ancient Indians recognised wealth and acquiring of wealth
as an end of human life and accepted artha as a puru~iirtha, insisting the
right way of earning and disbursing of it. Kalidasa in RV' states
'tyagiya sambhytiirthiinnm'. Desire or Knma is recognised as an aim of life
considering the necessity of the fulfilment of desires. Although, Mok~a is
praised as the supreme puru~irtha, Kalidasa does not favour it.
Samskiiras
Every stage of progress and change in the life of an individual
was celebrated as a religious ritual to ensure participation of family
members and society as well. These are known as ~odaSasarnskiiras,
jiitaknrma to antye~ti, covering the period from birth to death revealing
the social consciousness of the ancient Indians. It had begun during the
time of the Vedas, with laid down rules, which established during GS,
and got a divinity during smytis.
Kalidasa and varnlrSvarnadharrna
Kalidasa who was attracted by these traditional values and
principles had employed all these in his works. In the prologue to his
RV, he gives a short account of this and its application through the
description of the life of Raghu dynasty. RV being a mahakiivya he had
ample opportunity to include his vision of life in it. In RV, Kalidasa
draws a sketch of the ideal king, as he being the head of the nation and
is concerned with all the persons and activities from hut to palace could
represent a cross section of the society. The sixth Slob in RV
summarises the principles of varndiramadharma. The indeclinable 'yath~',
meaning in accordance with, was used to denote his activities according
to varna and dsrama. In the next Slob, he summarises the concept of four
'puru~drthas' through the example of the king, who acquires wealth for
charity, and speaks in deliberate manner preserving the vow of the
truth, who marries for begetting sons etc. Kalidasa expressed protection
of varnriSramadharma, as the duty of the king, through the words of Sits.'
The punishment for violation of varnadharma is exemplified through the
episode of Sambaka, which was justified as part of the protection of
varnadharma. Four lrSramas and duties thereof are given in the Slob2:
~aiiave 'bh yas tavidy~nam yauvane vigayai~inam, Vardhake munivrt t inam yogenante tanu tyajdm.
Kings got proper education in the childhood, enjoyed life in
youth, after fulfilling their duties adopted forest life and in the end, in
the fourth stage, abandoned the physical body through yoga and
attained samadhi. He accounts the principle of caturvarga in the S lob3
Jugopdtrnanarnatrasto bheje dharrnarnanaturah, Agydhnurlidate so'rtharnasaktah sukharnanvabhiit.
' RV. XIV. 67 RV. I . 8
RV. 1.21
He asserted the importance of this caturvarga through examples
and punished those who not employed them properly. Rama, who was
punished for over depending dharma, by loosing his conjugal life is one
among them. He depicted Agnivarna as a victim of over longing for
kiima and as a punishment he could not fulfil the duty through
pancamahnyajfias and expiate his family from sins. He praises Aja for
fulfilling his duties properly and enjoying life thereafter.
But the very interesting question is how this system was
applicable to in the case of women. Kalidasa depicted the women
characters also as abiding to these rules, but tried to point out the
drawbacks of the theory and its application. Women also were divided
according to varna. But duties assigned to them differ as they are
considered as equal to s'iidras. So they had no right to initiation and no
participation in ritual or social life. Women's access to the Vedas and
other authoritative texts had undergone changes or revision. They were
allowed to take vow for the welfare of their husbands. This changed the
position of women. Though there were examples of women R~is as
composers of hymns, in later period women were barred even from
hearing the Vedic mantras, and during smytis women pictured as
dangerous creatures, which blocked them educationally. These resulted
in sealing of the fate of women socially and culturally. Gradually she
was allowed to participate in bhakti or devotion to deities. In
VikramorvaSiya (VIK) and SK there are examples of this worship of gods,
but not of Vedic rituals. Even senior ascetics like Aditi did not use
Sanskrit as a medium. However, there is direct reference to women's
participation and studentship or brahmaca ya in the Vedic and post the
Vedic literature. The passage1 in Atharvaveda (AV) "brahmacaryena kanyd
yuvgnam vindate patim" (a maiden wins a young husband through
brahmaca y a . ) points to this.
As already stated Kalidasa is an ardent worshiper of the Vedic
tradition. He wrote his works in accordance with the rules laid down in
traditional law books. He quotes AV, MS and so on. He acknowledged
this indebtedness in the line "Sruteriv~rtham ~rn~tiranva~acchat"~, which
points his favour to Sruti and smyti. His works are like illustrations of
the traditional rules. But he also utilises this to criticise the bad aspects
of smyti. So it is helpful to go through these texts to understand the
history of the treatment of woman in Sanskrit literature. These rules
might have undergone periodical reformations to suit the situation,
which made changes in the spirit also.
The Vedic Literature
Among the available texts, the most ancient one is the RgV. It is
in the form of hymns invoking deities, the personified forms of nature.
In the later period, they were used for rituals. AV is another text to deal
with the rituals. So the material for the study of the position of women
' AV. XI.15.18 RV. 11. 2
is very limited in it. Yajurveda (YV) and Siimaveda (SV), which are
considered as ceremonial collections, mainly deal with ritual aspects.
RgV and AV being forerunner of later literature are relevant here.
The Vedas
RgV being hymns invoking gods for help in private and public
life of individual and society does not supply materials worth regarding
the status of women. There are prayers for long life with children and
grand children, securing wives and welfare of family.' They also prayed
for the destruction of demons, which killed offspring.' The position of
women can be judged based on the freedom they enjoyed in the society
in different stages of life. - as a child, a wife, a mother and old age. In
literature only two stages, as wife and mother, were only depicted, first
and last were usually ignored.
The Vedic period is a stage when men lived a life of nomads.
