PSIR210 International Organizations, Week 10 and 11
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Critical Theories and Approaches - Overview Marxism Feminism
Constructivism
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Critical theories and approaches to International Relations are
useful for prompting re-evaluation of commonly held views and
beliefs. Marxism, feminism and constructivism offer alternative
ways of understanding and assessing the role of international
organizations in world affairs.
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Marxist theory makes several important contributions to the
study of international relations. First, Marxism challenges the
realist assertion of the primacy of politics over economics and the
liberal assertion that the expansion of the global market is
beneficial to international peace and stability. Second, Marxism
offers a comprehensive critique of capitalism as a mode of
production. Marxist analyses of capitalism have identified issues
that lead to genuine conflict within and between societies.
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Third, Marxism has articulated significantly different roles
for current international organizations. For Marxists, they are
neither great power directorates nor relatively independent actors
promoting the international public good. Instead, they are tools of
capitalism that undermine and exploit subordinate classes and
states.
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Socrates (470-399 B.C) the Athenian philosopher, may seem an
unlikely contributor to Marxist thought; however he has influenced
many different kinds of theorists, not to mention lawyers, through
his method of inquiry. Known as Socratic inquiry, this method is a
process for discovering truth by juxtaposing two contradictory
ideas. By pitting a thesis against its anthithesis, we reveal a new
truth- a synthesis. The synthesis then becomes the new thesis and
the process starts all over again. For Socrates, progress and
knowledge are promoted by using this method of questioning alleged
truths.
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Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1779-1831): was one of the many
theorists influenced by the Socratic method. In the Philosophy of
Right, Hegel uses a dialectic, a process quite similar to Socratic
inquiry, to confront competing ideas about social and political
relations with each other.
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Hegel departs from the liberal, social contract thinkers of his
time in that he sees human beings as essentially social rather than
economic creatures. For Hegel, human beings were not merely
individualistic and solitary creatures. Rather, the highest form of
freedom for individuals is participating in a politically organized
community, or the state. Hegels contributions to the Marxist theory
of international relations is his emphasis on the environment/
context in which individuals and groups interact.
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Karl Marx (1818- 1883) is, obviously an intellectual precursor
to Marxism. Marxs central work The Communist Manifesto was written
with his collaborator friend, and benefactor, Friedrich Engels. In
that work, they argue that history and progress can be seen as
dialectically as societies shift from one mode of production to
another. Mode of production: is simply the way goods and services
are provided for a society. Slavery, feudalism, capitalism and
socialism are examples of ways in which goods and services can be
produced.
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According to Marx, society is shaped by a mode of production
and is organized around economic class. The classes are based on an
individuals relationship to the means of production. The means of
production are the resources that are needed to provide goods and
services. For example, under feudalism, the economy was in large
part, agriculturally based. The means of production were the land
and the tools needed to work on and farm the land.
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According to Marx, each mode of production contains within
itself the contradictions that will eventually lead to its
collapse. The rising bourgeoisie (merchants- commercial
bourgeoisie) led to the end of feudalism and brought forward a new
system- capitalism. Capitalism is based on a new class: the
bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie are capitalists who own the factories,
hire workers and control most of the money. The proletariat are
wage workers and managers who sell their labor for a salary.
Society reorganizes itself around this new mode of production and
social and political institutions reflect the underlying economic
order.
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Marx predicts that capitalism will also collapse under the
weight of its own contradictions. Marx identifies many
contradictions of capitalism that would impoverish the workers to
such an extent that they would rise up and seize the means of
production: concentration of capital, the tendency towards
overproduction and falling rate of profit.
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Gramci: Ruling class not only justifies and maintains its
dominance, but manages to win the active consent of those over whom
it rules. The ruling class develops hegemony. Hegemony is different
from sheer domination, only weak states rely on force or domination
to rule. Strong states rule through hegemony. For Gramscians, the
power of the bourgeoisie does not result solely from its control
and brute force. Power results from developing an ideology or
hegemony where the interests of the dominant class or state are
inextricably tied to the interests of subordinate classes, and
workers buy into the system even when they are exploited.
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Vladimir Ilyich Lenin (1870-1924) argues that the demise of
capitalism, as predicted by Marx, was only postponed by
imperialism. In Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism, Lenin
argues that the contradictions of capitalism- overproduction,
underconsumption, and oversavings were temporarily resolved by the
colonial expansion of capitalist states. The acquisition of
colonies had enabled the capitalist economies to dispose of their
unconsumed goods, to acquire cheap resources and to vent their
surplus capital.
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Like realism and liberalism, Marxism rests on several
underlying assumptions. The first assumption is that global
capitalism determines the position and behavior of actors of
international affairs. Another assumption is that international
relations are essentially conflictual. Exploitation breeds conflict
within and between societies. Capitalism fosters violence as well
as economic, social and political inequality.
