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Guillermo Olivares 1
The creative cityis about people,not economics.
Discussion in thelight of the actual
experiences ofcreative cities.
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Guillermo Olivares 2
1. Introduction
In this essay, the author will discuss
whether the idea of idea of creative city is
focused on people rather than economy. In the
first part I will introduce the subject giving a
context based upon the basic literature and some
basic working definitions. In a second part I will
show arguments supporting the idea that creative
city is basically a concept focused mainly on
people and in a third part I will expose counter
arguments based on literature but also on
empirical information trying to show that besides
the original intentions, this concept has become
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mostly focused on economy than people. Finally,
I will contrast the ideas offered in the previous
chapters discussing all the elements involved and
attempting to answer the question that heads this
essay.
2. Context
Since some urban planners and scholars
started using the term creative city (Landry and
Bianchini, 1995; Landry, 2000), many papers and
books have been written in order to explain the
outreach of such concept and in a broader sense
all those ideas related, such as creative economy,
creative class, cultural industry, creative city and
so on, which since those years have started been
used interchangeably in different contexts,
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making them a sort of fuzzy concepts that are
sheltered by the notions of cultural policy or
cultural and creative industries (Pratt 2008,
2009c).
Recently during an interview published on the
website creativecities.org.uk1, Landry insisted on
these ideas focusing his interest on people,
stating that "a creative city is a place that
provides the conditions where people to plan,
think and act with imagination" (British Council,
2009). So in a first stage we can argue that this
concept intend to express the idea in which the
Creative City is a place where people can
develop their lives as a whole, not only
1 Creativecities.org.uk is an online supported by theBritish Council and aimed to commit the audience to
discuss on the future and perspectives of cities in East Asia
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ultimately what raises productivity and thus
living standards.
So one can express that since their original
statement these ideas had their focus on people
and their ability to solve problems in an original
way.
In this text was expressed the idea of creative city
(Landry, 2000), however there are also many
other fashionable concepts in this field, which
tend to name a specific phenomenon or subject in
knowledge economy. Landrys Creative City is
an aspirational concept, which was coined to
promote the value of creative industries in urban
development, but as long as the time went by
tended to be broadened in order to express the
need to create a culture of innovation in cities,
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which not only included those people involved in
creative economy, but in all fields of urban life
(Landry, 2000: Landry 2008). Whereas Richard
Florida (2002) also contributed with concept of
Creative Class, which is considered the new
leading force in the knowledge-based economy,
as highly qualified and skilled workers devoted
to create knowledge and meanings. The
globalisation that the World have faced during
the last decade have been a fuel to another
phenomenon, the so called Global Cities (Sassen,
2001) which is understood as part of a new world
type of organization have tended to concentrate
large amounts of services, including among the
those related to the creative industries. Only a
few cities around the globe can aspire to be part
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of this select group, which is the leading edge in
the knowledge economy, because of the
concentration of business, wealth and, to a great
extent, creativity.
3. Creative City and people
When writings and books on creative
cities or the linked subjects were published, these
concepts became rapidly popular, because they
as quoted before were closely related to the
ability of people to solve problems in a creative
way. Nevertheless, the ideas stated by Richard
Florida in his book "The rise of the creative
class" were which to a great extent gave a
tremendous boost to the fashion on creativity
applied to the city by a creative class and
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consequently to the culture-based economy.
Those people living in large cities with very
attractive jobs and high salaries were the perfect
utopia for urban planners and policy makers in
different places around the world. Those ideas
were shown as the future for the regeneration of
cities after the collapse of the industrial and
manufacturing economy in most of the developed
economies. The city received a new status or
even a new role in the creation of wealth,
contradicting all those theories based on new
technologies that predicted the death of cities as
we know them (Kolko, 1999; Cairncross, 1997).
As Landry clearly expressed, his ideas were a
reaction to the changes that dramatically were
taking place in a progressively post industrial
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Europe in several fields of life such as economy,
society and culture. In addition, European cities
required to be restructured and thought based
both on theirraison detre and their function
(Landry, 2000). In this very sense some years
after he insisted on the importance of people in
this process stating that, for instance, creating
new goods or services intended to improve the
probabilities to generate wealth, but at the same
time he explained the value of people working on
social issues who might work on the
development of creative solutions for these
problems (Landry, 2005). In all these
approaches, culture, and by extension creativity,
is part of its essence because the same Landry
expresses his beliefs that it is the sum total of
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original solutions a group of human beings invent
to adapt to their [...] environment and
circumstances" (Landry, 2005: 234). Even more,
the urban planner Joe Berridge (2006) argues
that "creativity is infectious", which is an
important clue he gave us about why the most of
the theories on new economy, urban planning or
whatever label we may think on rely on creativity
and culture in cities to develop their solutions.
