Effigy Censers
Late Postclassic ceramics at Tumben-Naranjal consist almost entirely of
Navulá, Mama, and Payil Groups from the Seco Complex devised by Robles-
Castellanos (1990) for Coba, and similarly defined in the ceramic chronology of
Xelha by Canche (1992). Chen Mul Modeled from the Navulá group is by far the best
represented ceramic type for the Late Postclassic occupation of Tumben-Naranjal,
outnumbering other types nearly four to one (Figure 5). Research on these and
other Maya censers is sparse and what little that does exist is predominantly
descriptive and classificatory in nature (Borhegyi 1951, 1959; Smith 1971a, 1971b;
Ferree 1972; Goldstein 1977; Benyo 1979). A recent re-evaluation of censers by
Rice (1999) represents the most comprehensive treatment Classic-period censers
from an interpretive standpoint to date, treating issues of function, meaning, origin,
context, symbolism, and the differentiation of effigy and non-effigy forms. For
Postclassic Yucatan, the 1957 study of Mayapan censers by Thompson is the only
substantial interpretive report available. Thompson moved beyond fundamental
descriptive and chronological analyses, addressing issues such as context, function,
meaning, deity identification, and the application of ethnohistory to archaeological
analysis. In a succinct and useful explanation of Mayapan examples (Figure 6),
Thompson (1957: 599-600) describes these effigy censers as
…made of coarse, unslipped pottery. The effigy is attached to the front of a thick-walled vase which stands on a high pedestal base, both slightly flaring. The headdress of the effigy usually rises 10 to 15 cm above the rim of the vessel; interiors, particularly the bases, of many are fire blackened…. In most figures the arms are bent at an angle of 90, palms up, and the hands may support offerings…. Some parts of the effigies, notably faces, hands, and feet, were commonly made in molds…. Painting was done after firing.
Effigy censers seem to have appeared in Maya history sometime in the
middle to late 14th Century. The spread was so rapid that by Spanish arrival, the
use of effigy censers had become nearly ubiquitous in the Maya lowlands
(Thompson ibid.: 603; Robles-Castellanos ibid.). Their function for burning copal
incense is documented by resin residue and smoke stains on vessel fragments.
Based on the location of vessel remains, it appears that censers were often placed
near shrine entrances and on, or adjacent to, basal altars. Following Spanish
contact, censers continue in use among the Maya, though predominantly restricted
to the unconverted or non-Catholic Maya. Post-contact examples of Maya censers
have been encountered at several Postclassic sites, reflecting the persistence of
ritual practice and pilgrimage at abandoned centers well after Spanish arrival
(Lothrop 1924: 63, Figures 29b, 31). Post-contact censers tend to be smaller,
retaining key facial characteristics and loosing elaborate appendages, dress, and
decoration, much in the same way modern Lacandon burners or “god pots” are
fashioned (Tozzer 1907: Plates XV-XVII; Soustelle 1966: 61-84).
Apart from their use as receptacles for burning copal, historical evidence
suggests that Postclassic Maya considered effigy censers animate beings called
aluxob (Redfield and Villa Rojas 1934: 119-121; Redfield 1941: 232-239; Villa Rojas
1945: 103; Thompson ibid.: 602-603, 620, 624). Brinton (1883: 1-13) states that the
term for these beings is derived from the word h-loxkatob, which he translates as
“the strong ones of clay;” however, according to Taube (personal communication
2000) this is more accurately understood as “the fighting or fierce ones of clay.”