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For the Marxists, the defining characteristic of the
international system is not the anarchy of realism or the
interdependence of liberalism. Capitalism as a global mode of
production is the systemic feature that explains the dynamics of
international relations. The world capitalist economist system
imposes constraints on actors and motivates their behaviour.
Private property, the profit motive, and the exigencies of the
market affect economic actors and the societies in which they
operate.
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Two of the most prominent Marxist theories are Dependency
theory and Modern World Sytem Theory. Dependency theorists tend to
take traditional Marxist view on class and apply it to the
international system. These theorists seek to explain why economic
development has not occured in many Third World states,
particularly in Latin America.
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They argue that neocolonialism, capitalist expansion and the
creation of grossly assymetrical interdependent relationships are
responsible for under and maldevelopment in the Third World. This
can be seen as an impact of colonialism, raw materials, cheap
labour. Colonialism refers to territorial domination by force,
neocolonialism refers to the non-territorial, economic controls
exercised by capitalist states over the developing world.
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Neocolonialism represents a more sophisticated exploitation.
Under neocolonialism, newly formed Third World states possess
sovereignity in legal principle, in practice however, the colonial
powers retain de facto control over the raw material, market and
labor.
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Within the Third World itself, the rulig class, composed
largely of willing collaborators who helped administer the
colonies, retained control after decolonization. Termed the
comprador class by dependency theorists, this group of elites
became a domestic bourgeoisie, whose role was to aid in the
eploitation of their own society by international and transnational
capitalists( Viotti and Kauppi, 1993, 458). The interests of the
comprador class are tied to the interests of global capitalism, not
to the development and progress of their own societies.
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Modern world systems theory: view the system as one based on
nation-states which is a state-centric approach to international
relations.
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Modern world system theorists see states as classes of
states-each class being determined by a states place in the
international divison of labor in a world capitalist system.
Wallerstein identifies three such classes: core, periphery and
semiperiphery (Newly Industrializing Countries, NICs).
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The core: industrialized states, which provide capital to the
global economy, as well as highly skilled and well-paid labor.
(Represents the global bourgeoisie) The periphery: provide
inexpensive, unskilled labor and raw materials. ( Represents global
proletariat) The semiperiphery( NICs): provide cheap,skilled and
semiskilled labor to the global economy. (Represents global
proletariat)
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The systematic exploitation of the periphery by the core has
occured over the last five-hundred years, although the character of
the exploitation has changed significantly. From around 1500 until
1945, core exploitation of the periphery came in the form of
territorial colonialism, after 1945 and until 1980, the pattern of
exploitation shifted from territorial and economic means.
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Both theories see state and the class as part and parcel of
each other. Dependency theorists view the state as a reflection of
the dominant economic class. Modern world system view the state and
the nation-state system as necessary for capitalist
accumulation.
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Economic, not political or strategic factors are most important
to understanding international affairs. Issues that appear to be
geostrategic and military in nature are rooted in capitalist
accumulation and exploitation. After all, military capability and
other elements of power are directly related to economic
capability. (example: wars between great and lesser powers have
occured because of colonialism).
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International organizations are mechanisms of capitalist
domination and exploitation. The international order established by
the US after WWII was a capitalist system in which the US had a
competitive advantage in industrial production. An international
system based on liberal economist principles would allow American
businesses to penetrate markets worldwide.
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Marxist theory suggests three interrelated roles for
international organizations: IGOs like the UN, are political
complements to capitalism. Financed and controlled by the
capitalist states, they promote a capitalist agenda. The political
institutions of the UN, such as the Security Council and the
General Assembly are hobbled by procedural rules that make them
ineffective as organs of international governance. This enables
capitalism to expand unchallenged. In an environment of interstate
competition and rivalry, capitalists are unfettered by significant
international restriction.
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The independent economic agencies of the UN, such as the IMF
and the World Bank, are imposed certain policies e.g market rather
than the state needs to be accepted as the mechanism for
distributing wealth, resources and values. The lending and
development policies of the IMF and the World Bank are grounded in
neoclassical economic thought. They are neoliberal or capitalist
institutions.
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Second related role of international organizations is that of
mechanism of domination. International organizations are tools that
core states use to exploit and control the weak. Periphery
societies are controlled politically because they are given a voice
in organizations like the UN in which that voice carries very
little weight. MNCs contributing in domination that fosters
underdevelopment. Many MNCs will use child and prison labour if it
reduces costs.
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A third and closely related role of both private and public
international organizations is as developers of hegemony.
Gramscians see international organizations as important instruments
for selling capitalism.
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No shortage of criticism for Marxist theory. Marxist tend to
rely on economic factors to explain political behaviour. The idea
that war and the foreign policies of states are principally driven
by economics ignores the fact war existed before capitalism. The
foreign policy of states is indeed influenced by geostrategic
factors such as nationalism or religion.