Naturally, they prayed Indra for warrior sons to protect them, from the
attack of wild animals and other settled people, and to refine the
uncultivated land - suvivyasya patayah syama - and Indra the warrior god
became prominent. Heroic sons were regarded as boons conferred by
gods. But there are stray references to the birth of a daughter also. The
birth of a daughter was not condemned and was protected by father
and brother, cared by the mother but was not regarded as equal to son.
' RgV. I X . 67.9.11 and AV. VIII. 35.10. 83. RgV. I X . 162.
So it can be assumed that the position of a girl or daughter was not very
low. Vivasva says to Manu: 'putrind vd kumdrind viSvamdyuvyaSnuta ~ b h a
hiranyapeSasdl ' and Bharadvaja states: 'bahvindm pitd bahurasya putrah1.2
Brother was considered as the protector and sister as mangalaerini of
brother-kim b h m a sat yadandtham bhavati kimu svasyd
yannir~tirnirgacchet.~ Female gods were generally considered as sisters.
RgV also gives reference to women in battle.' She was depicted as
strong, brave, bold, having no enemies and also conquering enemie~.~
Woman mind was not conq~erable.~ In YV, epithets like lioness,
conqueror of enemies, not sorrowful etc were used7 It gives a picture of
Indrani proud in her victory, wants to recognise her strength by Indra
and also as the source of strength of Indra.8
In the Vedic period the status of education was much higher than
that of later period. Rsis like Lopamudra, ViSvavara, Ghosa etc. were
stated to be as composers of hymns9 and regarded as rsis or Seers.
Name of these were preserved in later literature also surviving all
alterations. This is a proof for brahmacarya and women education during
that period. But it is not easy to determine the exact nature of education.
AV states the need of education for both girls and boys. They performed
' RgV. VIII. 31 .8 = RgV. VII. 75 .5
RV.X.lO. 11 4RgV.X.34.8-9,X.35.8,X.145.1andRVX.86.10; RV.X.151.3-4, RVI . 118.8,1.116.15,
RgV. V.30.9
RV X. 159, YV. XI. 55-56. RV. I. 113. 19 RgV.VII. 33. 17, X. 95. 15 YV. V. 10, X. 26, XIII.16 RgV.VII1. 8. 1 7 RgV. V.28, X.39
sacrifice1and a hymn describes the sacrifice by wives for the welfare of
their husbands in battle.2 The picture of girls in youth is given in the
hymns of Usas. They are pictured as marching in the sky without any
hesitation inspiring the mind of all living beings. The freedom to move
in society is evident in the description of Samand where one beautiful
maiden going to Samand well dressed and well decorated was depi~ted.~
Goddess Usas was also compared to maiden going to Samand. Stirya, as
a lover, follows Usas. The water flowing according to wind was also
compared to them.5 The word Samand was used in the sense of assembly
(sabhd), social gathering or battle (samgrdma) and festival (utsa~a)~. So it
can be concluded that women were allowed to move freely in battle,
assembly and festivals. In early primitive days, women were free and
could act and move, as they like. They were free from restrictions and
not confined to the house. She could have relation with any body they
liked which was stopped by ~vetaketu, son of Uddalaka.
The episode of UrvaSi and Purtiravas in RgV is an example for
marriage by periodical contract. Marriage is a decisive event in the life
of a woman as it regulates her activities. The main question in this is
how the interest of partners was protected. RgV contains stories of
marriages of their own will as well as arranged marriages. Vimada or
Cyavana syavasva carried Kamadru, daughter of king Pusyamitra
' RgV VIII. 91.1 AV. 11. 1. 177 RgV. X. 86.10
RgV.IV. 58.8
RgV X . 168.27 RgV. IV. 58.7
away with the help of ASvins.' Sfirya daughter of Sun chose ASvins as
the bridegrooms, since she was allowed to choose her bridegroom
avoiding Soma, who desired to marry her. RgV contains a statement
suggesting that the best method of selection of mate is svayamvara and
considers that bride, who selected her mate in an assembly is bhadrn.' In
that ordinary village life, there was opportunity for the youths to meet
and enjoy the company of each other, in various places of festivals and
fairs and the most popular type of marriage by selection of mate by
themselves was possible, where mutual attachment and free choice
were generally a p p r ~ v e d . ~ However, in all types of marriages, mutual
love of the couples was believed to be the base of married life rather
than how they were united and such couples were known as dampati.
The word dampati, in dual, both as a unit, constitute the lord of house
and denotes this unity in society. But in every case once united they
wished it to be lasting and should be consecrated. The nuptial rituals
were intended to impart sanctity to this relation. This necessitated the
religious rituals, which included social, biological and religious aspects,
intending the enrichment of individual, family and race inevitable.
Later, with the progress of civilisation, the rituals, which were simple
initially, became complex in nature.
Kalidasa lived in a developed ceremonial age. He, accepting this
Vedic tradition, describes the ceremony in his Kumdrasambhava (KS)
following the AV tradition in marriage. The marriage was conducted in
' RgV. I . 116.1 R g V X.27. 17
RgV . X.27.17
the bride's house. Accordingly, father receives the bridegroom and
presents silken rob and ornaments to the bridegroom.' But in RgV it is
to the bride by the bridegroom. Then she steps upon a stone (agmliroha),
which symbolises stability of the relation and long life of the bride.2 The
bridegroom becomes astonished on the sight of decorated bride 3. Then
describes the important ceremony of grasping the hand of the bride by
the bridegroom.'(plinigrahana) promising to cherish her5. Another ritual
was llijahoma, (pouring of fried grains to the fire) which was intended to
the long life of bridegroom. There was a prayer to dispel the evils in the
bride6. It is avoided in KS and thus dignified the status of woman. The
husband and wife constituted a unit. The nuptial hymn points to the
duties towards each other. Then comes benediction by the people
present there restoring the concord between a man and wife to be
superior, not to be divided, accomplishing together, moving on with
joint labour, come higher, seeking what is agreeable to one another and
remaining like minded.l Absence of saptapadi, a ritual, where
bridegroom leads the bride through seven steps, which symbolically
represents seven different stages of life viz. food, strength, vratas,
friendship, welfare of domestic animal, increase of wealth and benefit of
seven priests in husbands family, is noticeable. Saptay~is represent the
AV. XIV. I. 4, K S . VII.72-73 AV. XIV. I. 4-5,47 AV. XIV.1. 59, KS. VII. 74 KS. VII. 75
S A V. XIV. 1.4-51 AV. XIV. 2.59-69 KS. VII. 83
seven priests.' Kalidasa avoided this as not to separate Parvati from her
house.