Villa Rojas (1941: 122) notes as well, that the Yucatec Maya perceive stone-core
stucco idols as aluxob. In modern Maya mythology, these creatures are tricksters
whom roam the bush and field harassing milperos and hunters, attempting to
coerce offerings of food. If the wishes of the aluxob are met, in return they offer
protection of the cornfield. Even more importantly, in case of a prolonged dry spell,
this mischievous spirit will capture a wandering rain god unaware and force him to
water the milpa before his release - suggesting an affiliation of aluxob and effigy
censers to rain ritual and milpa rites. In fact, aluxob in their effigy form are thought
to bathe in rainstorms, exposing themselves to the elements on top of ruined
shrines in the same manner as censers abandoned at temples during and after the
Late Postclassic (Villa Rojas ibid.). A quote by an informant from Chan Kom
reinforces this connection of aluxob to censers and rain,
They are about a foot high and look like small children, except for their beards and their crowns. These crowns go around the head; they are square in outline, and are made of clay. Inside there is a hollow, and the hollow extends through the body of the alux, so that rain enters at the top and runs out the toes. (Redfield and Villa Rojas ibid.: 120)
Effigy censers are usually found shattered as if ritually smashed (Thompson
ibid.; Chase 1988). Apparently, the Colonial Spanish and Maya took every
opportunity to destroy abandoned effigies when encountered; the Spanish because
they wanted to eradicate any indication of idolatry and the Maya, to prevent the
mischief of the aluxob (Redfield and Villa Rojas ibid.: 119-121; Tozzer ibid.: 73, 108,
110; Villa Rojas ibid.: 103). Though this practice may account for limited numbers of
shattered censers, it would not explain the near-total destruction of vessels seen at
most Late Postclassic sites. A contemporary explanation for smashed censers
among the Yucatec Maya contends that as aluxob (in ceramic effigy form) wash in
rain, chaakob or rain deities take aim and cast thunderbolts from the sky,
attempting to destroy them (Villa Rojas ibid.). On the other hand, one
archaeological interpretation attributes concentrations of smashed censers
associated with monumental architecture to “termination” rituals, supposedly
meant to spiritually deactivate animate structures before their abandonment or
modification (Schele and Friedel 1990: 459; Mock 1998). In other contexts,
ethnohistoric evidence indicates that effigy censers were regularly smashed at the
conclusion of certain agricultural rites and rain rituals to release the aluxob whom
are thought to animate these vessels. For instance, Landa (Tozzer ibid.: 161, Notes
835-841) tells us that during the ceremony of ocna, a plant renewal ritual
performed in honor of the rain deities as a demonstration of their connection to
agriculture, the “renovation” of ceramic idols, censers, and all associated ritual
paraphernalia occurred. Once these vessels had fulfilled their intended purpose and
after their practical use-life expired, censers were discarded and likely smashed to
release the souls of deities captured in effigy form. In essence, this practice served
the same purpose as “kill-holes” well-documented in other New World cultures such
as those in the American Southwest – to free spirits possessing ceramics and other
inanimate objects.
Sacred Caves and the Ritual Collection of Virgin Water
Sacred water, referred to by the Yucatec Maya as zuhuy ha, is thought of as
“virgin” water for its purity and association with holiness. As a potent liquid
substance, zuhuy ha drawn from pools of pristine cave water for use in various rites
related to rainmaking, agricultural abundance, and fertility (Thompson 1959; Pohl
and Pohl 1983; Bonor 1989; Brady et al. ibid. The Chorti and Keckchi Maya likewise
use sacred water, called uh-ha’, agua bendita, or santo ha collected from sacred
springs and rivers for use in identical agricultural rites (Thompson 1930: 52-53;
Wisdom 1974: 381-Note 23, 438-Note 9). Evidence for the association of sacred
caves with agricultural rites and rain ritual is evident at a number of caves in the
Yucatan peninsula such as Balankanche, Balam Ku, Dzab-Na, and Actun Ka’. This
connection is based on numerous water jars, rain-god incense burners, metates,
and manos in ritual cave contexts (Stromsvik 1956; Thompson ibid., 1975; Andrews
1961, 1970; Reddell 1977; Pollock 1980; Bonor ibid.). At cave Balankanche near
Chichen Itza, 95 effigy censers depicting the Central Mexican rain deity Tlalloc were
clustered in front of speleothem columns, beneath stalactites, and set inside niches
carved from living cave formations near pools of water (Andrews ibid., 1970: 9, 12,
Figure 5; Bonor ibid.: 110, Figure 28). Andrews (ibid.: 9) states that out of six areas
in Cave Balankanche where rain-god censers were grouped, it was plainly clear that
each locus was offertory in nature, stating
All are directly associated with either underground bodies of water or striking stalagmitic formations (in which the cave is rich), which were apparently correctly interpreted by the ancients as phenomena attributable to the action of water. Scattered offertory material was similarly located beside or under prominent stalactitic formations. The association of all objects of an offertory nature with water or its manifestations is obvious.
This pattern of rain-god censers associated with cave formations and standing pools
of water was found replicated in the immediate vicinity of Chichen Itza, at the
recently reported cave of Balam Ku (James Brady, personal communication 2000).