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In sum, Marxists posit different roles for international
organizations in international relations, and they have a very
different notion of global governance. International organizations
are tools of the dominant class that emerges with capitalism-the
transnational bourgeoisie.They impose and reinforce the capitalist
mode of production and facilitate capitalist exploitation.
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How does gender affect international politics and our
understanding of international processes? Focuses on societal norms
and expectations regarding appropriate male and female behaviour.
Feminist scholars argue that political, economic and social
relations are centered around gender identities.
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In the 1980s, feminist scholarship emerged to challenge the
hidden assumptions embedded in the traditional theoretical
approaches of realism, liberalism and Marxism. Anarchy, markets,
interdependence are assumed to affect men and women in the same
manner. However, male scholars tend to trivialize womens roles in
security and economic matters. The female experience is not as
valued as the male experience.
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Feminist theory - the lens of gender focuses on aspects of
international relations and organizations that are overlooked by
the traditional approaches. How does war or the market affect
women? Second, feminist theories highlight the masculinity inherent
in realism, liberalism and Marxism. International relations is
gender biased and so too are the analyses of international
organizations.
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Feminism has several variations: Traditional feminism: sees men
and women equal, attributing any inequality to gendered
stereotypes. Inclusion of women in traditionally masculine roles
will erode gendered perceptions and beliefs. Neofeminism: valorizes
feminine traits. Women seen more cooperative, sensitive, intuitive,
nurturing than men. Postmodern feminism: emphasizes the gender
ladden language and gendered concepts used to describe
international relations.
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Liberal Feminists: exclusion of women from the political
process. Empowerment of women-key issue. Marxist feminists-
challenge the idea that capitalism is beneficial for women either
within or outside of their traditional gender roles.
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Important assumptions: Gender matters. Gender permits a
reexamination of the language and concepts commonly used to
decsribe international relations. Nature of international relations
is conflictual( gender relationships) International relations is
characterized by patriarchy- male dominance pervades almost all
organizations. International issues are ranked in a gendered
fashion.
Slide 40
Constructivist approach began in the 1990s. It is not a theory
per se as it says nothing about international relations. Rather it
is a process of uncovering how the world we know is socially
constructed. When something is socially constructed it means that
its existence, meaning and value were created by individuals and
groups within the society. Individuals and groups assign meanings
and values to concepts and institutions. Race is not an objective
fact but rather a social construction created by society, and its
meaning has changed over time. (Early 20th cc, US Irisih immigrants
were considered black and of a different race by many white
Americans.
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Constructivists seek to uncover what we know is shaped by our
group and social affiliations. They also seek to analyze how what
we know changes over time. Constructivists seek to understand the
social construction of the international system and the norms and
rules associated with global governance. This involves critiquing
the theories of realism, liberalism, Marxism and feminism (although
some feminists do highlight the social construction of
gender).
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These theories assume an objective reality to the international
system (characterized by anarchy, complex interdependence,
capitalism or patriarchy) that explains much of what happens in
international relations and shapes the nature of global governance.
Constructivists seek to show how this assumed reality is socially
constructed and how it is constructed differently by different
states, groups and individuals through their complicated social
relationships.
Slide 43
Constructivist approach rests on several assumptions: Ideas,
beliefs and identities of individuals and states are important for
understanding internatonal relations. Those ideas, beliefs and
identities are socially constructed by their group affiliations.
Social factors are more important than material factors in
understanding international relations. Social relations define how
we view, understand and evaluate material factors such as military
power or economic wealth.
Slide 44
Cooperation and/or conflict between state and (nonstate) actors
are the result of intersubjective relationship of actors. The
actors views and ideas about each other at any given time affect
the nature of their relationship. Finally, the constructivist
approach is centered on explaining change, showing how the key
concepts used to explain international relations have changed over
time.
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Constructivist approach made many important contributions to
the study of international organizations: One strand of research
focuses on how international norms affect state behaviour and vice
versa. For example, a constructivist would be interested in how the
norm of the non-use of force in international relations affected
the decision of the United States to go to war with Iraq, and
conversely, how the US invasion of Iraq shaped and changed that
norm for other actors, which involved the interaction of UN
officials and the indivduals involved in decision- making at the
time.
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Second contribution: how do international organizations
socialize states and decision makers about their appropriate
expected behaviour in world or regional politics? (How are norms,
values and identities created in international organizations?) A
third strain looks at the institutional values, group identities,
and social interaction within an international organization. How do
bureucratic values and expected behaviour shape an international
organizations response to a crisis?
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The central criticism of constructivism is that it is not
really a theory but an approach that mainly criticizes other
theories. Other than positing than everything we and others think
in international relations is socially constructed, it doesnt
predict anything much. A second criticism is that it generates a
multitude of interpretations with no systematic way of evaluating
them.