Svagotrad bhrasyate nari vivahad saptame pade,
Panigrahanamatrasfu niyatarn daralak+anam.
During dhruvadariana bride has to recite a mantra- dhruvam
paiyami prajamvindeya iti.3 But, now the bridegroom himself recites this
pointing to the deterioration in the status. Then they go to the
bridegroom's house.4 Kalidasa is silent about the rituals thereafter.
There was a nuptial oath of oneness. She is the partner in the duties of a
man. Marriage is important as the beginning of a family life, where
husband and wife has to share the duties, struggles and ideals. The
main aim of a marriage was this co-operation as a companion
(Sahadharmini). There was a practice, stressed during the time of
marriage by the bride's father. 'Dharme ca arthe ca h m e ca na
aticaritavyeyam' -on this condition that the bridegroom should not
supersede her in dharma (duty, or justice) artha, (wealth), and in hma
(desire) the three aims of life. The bridegroom himself had to repeat
thrice the promise 'ndbhicarami'. These rituals with slight changes are
seen in AV also. In SK Kanva warns Dusyanta keeping this in mind.
The ceremony ends with the presenting of the nuptial garment to
WVA. P.107 YS. VIII. 78 SGS. 1.17. 4 ,
AV. XIV. I. 60
brfihmana priest to drive away the demons and then his benedictions on
them.
Kalidasa followed this and made valid the relationships of
Purtiravas and UrvaSi and ~akuntala and Dusyanta introducing a priest
in the end. Girls on failing to find a worthy husband had to pass their
life in their house.' Evidences in the text show that marriage assured
honourable position to wife. The husband was advised to respect her
and honour her2. However, the wife was to be obedient to husband and
subservient to his will.
Maternity, it was believed, would make a woman perfect and
honourable especially by heroic sons. This concept can be seen in a
hymn3 Indrani expressed her proud on her victorious heroic sons.4 The
woman, who produces great sons, attains the status of mahisi.' Lack of
son was considered equal to poverty. In RV Sudaksina is a mahisi. The
life of widow was not pitiable. Restrictions and austerities were lesser
than later period. She could marry younger brother of husband with the
permission of elder^.^ During RgV burial of widow was not prevalent
because before the burial of the dead husband she was removed by his
brother, servant or other relatives and after seeking permission of the
diseased, she could marry one of them she liked. K~lidasa did not
picture a widow ultimately separated from husband.
' RgV. 111. 55-58 AV. XI. 1.42-43
RgV.VII1. 20.5 , RgV. 11. 32. 7
RgV. X. 159.9 AV. I1 36. 6
6RgV.X.40.2,X. 16.8,X.40.12
No clear reference to property right of woman is seen in RgV. The
presents received at the time of marriage were sent along with the wife
to the husband's house. Husband being the legal guardian, guarded the
wealth also. Evidences from nuptial ceremony revealed that in a family
life husband and wife shared all the religious, social, and familial
responsibilities. In that age, uncultivated land, sons and animals like
cow were considered as wealth and the right of property might not be a
problem. The need of the period was protection from animals, enemies
and natural calamities.
Generally, monogamy was practised. Hymns like that of
marriage indicate this and also permanent union, relationship and
common interest. But there is a hymn related to marriage assuring strict
monogamy of husband.' But divorce was not referred to in the text. In
later part of RgV, polygamy was referred to. The tenth mandala contains
hymns winning husband, conquering CO-wives2. But in language and
spirit it corresponds to the Sanskrit of later period. Taitiriyasamhitd
(TSam) gives explanation to this.3 In the early times, polygamy might
not have been very common. When Aryans were well settled and
luxury became a part of their life, polygamy became a fashion and
symbol of greatness. During the medieval period, polygamy was very
popular especially among the ruling class.
Reference to polyandry can be seen in RgV in the description of
the marriage of Sorya with ASvins. The marriage of Maruts is another
RgV. 79.2
RgV. X. 145. 1, X.51. 1 TSam. VI. 6 . 4 . 3
example. But it is clear that in all such cases, the brothers only were
chosen as husbands. This might have intended to ensure economic
stability and personal unity in the family. The concept of devadasi in its
germinal form can be seen in RgV. Description of well-dressed Usas, as
professional dancers, also can be mentioned as example.
AV contains some additions like charms and incantations from
birth to death, such as for begetting child, dispelling of evil spirits etc.
The purpose of AV appears to be for seeking blessings and curse. Value
of wife was decided according to the amount of dowry and was
considered as complementary to each other.' AV contains a charm by
the bride and bridegroom for the harmony in life2 and a promise by
bride to adhere monogamy and pray for concord between husband and
wife. Burning of wife with husband3 and remarriage of widows4 were
also referred to. The existence of polygamy is evident from the
witchcraft performed against the rival wife5 and remarriage of woman
from the description of r i t ~ a l s . ~ Courtesans and a society accepting the
son of a maiden (Kanina) indicating a tolerant society, not implementing
strict moral codes on the lapse on the part of woman were also referred
to. However, in spirit AV points to deterioration in the position of the
woman than RgV.