Moreover, other wet caves and cenotes feature interior shrines or platforms located
adjacent to water pools such as those at Mayapan, Tancah, and Xcaret, suggesting
the performance of certain rites related to the ritual use of cave water (Lothrop
ibid.; Smith 1953, 1954; Andrews and Andrews 1975). In caves surrounding
Tumben-Naranjal, Rissolo (ibid.) has documented similar instances of ritual cave
modification, reflected in the presence of interior stairways, platform shrines,
propitiatory altars, and ritual ceramic scatters at caves Actun Maas, Actun Pak
Chen, Actun Tacbi Ha, and Actun Toh. As Brady et al. (1997) discuss, the
archaeological context of speleothems and their use among modern Maya suggest
that these rituals were strongly associated with rain, fertility, and power.
Speleothems as Petrified Zuhuy Ha
The presence of speleothems in aboveground shrine-complexes at Tumben-
Naranjal reveals that speleothems were regularly brought from caves to shrine-
altars, presumably used in rites enhanced by these spiritually charged natural
formations (Figure 7) (Lorenzen ibid.: 101-102). Alternatively, Rissolo (personal
communication 2000) believes that the systematic removal of speleothems from
caves in the Tumben-Naranjal region may indicate the “mining” of cave formations
as a convenient source for calcite, widely used as temper in ceramics. An
independent survey of caves in this region confirmed the systematic removal of
speleothems during the Late Postclassic (Rissolo ibid.). Interestingly, Tedlock (1992:
81) notes that “stone concretions” (possibly speleothem or other cave formations)
shaped like fruits, vegetables, and game animals are housed in Quiché Maya
lineage-shrines, often used with other sacred objects in divination and rituals
related to mountains, water, and agricultural fertility.
Ancient obsidian blades, flint projectile points, and stone axe-heads are
collected by modern Maya from fields and forest, considered sacred objects for use
as charms in divination and fertility-related rituals. The Chorti Maya place small
stone axes and pieces of flint referred to as “cloud-stone” on table altars during
rainmaking rituals (Wisdom 1974: 382, Note 25). These axes are also thought to
produce lightning when rain gods hurl them through the sky while “beating the
clouds into rain” (ibid.). These sacred objects along with saint effigies are
maintained in “altar-houses,” which in several ways resemble the sacred context of
caves for they are kept perpetually sealed, darkened, and off-limits to women
during the performance of rituals (ibid.: 384). Quiché Maya regard obsidian
fragments as remnants of meteors, caching them in special boxes at household
shrines (Tedlock 1992: 180), as do the Yucatec Maya whom regard obsidian as the
fallen weapons of the yumtzilob – deities whom live in caves and are closely
associated with rain, game animals, and agricultural fertility (Villa Rojas 1945: 101-
102). Moreover, the Yucatec Maya directly relate the phenomena of meteorites to
rainmaking, seen as the flaming cigars of the chaakob (the highest order of
yumtzilob) as they fly through the night sky in their journey to water the land (ibid).
Likewise, Lacandon rain gods similarly termed yumchaakob also carry weapons as
they fly across the heavens, dropping stone projectile points thought by the
Lacandon to be meteorites (Tozzer 1907: 155, 157-158). Just as speleothems
equate to water and rainmaking, meteorites are thought to create bodies of water
following their impact on earth (ibid.).
As Brady (1997: 360) points out, “In these contexts it seems likely that
speleothems are seen as an extension of the embodiment of the power of the
cave.”
The gradual formation process of stalactites and other cave formations by the
accretion of mineral deposits through dripping cave water contributes to their
rainmaking/fertility connotation. Given their presence in ritual contexts as stated
above, the ancient Maya likely viewed speleothems, particularly dripstone such as
stalactites and stalagmites, as petrified sacred water. This supposition is supported
by several early Spanish translations of “stalactite” from its Colonial-period Yucatec
Maya equivalent (Karl Taube and James Brady, personal communication 1999). The
Cordemex defines stalactite (ch’ak xix for the colonial Vienna dictionary) as “agua
destilada en pozo o cueva [estalactita],” where as the Pio Perez glosses the term as
“el agua que gotea destilándose en las bóvedas naturales or cavernas que cubren
los cenotes [la petrificación que se va formando donde caen estas gotas]” (note
that the verb destilar also means “to ooze, trickle, or drip,” clearly the meaning
intended here) (Barrera Vasquez 1995: 123). Other terms such as ch’ah, xix ha’
tunich, and ob’ak xix (along with the Motul gloss for xix) define these words
similarly, referencing forms of hardened water (Barrera Vasquez ibid.: 121, 946).
These definitions and other inferences not only reveal the perception of
speleothems as solid, concentrated forms of sacred water but more importantly,
suggest that they were likely considered its source (Bassie-Sweet 1996: 151).