However as Landry and other authors (1996)
have claimed regeneration is not an end in itself:
it is about people and the quality of the lives they
will be able to lead.
In addition, from the cultural perspective, almost
all books and literature on creative cities perform
a keen defence on culture as a core value for the
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development of cities, societies and economies.
Basically because as Landry (2005) said culture
is associated with a high quality of life", but also
because it is hard to find any coherent argument
tending to probe why culture could not be
helpful, even in a minimum proportion, for both
urban and social matters. As we can currently
see it can be considered a sort of axiom that
culture and all processes involved on its
development such as creativity became a basic
component for development of cities.
Nevertheless, this very same trend on making
cities more and more creative started a new race
among them which is expressed in the
competitive efforts to attract new inward
investment, which is a natural corollary of
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capitalist space/economy" (Paddison, 1993: 339).
In this sense it is important to recognise that, at
the same time, that cities are involved in a hard
struggle with one another in order to obtain
security for their communities, they also act in a
complementary way with other urban
communities to provide them mutually with
specific goods (Scott, 2006). As we know
creativity is, in general, a resource we can find
anywhere on earth, so in many different places
people are developing their strategies to convert
their cities in world-level creative cities. In this
sense, Berridge attempts to give his own point of
view on what is really important in this struggle
for being the creative city of the 21st century
when he states that it will be the creative city,
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the city government, that most imaginatively,
efficiently and beautifully provides needed
services and infrastructure" (Berridge, 2006).
This point of view is supported by Landry (2005)
who considers that to face all complex processes
related to the construction of a city at a global
level is required a great dose of different kinds of
creativity. As we have said above in all these
processes the creative industries are the key for
urban regeneration, which will allow a
neighbourhood to give one or several steps
forward to become a desired location
(Oudenampsen, 2006). So a people-based
approach on creative city might build a highly
sustainable development, specifically if focused
in the arts, which should be aimed to improve the
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quality of life of locals. The arts have an
important contribution to make in this approach
because they are strongly related with quality of
life as we said previously, facilitating from a safe
urban environment to economic growth (Landry
et al, 1996).
4. From an economic point of view
The figures on CCI in Britain seem to
support the previous statements on their
importance for social, but also economic
development, which can be seen when Pool in
her report quoted the secretary of State for
Culture, Media and Sport, Chris Smith, who in
2000 claimed that our creative industries are a
success story. They generate over 60bn of
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revenue a year, contribute over 4% to gross
domestic product and are growing at 5% per
annum, twice the national average (Pool, 2000).
However, many of the achievements shown look
amazing if seen from a strict economic point of
view, but what happen on the peoples side? It is
seems appropriate to consider that perhaps many
"utopian claims [] are being made for the
creative economy" (Oudenampsen, 2006).
Actually, in the same line of thought, the creative
city as conceived by Landry is, in some cases, far
from actual experiences developed in different
places in the world. One can also add that the
utopian view of the city development as seen in
Richard Floridas books, as the place where
imported peoples creativity flourishes boosting
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economy based on consumption is at least
arguable. It is possible for some lite in certain
cities to be involved in the creative class as stated
by Richard Florida (2002), but other segments of
society barely live the story in that way. For
instance, Charles Landry states that London as
the second city in relevance in the creative
economy just behind New York, but in contrast,
he recognises that "London has the most unequal
distribution of wealth of any city in the UK, 13 of
the 20 most deprived district in the UK, 64% of
the most deprived housing estates, the highest
level of homelessness and 40% of urban crime"
(Landry, 2005). The very same Richard Florida
claimed that the increasing level of inequality is a
potential problem for these strategies tending to
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develop cities through the intensive use of
creativity (Florida, 2002). In addition, Allen
Scott express that cities and clusters associated to
this new economy are [also] associated with
large underbellies of sweatshop factories
employing masses of low wage, low-skill
workers, very often immigrants from different
parts of the world periphery (Allen, 2006). In
that sense, Sassen (2001) argues that this very
efforts to make cities as creative as possible by
making the number of high level professionals or
services to raise, makes to observe a trend
towards a growing degree of spatial and
socioeconomic inequality evident in these cities
(Sassen, 2001). In addition, Oakley (2009)
contribute to this idea stressing that not only
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economic inequalities are possible to be seen in
urban spaces, but also racial discrimination. One
can add to this line of arguments that a key
feature of the new economy which is the flexible
labour market with part-time, temporary and
freelance jobs tend to offer a precarious
perspective on employment in general.