' AV. XIV. I. 3, VI. 7, VII. 36-37, XIV. 6 -13 and RgV. V. 17-20 RgV. V. 79.2 AV. XVIII. 2. 35,2.23 AV. IX. 5.27-28 AV. 111. 18. 1 AV. IX. 5.27-28
The Brahmanas
The Brdhmana literature is mainly concerned with rituals and its
application in sacrifice. So they give some information, on the treatment
of women in rituals and on the issue of the status of woman of that
period. The importance of son, avoiding daughters and charms for
getting sons as seen in AV and eschatological ideas developed during
the Brdhmanas gave rise to the belief that on default of offerings by sons,
the soul of departed will wander restlessly as a ghost. To avoid this and
to ensure a permanent position to it among the ancestors they
concentrated their attention to obtain sons. This enhanced the
importance of son and began to lower the position of women socially
and religiously and also affected their participation. Participation of
wife in rituals confined mainly to that intended for getting sons.
Aitareyabriihmana (Abr) discussed about the role of women in sacrifices
and concluded the eligibility of widower to perform sacrifices.'
Maitrdyanisamhitd (Msam) considers woman as equal to major evils like
dice and drink and prohibited them from going to assembly.' ABr and
Kau~itakibrahmana (KBr) attributed women teachers as possessed of
Gandhar~as.~ Officiating priests got importance in sacrifices and king
became the ruler, which was the beginning of woman oppression.
Sacrifices like riijasaya and aivamedha came into practice. There is clear
--
' A B r . VII. 9. 10 MSam. IV. 76.A, V. VII. 384
A B r . 5.29, KBr. 11. 9
reference to prohibition of marriage between upper class and lower
class'. ~ata~athabrtihmana (SBr) refers to the initiation of women2
Wife was considered as half of the husband and man is
incomplete with out his wife. She was an inevitable partner in sacrifices
and she had to play an active part in sacrifices intended for progeny.
Kings followed polygamy. Several names of wife are used, designating
the roles, as mahi?it3 patni etc.
In short, Brdhmana literature existed in a period when the growth
of ritual and social conditions began to limit the scope of woman's life.
However, she, as a wife, was considered as partner in religious life and
not merely an object of pleasure. Thus, Brahmana literature reflects to a
period of transition in the position of woman from the Vedas to GS.
The Vedas form the literary heritage of India. It reflects the basis
of thoughts, culture, values and aspirations. This being a creation of an
age without suffocation upheld a society where individuals in society
lived cordially. They fearing attack from people outside and nature,
prayed for protection, strength, progeny, wealth and long life. Girls also
were protected from attacks, given freedom for sacrifice, activities and
selecting mates. Parallel to these pro-woman practices, the seed of anti
woman thoughts were also developing during that age, which can be
seen in the Vedas. Thus, sons were getting importance during Rg vedic
period. The theory of three debts was begun its evolution during this
' Vsam. XXX. 6 SBr. I. 3. 1. 12-1
SBr. I. 31. 4
period. A son was called gzacyuta.' This denotes the concept of putra as
saver from eternal hell by expiation of parental debts both civic and
economic. Thus begetting of sons became a sacred duty binding on
every individual. A woman who gave birth to a son was raised to the
status of M a h i ~ i - s u v d n d pu t ran m a h i ~ i bhavati gatvd pa t im subhaga virdjatu.'
Mother of heroes was encouraged and was a proud to women. ~ a c i ,
who was proud of her heroic sons, who killed enemies, states: mama
putrah iatruhanak3. This concept though evolved in the Vedas prevailed in
later literature also, but the notion changed.
Iflyamano vai brflhmanastribhirnavan jayate,
Brahmacaryena ~ ~ i b h y o yajfiena devebhyah prajayfl pitlbhyah.4
But it is a fact to be noted that it was the necessity of that age.
Later male reformers misused this concept explaining it as favourable to
them and laid down rules. Resultantly, like all other patriarchal society,
father became the authority. Mother was in charge of household affairs,
evidenced by the use ' jayedastam'. The joint family system with parents,
children, their spouses and grand children existed. The marriage hymn
wished the bride to be sdrnrdjgi, the queen of the house of husband. This
was later explained as pleasing all the members of the house.
The concept of chastity was also evolved during this age of RgV
itself. She was loved and advised to love, sweet spoken, never opposing
'RgV. 142.6 AV. 11. 36. 3
3RgV. X. 159.3 4TSarn. V.3.10.5
to husband- anavadyd patiju~teva ndri.' In AV, there is a similar
statement. 'patyanuvratd bhiitvd sannahya svdmritaya kam'. However, in
the history of the status of Indian women this age represents as the
brightest one. There, generally women in all spheres of life were
respected. Moral failure on the part of woman was not considered as a
sin attracting a severe punishment. Unlike in later period, gods were
not pictured as partial to men, but showed anger in the faults of men
and women equally.' Kalidasa adopted this idea and applied in SK,
insisting equal punishment for both ~akuntala and Dusyanta, for their
moral faults and made them repent on it.
The Upani~a ts
Upani~adic period represents a period of mass education, where in
the qualification of the students no differentiation in caste or gender
was considered. Upanisats are the treatises of theosophical discussion
delivered by teachers to the pupil. They are more than 1500 in number.
Among the famous ten Upani~ats, only few like Chdndogya,
B~haddranyaka and Kena contain even stray references to women.
Importance of Upani~ats in this study is that they belong to a period
between the ritualistic AV and Brdhmanas and social law books.
Blhaddmnyakopani~at (BrU) of Yajurvedic School contains proof for
women education and their participation in philosophical teachings and
discussions. Chandogyopani~at (ChL.0 of Samavedic School and
Kenopani~at (KU) also acknowledges the women participation in
discussion about highest spiritual truth of life. Stories also can be seen
giving the social conditions of that period.