Similarly, the Mixtec perceive wet caves as ve’i savi or “rain houses,” considered
“storehouses of moisture” and sources of rain production. Moreover, Mixtec caves
(rain shrines) contain pools of nute noo or “pure water,” a volatile and potent
substance identical to Yucatec Maya zuhuy ha (Monaghan 1995: 107, 109).
The idea of speleothems as generators of zuhuy ha is corroborated by the
ancient Maya use of haltunob (carved stone basins) and ollas (ceramic jugs)
archaeologically recovered from wet caves. Documented as water collection devises
for ritual purposes, stone basins and water jars found in situ were intentionally
placed under stalactites and other cave formations to catch active drip water
(Thompson 1897: 15; Starr 1908: 314-315; Gann 1928: 46-48; Pendergast 1971;
Mercer 1975: 25-27, 101-102, 149; Stone 1995: 17-19, Figure 2-5; McNatt 1996). In
a particularly pertinent example, Mercer (ibid.) reported two haltunob carved from
living stalagmites, further demonstrating the concept of speleothems as sacred
sources of zuhuy ha. Rissolo (personal communication 2000) also recorded a
number of haltunob and ollas in caves surrounding Tumben-Naranjal at Actun Xux
and Actun Maas, positioned beneath the cave drip-line to collect seep water. The
presence of haltunob and ollas in conjunction with nearby cave pools provides
inconvertible evidence of ritual water collection (as opposed to the fulfillment of
daily utilitarian concerns for water), showing that drip water from speleothems was
preferred over standing water as a source of zuhuy ha. Moreover, this fact implies
that the ancient Maya considered dripwater as exceptional zuhuy ha, tantamount to
catching drops of sacred rain. This idea is also seen in Mixtec rain symbolism.
Monaghan (1995: 107) states that “…the drops of water that fall from the ceiling of
the cave are ‘raindrops,’ and that rain clouds pour from the ve’i savi [cave rain
shrine] before a storm.” The concept of speleothems as petrified forms of zuhuy ha
and particularly, as sacred rain, is also apparent in Maya perceptions of fulgurites.
Fulgurites are made when lightning strikes quartz-laden sand, soil, or rock that
instantaneously meld into hollow stone formations that appear remarkably similar
to speleothems. These natural phenomena are intimately connected with rain in
Maya thought, perceived as petrified lightning. Interestingly, bolts of lightning held
by the Aztec rain god Tlalloc were conceived as suspended water in the form of
concentrated cloud-mist, referred to as “the mist which went winding [like a
serpent].” (Sahagun 1953: 7: 15). The suggestion that stone basins and water jars
functioned as collectors of sacred rainwater is corroborated by the etymology of
haltun as well, defined by the Pio Perez dictionary as “el hueco o concavidad de la
peña en que se deposita el agua que llueve” (Barrera Vasquez ibid.: 177).
The recent discovery of a Late Classic vase from an elite burial at Copan
provides additional evidence to substantiate the idea that the ancient Maya thought
of speleothems as generators of sacred water in petrified form. In a scene that
appears to recreate the context of a sacred cave, Fash (2000) identified two
representations of stylized speleothems shown as opposed stepped-symbols. Within
these symbols are cauac (stone) markings, which Fash (personal communication
2000) interprets as dripwater formations. The tapered shape of the stepped motifs,
the dripstone or cauac markings, and the fact that stepped symbols typically
reference mountains in Mesoamerican thought (the place most associated with
caves and rainmaking), suggest that in this context stylistically rendered
speleothems are understood. Drops of water are shown streaming from the tip of
the stylized stalactite toward the stalagmite below, implying the active production
or creation of zuhuy ha. A strikingly similar repetitive stepped-motif and one that
also features dripstone (cauac) markings, is seen painted on the rim of a vase sherd
recovered from Cave C in the Rio Frio group near Benque Viejo (Masson 1927: 37,
Figure 24). Additional stepped-motifs that likewise may represent stylized
stalactites are present on a variety of water jars recovered from caves, cenotes,
wells, and other contexts at Uxmal, Kabah, Chichen Itza, Mayapan, and the Gruta de
Chac. Described as tau, terrace, and scroll motifs, these symbols are painted on the
exterior necks and bodies of water vessels in probable reference to water-related
concepts (Andrews 1965; Smith 1971a: 59, 61; 1971b: 76, 78, Figures 52-h, 53-19).