Nevertheless, the flexibility, but, at the same
time, precariousness in the labour market is not
only applicable to the service class as defined by
Florida (2002), but also to the creative class. In a
sense, the human core of this new economy is
also under threat of low wages and
unemployment, contradicting to a certain extent
the ideas argued by that author. The increasing
number of complains expressed by many
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university graduates2
which are seeking work
experience or internship as compulsory academic
credit showed that the statistical figures on
success of CCI do not reach everyone. The
volume of unpaid internships3
and even proper
job positions - but unfortunately with no salary
involved - actually are showing that people to
certain extent are subsiding the creative economy
and the idea of creative city. Thus, in this sense,
it seem clear that a new approach is apparently
2In order to express their bad feelings on
internships in the UK, there are some websites which aredevoted to gather information and personal experiences, in
a way to show, the disappointment and the nuisance. Oneof these websites are www.internsanonymous.co.uk or
http://unfairinternships.wordpress.com/ or
http://www.rightsforinterns.org.uk/.3
National media have reported about this subject,emphasising that many internships are actual jobs, but
taken by people graduated recently on a voluntary basis,
which can be understood as unpaid positions.
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actual outcomes are in a sense contradictory as
we can read on the report by the Centre of
Housing Rights and Evictions (2007) that
explained that the last 20 Olympic Games that
took place on Earth reached the amount of 20
million people displaced from their homes. So,
the struggle to become a world city in the global
context - in a sea of labels - can be interpreted as
the desire and/or the willing to become the most
creative place on earth and, in contrast, act
without considering that their actions can affect
negatively the life of million of people.
Another issue not less important at the
moment to asses if these ideas has become more
committed to economics than people is the time
spent at work, because as contrasted by the Dutch
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author Merjin Oudenampsen the ideas on creative
city and economy were supposed to mean an
increase in the number of hours to be spent with
friends and family in leisure activities due to the
improvement of labour conditions, however
according to his writing "since the 60's the total
amount of working hours has grown steeply"
(Oudenampsen, 2006). In addition, another
important topic to consider at the moment to
review the actual situation on CCI at cities is the
wages level in the cultural sector, because as we
showed above the labour market has become
progressively flexible, but what about the
salaries? In this sense, in 2000, Kate Pool, from
the Society of Authors, tried to answer the same
question and analysed a survey made among the
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members of this entity in Britain and, by that
time, she confirmed, for instance, that three
quarters of members earned less than half the
national average wage; two thirds earned less
than half the national average wage and half
earned less than an employee on the national
minimum wage (Pool, 2000). To be clearer on
this figures, Poole, among others she gave, stated
that 46% of the authors surveyed earned less than
5,000 a year. So at the same time that the
Secretary of Culture, Chris Smith proudly
showed the positive figures on the creative sector
in the British economy, some members of the so
called creative class lived under the line of
poverty according to the British standards4.
4According to the UK government, the primary
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These figures support the complains made by the
cultural world in general which in a report
written in 2009 added that, among other things
one of the main problems is the use and re-use
of creators works without adequate payment or
recognition, and sometimes without any
payment (Bently, 2009). So based in the cases
showed in the paragraph above, one can claim
that some actual experiences on creative cities
have not been positive neither for the service
class nor the same creative class, which to a
certain extent means a contradictory outcome
threshold used to measure poverty is the household income
below 60% of the median income net disposable, which in
the period 2007/2006 was 115 a week for a single adult
household which at the same time means that an writerwith an annual salary of 5,000, just makes about 96 a
week.
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after implementing those policies based upon the
creative city theories in which people are the key
resource and target of them.
From a very negative perspective, one can
agreed that culture has been set again in a minor
or even a decorative role in the new context. As
Deborah Leslie argues culture has been
effectively reduced to a means of marketing the
city. From the point of view of cultural
producers, cities exploit art and culture to
enhance the citys image without investing in its
long term viability (Leslie, 2005) which is
completely contradictory with the notion of a city
as a whole environment where culture and
creativity are the heart of the development.