ChU contains eight chapters. In first chapter, there is a description
of marriage rituals, which is almost similar to that of Brahrnanas and GS.
There are stories like that of Janasruti, Satyakamajabala, Gargi, Maitreyi,
Uma Haimavati, which reveal the social condition of that period.
JanaSruti, a Siidra, desirous of knowing about Brahman, approached
Raikva, a Brahmin. He presented a chariot and two mules, cows etc.
and revealed his desire. But Raikva refused. Then JanaSruti offered his
daughter in marriage to Raikva by which he consented to. Then Raikva
instructed through her, who was to be his wife1. This is a proof for the
entry of woman especially belonging to Siidra to studies and also to the
change in the status of woman through marriage.
Another story of Satyakamajabala reveals the condition of a slave
woman belonging to Siidra caste. After seeking permission, he wanted
to know his lineage [gotra] from his mother Jabala, a Siidra slave. She
expressed her helplessness, as she did not know the gotra. Because
being a slave she had to travel different places and conceived, and was
unable to identify the gotra. As a solution, she suggested that she is
Jab&, he is Satyakama and so it is Satyakamajabala. He approached
Gautama Haridrumata and informed his wish and on inquiry of gotra
' ChU. IV. 2
he described mothers words. Gautama admitted him.' The words of the
mother revealed the pity and unsecured condition of slaves. Among
slaves, matriarchy was insisted, which does not point to the freedom
enjoyed by them in society but for the misuse by the top class, which
indicate the moral insecurity of the class.
BrU mentioned a spell to drive away the lover by a wife.
~akuntal~devi interprets it in her book Women In Vedic age, as it was to
prevent the relation of a s'rotriya with another man's wife, which was a
very common practice. Every event in human life such as education,
marriage, conjugal life, birth of child, rearing and nurturing of children
got religious importance with participation of husband and wife.'
Upanayana became compulsory and education for daughters was not
denied. Not only that the educated daughter was considered as a
wealth, boon or achievement. Text mentions a ritual for getting
educated daughter. One who wished an educated daughter, would
have to eat rice and tila cooked together with clarified butter. But,
~ankaracar~a interpreted this as confining to household management
and rites, based on the rule that women had no right to study the
Vedas. But, from the passage in the text it can be inferred that women
were not denied the right to education or study of the Vedas. The text
also contains examples of women education and scholar^.^ The unity of
husband and wife was celebrated and the man with out wife was
l ChU. IV. IV
BrU. VI. 4. 7-8 BrU. VI. 4.7
considered only as half1. This unity was stressed in conjugal life and
activities accompanying every movement with the seriousness of
performing a sacrifice and was not a thing of pleasure and enjoyment.
There was a debate between Yajfiavalkya and Gargi Vacaknavi
daughter of Vacaknatu on the question of the immortality of the soul. In
the sixth section of the third chapter, named as Gargi Brahman, Gargi
wanted to know about the relation of the world of elements with the
Brahman. Yajiiavalkya was reluctant, to explain the truth about
Brahman. Then she turned back only temporarily but did not stop
there. She was pictured as having real enthusiasm and asked him again
about Brahman. Yajfiavalkya was convinced and succumbed to it and
answered. This is an evidence for the women's education, participation
in intellectual activities and spiritual field.
Sages in ancient literature were pictured as eternal. For example
VasiGha was depicted as the family priest of solar dynasty during every
generation. Priesthood being hereditary, it can be well presumed that
this indicates the name of family instead of an individual. Yajfiavalkya
also might be different persons belonging to one family or symbolic.
Yajfiavalkya had two wives, Maitreyi and Katyayani, belonging to the
groups of brahmav~dinis and sadyovadhus respectively. Brahmavadinis are
scholars in advanced branches of knowledge like that of Brahman and
with the habit of discussing intellectual matters. The other group held
only feminine views or earthly temperament. According to the story,
YajAavalkya desired to divide his wealth between his two wives. But
' BrU. VI. 4.17
Maitreyi rejected it, as she understood from Yajfiavalkya himself, that
she cannot attain immortality by such wealth, and she desired to learn
the means of becoming immortal. Maitreyi and Gargi are characters
appearing in literature from the text of the Vedas and so it can be
concluded that women in these two groups had existed from the early
period up to the period of smltis. In KU,' Ums Haimavati also
discussed on Brahman.
These dialogues are proof for women knowledge and expression
of scholarly discussion; Yajfiavalkya's discouragement might be to test
whether her interest was genuine. But this discouragement grew to
frame laws against women marking them unworthy of study and
keeping away from knowledge barred even from hearing and sharing
religious benefits. As a first step to bring this into practice, they denied
education for women and then made them convinced not only of their
bodily limitation but of emotional and intellectual as well. Thus, they
succeeded in their attempt by keeping women unknowing or not
comprehending the vanity of earthly things without thinking about
independence.
Mantrabrdkmana
Besides lajahoma and Sapthapadi, which was discussed earlier, the
marriage ceremony was developed during Mantrabrahmana, adding
charms not only to dispel the evil spirits from the bride, but also to
revert them to enemies. In all the rites, charms and incantations were to
KU. 3-12
expel the evil spirits, which bring death to husband, children, his
relatives and family that dwell in bride only. But there is no mention
anywhere as to the expelling of the evil spirit from bridegroom as in the
case of bride, creating a notion that men are free from evils.
In spite of mutual co-operation, the bride is asked to follow vratas,
mind, command and pursuit his ideals, but the co-operation was
limited to serious duties. ArundhatidarSanam is a proof for this. At the
bridegroom's house, he welcomes her to his life treating his family as
hers. None of the ceremonies extended are intended exclusively for the
welfare of women but opposite of it. The introduction of rituals
intending the welfare of man on the pretext of welfare of family
changed the spirit and helped only to lower the status of woman
gradually. A reference to promiscuity in ancient period is also there in
the MB '
The Satras
~rauta and Glhya Stltras are two divisions of the Stltras. ~rauta
deals with the technical aspect and scope of the Vedic rituals. Their
relevance in this study is to analyse the role of women in rituals.
During that period, there were two groups favouring and opposing the
participation of women in rituals, especially in performing sacrifice.
Piirvamimamsa favours women's right in performing sacrifice.
Following Jaimini, his commentator Sabarasvamin also refuted the
MB. I. 28
opponent view denying this right of women to perform sacrifice. They
refuted the opponent argument that women are not eligible, as they do
not possess wealth of their own because father sells them to the
husband and the owner of their wealth is either her father or husband.
But, Jaimini could not agree with this argument of purchase and
explains it as a religious act according to Sruti but not according to smyti.
They explained that the term svargakdmo in the sutm, 'daiapiirnam~syam
svargakdmo yajeta' is used in a collective sense and not to denote a
masculine gender. They argue for woman's right to earn and possess
wealth of their own apart from parinayya, their justification being that
the earnestness to attain fruit is common to both men and women. So, it
is not just to avoid them since Sruti is authoritative and not smyti
quoting the authority of Sruti, ' dharme ca arthe ca kame ca na
aticaritavyah'. Sabarasv-in explains quoting Sruti, 'patyaiva
gatamanurnantram kriyate'; even that which acquired by husband is
admitted as hers. It can be concluded that before smyti, especially MS,
woman had the right to possess wealth and perform the Vedic rituals.
The word grha is used to denote house as well as wife, as she is
the indispensable part of it. GS is important as it deals with the rituals
concerned with household, which may give a cross sectional idea of the
daily life of the man and woman, as they are the participants of such
rituals. Along with the growth of civilisation, the human society became
complex, which reflected in rituals also. Importance of male offspring
and insisting of the wife's participation in religious rites are the result of
this. Interpretation of existing rituals and introduction of new ones with
this aim also became part of this. Marriage ritual was reformed insisting
certain criteria like intelligence, beauty, health, good character etc. on
the part of bride in the selection of bride and settlement through
wooers. The method of selection of bride was very interesting. The
bride had to touch one of the clods1 brought from different parts/types
of land like field, barren land, cemetery etc., which determines the
quality of the bride like richness, poverty, death of husband according
to the nature of the clay that she touched. Among eight kinds of
marriages,' first four were recognised. Brrfhrna, where father gives away
the girl decorated with ornaments and pouring out a libation of water,
Daiva, where the girl was given to a priest, Prrtjdpatya, where the girl
was given for 'fulfilling the law together' but not given by father, and
Ar~a, where the girl is bought from her father in exchange of cow and
bull, were considered better or respectable. The other four viz.
G~ndharva type, where marriage takes place on mutual agreement of
bride and bridegroom, Asura type, where bridegroom take away the
daughter pleasing the father by giving money, PaiSfica, in which
bridegroom steals away the bride while relatives are sleeping and
Rmasa, where the girl is carried away by force, though lawful were not
respected. Local custom was to be considered and accepted even while
adopting various types of marriages.
' AGS. I. 5.4-5 AGS. I. 6. 1-7
The main concept of marriage during RgV being the concord of
the couples was transformed to avoid girl children projecting sons,
which was evolved during AV1 subsequently changed and became the
aim of marriage. The word 'saubhagatvaya' was substituted by
'suprajatvdya' in the mantra chanted during panigrahana. A male student
[brahrnacdri] was introduced as a symbol of son. In Arundhatidarianarn,
showing Arundhati, the husband requested the bride to remain firm in
life and steady in character like stars in heaven. But no corresponding
rite was to be performed by the bridegroom, though there was a
marriage VOW.' Between parents, father got importance and in giving
away the daughter, the mother's authority was far below to father, its
order being father, father or brother of father, member of family or caste
and last comes the mother.
Karnasiitra (KaS) is considered in this study since it deals with the
relation of woman with man. The text recognises woman as a separate
entity from man, and her individuality though it deals with their unity.
The author Vstsyayana, though a follower of hierarchies and tradition
of Indian society, begins the second chapter emphasising on the
knowledge of trivarga and advices to practice them without
contradicting each other to lead a fruitful life. In the next, he stresses on
the need of the education of women. He argues that woman should be
' AV. XIV. 2. 71 AV. XIV. 2. 7.1
given education before they attain youth. He advises that she should
study like a man, about trivarga and music in the parental house - prdg
yauvandtstri ; she can continue her education after marriage with the
permission of her husband. He questions the argument that women are
not capable of studying the idstra.' His argument is that since women
could practice the principles laid down by idstra they are capable of
studying it. He justifies this based on the fact that though science is the
foundation for all practices in the world, there are only few, who
practice it with the knowledge of the idstra or scientific knowledge,
'prayogasya diirasthamapi idstram eva hetuh'. He quotes the examples of
priests performing sacrifice without the knowledge of grammar of
mantra, so also mahouts and charioteer. And also, subjects for fear of far
sitting king do not act against the rules 'maryddam ndtivartante'. He
concludes pointing to the fact that education will be helpful for women
in a crisis like pativiyoga, vyasana and also in abroad.' He stresses dharma
as the prime and violation of which causes prolonged bad effects3. He
praises monogamy and says that it is the result of the pious acts of the
previous birth.
The Sgmkhya is a system of Indian philosophy where the world is
viewed from the women's point of view. It gives important to the
physical world, its cause, maintenance, protection and destruction.