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Paraphrasing Oudenampsen one can
express that in the beginning on these concepts
the equation was to make the economy more
cultural, however along the years this process has
became in the subjection of culture under
economy (Oudenampsen, 2006), not only as part
of the equation culture and commerce, but also
including negative externalities formerly
considered consequences of other activities such
as social exclusion. As Landry expressed that
some people interested in the city renewal was
aware of the value of the human potential of a
community, but in some other cases it looks like
cities are just looking in other places for the
inward investment and creative people, which
means that those local people who are not
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economically productive is progressively
displaced and excluded in their own city. He
compares this process to a facelift, in which the
urban renewal removes the useless social tissue
in order to improve its appearance. So in this
way, the creative city became a concept with high
levels of segregation (Oudenampsen, 2006).
5. Contrasting ideas
Firstly, nowadays is hard to find good
arguments to contrast the extended idea that
culture and creativity are essential ingredients to
achieve a fast and sustainable knowledge-based
development. As Landry argues "policy makers
even outside the cultural field are recognising the
centrality of culture as a driving force for
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development" (Landry, 2005: 239). So it can be
considered common sense the idea that creativity
of people is the engine which allows urban
regeneration based on culture and creative
economy. Landry claims that culture is also a
way to foster the interest of companies in places
that offer a vibrant cultural life for their
employees (Landry, 2000). However, all these
positive perceptions about cities and their
amazing ways of life might be a marketing
approach intended to accentuate the positive and
maybe deliberately overlook the disbenefits
(Paddison, 1993: 243). When one analyses the
problems emerged in creative industries it can be
said that is the natural emergence of the
"contradictions inherent in the fusion between
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creativity and industry (Oudenampsen, 2006).
Using the arguments written by Short regarding
the distribution of benefits and costs of the
Olympic cities this can be applied to a certain
extent to a certain notion of creative cities,
because when there are costs involved those are
borne locally, while most of the benefits accrue
to local lite and a global media market (Short,
2008).
Trying to give and answer to the question
stated in the beginning of this essay, it can be
said that seen from its original point of view, this
concept is mainly focused on people, who are the
basic resource for urban regeneration, and also
are the main benefited with the outcome as we
can see in many examples in different points of
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the globe (Landry et al, 1996). However, some
actual experiences have not been successful from
this point of view because has been focused just
on the economic perspective, which have been
successful in terms of macro economic indexes
or in making them more interesting for foreign
investor (Short and Kim,1998) , but not at a local
level. As argued before, the idea of culture as part
of a process of urban regeneration is broadly
accepted by many authors as well as the value
that offer the cultural and creative industries to
the economic life in different parts of the world,
however as expressed by Pratt (2008) there is a
key difference among the experiences which is
the definition of a consumption-based culture
facing a production-based one.
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Another approach to analyse this question
is whether or not the local communities
intervened in the decision making, which allowed
them to take part in a process which affect their
environment and to a great extent their lives, at
the same time, that involves the planning of their
cities and, consequently, the regeneration (Pratt
2009a). Those processes which have included the
voice of local communities tend to be more
focused on people and their quality of life; while
those with no local participation tend to be more
focused on economy and outstanding macro
economic figures. So one can affirms that in
general it will depend on which approach cities
have followed (bottom up or top down) to answer
the question on a individual basis. Thus in this
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sense, as Pratt (2009a) argues when he claimed
that policy makers tends to implement policies
regardless local identity, inclusion of local
communities in the decision making and so on.
That is what he calls Xerox policy. Moreover, in
this same line of thought, when policy makers
starts working towards investment and attraction
of the so called creative class, there is a trend to
forget or neglect those policies tending to support
local communities such as childcare, public
transport, which have as a consequence that the
non creative class are marginalised twice once
because their consumption preferences, and
secondly because the effect of an influx of the
creative class may well raise land and housing
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prices and drive out the provision of more basic
services (Oakley, 2009; Massey, 2007).
Finally, it is necessary to recognise that
these concepts have been helpful to introduce
these ideas about culture-based urban
regeneration, however it is also required to be
careful to analyse every single actual
experiences, because as said before every one of
them have been conceived from a singular
approach (bottom-up v. top-down; consumption
v. production, and so on) which is, at the end, a
bet, a specific emphasis or even an implicit
selection between people and economy.
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