KaS. I. 3. 1-6 KaS. KaS. I.V. 1
These processes are mainly dependant on women, the prakyti, one of the
eternal powers; the other puruSa, which corresponds to man is
conceived only as the spectator, consumer of the acts of the prakrti and
was depicted as the form of pure intelligence. All the actions are
intended for him, the static personality. He has nothing to contribute in
the world, but remains as the enjoyer of the fruits of all the action.
Prakrti is compared to an actress who acts on the stage for the
enjoyments of this puruSa. In Vedanta also the concept of mliya, the
cause of this world is described as the abode of evils like ajfilina,
(darkness) avidya (falsehood), and subordinated to brahma the only
reality, in that system. In Slimkhya, prakyti, though described as the
acetana, is as real as purqa.
The Smrtis
Manusmytih (MS), available now, belonged to a period, long after
the Vedas, with the establishment of caste system. The upper class,
getting superiority, began to misuse the power centred on them
equalising lower class to animals. In a period when women were
treated at par with Siidra no favour could be expected. MS is a
compilation of texts or a systematic arrangement of then existed rules
and practices. Any way, it is not a work of a single Manu. Manu
belonged to a line of kings or race in ancient India. MS is a text, which
had undergone revisions periodically, to meet with the needs of the
society in different periods and was the authoritative text of ancient
kings. In RV, Sita questions Rama for not following the rules laid down
by Manu.'. In canto I, Kalidasa describes that Raghu dynasty followed
MS. So it can be assumed that MS, a text of laws regarding women
might have been influenced K~lidasa also.
MS contains laws regarding ceremonies or samsfiras performed
to sanctify various stages of life especially of men, but for women
without mantra.' She is advised to obey elders, especially male members
of the family and society and denies freedom to do anything
independently3. No reference is there as to her formal education. But
her education was aimed at to manage household affairs4 Though
initiation was denied to women, Manu prescribes the nuptial ceremony
as the Vedic sacrament (upanayana) for women: and is a proof for the
once existed initiation for women, which was denied later. Manu also
suggests daily worship of the sacred fire and residing in the house of
the teacher were substituted by house hold duties and serving the
husband respectively. However, initiation was considered as inevitable
since it indicates new birth and sacrifices. This substitution might have
been for helping child marriage, which also in turn denied woman
education.6 According to Manu, a girl should be given to a suitor
though not attained proper age. Marriage of girls of eight and twelve
M S . XIV. 6 M.S. 11. 66-44
M.S. V. 4
M.S. V. 150. M.S. 11. 68
M.S. IX. 88
could be accomplished with men of 24 and 30 years respectively,' which
made education avoidable. By the denial of education, they lost
freedom to move and access to knowledge or intellectual activities
outside the house, and kept in the house destroying femininity,
intentionally. This was brought into practice by making laws and
convincing them as for their protection.
Nasti strinam kriya mantrairiti dharme vyavasthitih,
Nirindriya hyamantraSca striyo' nritamiti sthitih.
Tadha ca Srutayo bahvyo nigita nigamesvapi,
S v ~ l a k w yaparikSdrtkam tasam Srnuta niskrtih.
(For women no sacramental rite is performed with texts, thus the law is
settled. Women who are destitute of strength and destitute of
knowledge of Vedic texts are as impure as falsehood itself, that is a
fixed rule.) Purpose of denying the knowledge was to make them not
aware of the laws and the vanity thereof, duties and customs imposed
upon them, and also not to create power of thinking and acting, which
will affect badly the supremacy of men and the privileges enjoyed by
them.
Marriage was considered as the most important in the life of an
individual. Manu also recognised eight types of marriages out of which,
' M.S. IX. 94
MS. IX. 18,19
first six were lawful and the last two were unlawful.' Birth of a
blameless son was considered as bliss. Therefore, law established
marriage between same castes and mixing of castes was avoided.
However, marriage of men belonging to higher castes with women of
lower castes was made lawful and was known as anuloma marriage
while the converse was forbidden and thus maintained the sanctity of
the family. For this honour was conferred on women by all, especially
by in-laws as a reward for this.' By this, even gods were pleased and
otherwise the house will perish as if by a magic. By honour, Manu
meant ornaments, clothes, and food. In the pretext of protection,
woman was made a mere dependent on father, husband or sonV3
The freedom enjoyed by woman in the house and society was
evident from the laws laid down in the text4 where thinking of freedom
was considered as contemptible. The life of a woman was a complete
subordination to her husband, her god. She was ordered to remain
controlled her thoughts, speech and action, chaste, with out thinking
about hardships. Man was allowed to remarry soon after her funeral
rites while woman was barred not only from remarriage but also even
from uttering the name of other man. Punishments also were prescribed
for all offences.
MS contains some rules favourable to women. They were
allowed to earn from work in the absence of husband with some
M.S. 111. 21-23 T y p e s of marriage-brahma, daiva, arsa , prajapatya , asura, gandhama, raksasa and pa isdca
M.S. 111. 55 M.S. V. 148
M.S. V. 147-169
restrictions' and was allowed sustenance. She was also allowed to
choose an equal in caste and rank on not getting married in proper
time2. But the bridegroom was avoided from giving nuptial fee.'
Women were considered as equal to infants, physically and mentally
handicapped and so liberal in punishment. He prescribes punishments
for violence against women.4 But variation also prescribed according to
the accuser and accused. Protection of widows and women affected by
disease and barren women was insisted. Generally, women were not
allowed to give evidence in the court, but were allowed to give
evidence for women5 and on failure of qualified witness.
Polygamy was an accepted system as per Devalasmlti, which laid
down rules in approaching wives such as, according to their caste,
status, and priority of the marriage or if they were having no issue. 6
Yaugapadye tu tirthdndrn viprddikramaiah vrajet,
Raksandrtharnaputrdndrn grahanakrarnaio 'pi vd.
Ydjfiavalkyasmltih (YS) is more liberal than MS, which devoted a
chapter to describe the conduct of woman.7 Her important role was as
mother and as wife8. But, in the selection of bride and bridegroom, he
insists equal qualities9. They should be free from decease, belonging to
' M.S. IX. 75. 76 M.S. IX. 90-91 M.S. IX. 93 M.S. VIII. 355-385 M.S. VIII. 68 quoted in Hindu SarnsluZras p 54 YS. 24. p 376 YS. 11. 39 YS. I. 111. 53-55
different gotra, not relatives five generation from mother and seven
from father and should have a scholarly family ten generations from
mother and five from father, free from contagious decease and the bride
should not be brother less.
Marriage of widows was not preferred1 except for offspring.
Woman should follow the words of husband and advised to bow to the
feet of parents-in-law. In the law of inheritance and almost all other
treatments, YS is in tune with MS. It suggests an equal share of wealth
of family to woman also, if she did not have dowry from brother or
father-in-law2; in the absence of children, the dowry goes to husband3;
only good women had protection -sadvyttayah. Remarriage for men was
allowed under certain conditions4 YS suggests punishments for
prostitute.
However, Smrtis represent a period of the legalisation of the
concepts of subordination of women developed from the time of the
Vedas. The custom of smartaviciira, prevalent till last century, where the
authority was partial in giving punishment and only women were
severely punished leaving the man counterpart.
Dharrnasatra
Dharmastltras are rules for society including daily life.
Gautamadharmastltra devoted one chapter to describe the duties of
YS. I. 75 YS. 1.15. YS. P 302,142 YS . p 391;s1.290
women as per which she had no freedom in choosing her duty as her
duties were well assigned1-asvatantra dharme stri. Anasilya's statement
about ~akuntala 'with no freedom to do penance' corresponds to this.
Dharmasiitra regulates women's freedom to the will of her husband.
Remarriage was allowed with brother in law or husbands kinsmen.
Generally, the status of women was much lower than that of men,
limiting their freedom in almost all sphere of life.
Female R ~ i s
As seen before, the Vedic period was more favourable to women.
Women enjoyed social and cultural freedom and engaged in intellectual
activities. The number of female &is itself is a proof for this. In later
period though women were marginalized by rules, it is significant that
the names of women seers of ancient India survived all alterations. It is
difficult to determine the authors from their names. Some writers had
tried to group them based on certain principles. Some of their names
indicate natural phenomena, some as psychological, celestial etc. Some
names appear synonymous in later literature. Indrani2, to whom a
hymn is attributed, Saci paulomi, who in a hymn3 expressed her proud
as the mother of victorious sons, her own victory and her victory over
CO-wives, which seems to be a later addition, Indrasnus~, wife of
Vasukra, son of Indral, Indramatarah2, who in a hymn explains the
means by which they attained Indra, Aditi3, who is described as mother
of Indra and also of devas are some &is related to supreme the Vedic
god Indra. Stirya-Savitri4, to whom forty seven mantras are attributed
including the marriage hymn, which gives a detailed account of
marriage ceremony, Yami and Yami-Vaivasvati, daughter of Vivasvan
and sister of Yama, seers of a hymn5 dealing with manes and death,
such as praying of the departed to go to the realms of the blessed,
UrvaSi, an apsaras, believed to be composed 95th hymn in tenth mandala
and two apsarasas, daughters of KaSyapa with same name, who are said
to be the seers of a mantra6 belong to celestial beings. Apala, the seer of a
hymn, prayed in the gth mandala 7to cure her disease, which got cured
and obtained fertile land to her father, as prayed to Indra, ViSvavarZi
Atreyi, a igih, who composed a hymn in fifth mandala8 with her name
in the beginning belonged to Atri family, Agastyasvasa9, said to be
composed a sukta, not independently but combined with others,
RomaSa, a brahmavadini ~ i h , who expressed her feminine character in
a hymn1' and challenged her husband, ~op~mudra , " who remained
unmarried for a long time and became wife of Agastya and who in a
' RgV. X . 28.1 RgV. X. 153 RgV. IV. 18, X . 72 RgV. X. 85 RgV X. 10. 15 RgV 9.104
RgV. VIII. 80. 7. or 8. 91 RgV 5.28 RgV. 10.6
'O RgV. I. 267 l' RgV 1.179. 1,2
hymn expressed her feelings for family life to him, Ghosa KakSivatil,
daughter of Kaksivan, who prayed to ASvins to cure her from leprosy
and as they felt pity, cured and married her at the age of sixty, saSiyasi
to whom a hymn in fifth mandala was attributed, Juho-Bhrahmajaya, to
whom a hymn3 in tenth mandala was attributed and saivati Angirasi are
~Sikas related to sages. In a hymn: in the form of a dialogue between
Sarama and Pani, where six mantras were attributed to Sarama-
DevaSuni, describes her as discharging of duty as an ambassador of
Indra, Godha: a crocodile like creature, to whom a hymn in 10*
mandala was attributed, Sarparajfii, queen of serpents7 said to be a rsi,
who in a hymnsmentioned thirty realms of sun indicating the
development of Indian astronomy belong to divine animal group. Some
r ~ i h s are named after abstract quality. vak9 praises herself the speech,
~raddha Kamayani, to whom hymn in tenth mandala l0 was ascribed,
comes under this division.
This shows women's active participation in intellectual field as
writers and they had right to offer oblation and perform sacrifices." It is
also to be noted that female rsis composed the most celebrated hymns
' RgV.X.39-40. A.V. VII.4-8 RgV v.61.1-19
RgV.X.109 RgV.X.108 B D. 6 .106 RgV. X. 21.1/7, X. 134
RgV. X. 189 R g V X. 189 RgV. X. 125
' O RgV. X. 151 " RgV. VI. 281,3
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