As described earlier, ollas of this type were used to collect zuhuy ha from dripping
cave formations or from pools of standing water for rain rituals dedicated to Chaak
(the principal Maya deity of rain, lightning, and agricultural fertility). This idea is
reiterated by Thompson (Mercer ibid.: xli) specifically for large polychrome water-
jars discovered at the Gruta de Chac. Interestingly, among Pueblo peoples in the
American Southwest, this same stepped symbol equates to clouds and rain, while in
Mesoamerican cosmology rain-clouds form in and issue from sacred mountain caves
(Gutieras Holmes 1961: 287; Holland 1963: 93; Vogt 1993; Monaghan 1995, Taube
1999). The fact that the Copan vase features depictions of speleothems and is
painted a light blue-green (suggesting water) may indicate that the vessel actually
held zuhuy ha for major rain ceremonies and other important rites requiring virgin
water. Moreover, the burial context of the vessel reinforces this same idea,
particularly given the fact that the vase was recovered from a grave located inside
a structure replete with rain-related iconography. The exterior façade of the temple
containing the burial and vase is covered with stone-sculptured stepped symbols
representing clouds and mountains, including images of tlalloque or Central
Mexican rain gods who frame the doorway and adorn the upper register of the
building.
Speleothems, Effigy Censers, and Stone Beads
In addition to the use of stalactites and stalagmites in rain rituals and other
agricultural rites, the presence of burned speleothems found mixed with ash and
censer fragments adjacent to shrine altar-bases at Tumben-Naranjal, reveal a
different but related religious purpose of speleothems, one apparently dependent
on the ritual use of effigy censers. It appears that speleothems were placed inside
censers along with hot coals and copal incense. In fact, a number of speleothems
appear burned, gray in color and spalled along their length, or powdery in
consistency and lighter in weight when compared to other examples. A burned,
tubular limestone-like bead was found in association with speleothems and censer
fragments as well (see description of Structure 21 excavation), indicating the bead
was likely placed in a censer as suggested for speleothems. In fact, the appearance
of the bead is consistent with the characteristics of burned speleothems, suggesting
that it may have actually been fashioned from a speleothem or other cave
formation. As with the burning of limestone to make powdered lime for construction
plaster, a common practice in ancient and modern Maya culture, speleothems
would have also been altered in this manner (i.e., spalled) if exposed to a
sufficiently hot, sustained fire. Though not yet replicated experimentally, in this
context it is believed that the crystalline structure of speleothems would be
converted to a calcium carbonate composition (James Brady, personal
communication 1999), possibly explaining the lightweight and powder-like feel of
smaller specimens. We know that crude pottery tempered with coarse-ground
calcite frequently fails when fired because calcite contains large amounts of water
that rapidly expand when in contact with high heat, causing the vessel to burst. If
stalactites were placed in censers, some would have undoubtedly fractured and/or
exploded due to their high calcite content. Moreover, if this indeed occurred,
breaking speleothems likely produced a loud splitting noise, possibly equated to the
sound of thunder by the ancient Maya.
This sound would be particularly desirable for the conjuring of rain. Evidence
from Chichen Itza and Copan suggests the intentional spalling of jades for ritual
purposes. At Chichen Itza, thousands of burned jade fragments were recovered
from the Cenote of Sacrifice, implying that jade beads, plaques, discs, and other
carved forms were heated in fires or censers and tossed into the Cenote to explode
on contact with cold well-water (Proskouriakoff 1974: 4). As Proskouriakoff (ibid.)
notes, a small furnace-like structure (1D1) was reported by Ruppert (1952: 6)
adjacent to the Sacred Cenote, which likely served as the location for the ritual
heating of jades before being thrown into water. At Copan, jades were placed in
fires suggesting a similar intent to explode them ritually (Friedel et al.: 240-246).
Though the significance of this act is not known, the intentional spalling and
fracturing of jade (referred to as “popcorn” jade) may relate to the ritual practice of
spalling speleothems in Late Postclassic effigy censers during rain rites, possibly to
replicate the sound of thunder. Likewise, the act of spalling speleothem and jades
may have also reenacted the ancient Maya creation-myth of corn where Chaak
splits open maize-mountain or “stone of sustenance” with his lightning axe,
releasing agricultural abundance and fertility to humanity (Taube 1993; Bassie-
Sweet 1996: 151).
Given the consistency of religious belief during the Late Postclassic, the use
of censers together with speleothems was likely widespread throughout the
northern Maya lowlands. One of the few indications of this practice outside Tumben-
Naranjal surfaced in the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Harvard
University. During an examination of effigy censers excavated by the Carnegie
Institution at Cancun, Cozumel, Isla Mujeres, Tancah, and Tulum, I noticed a 12-cm
long speleothem included in the excavation lot but not published with the
associated incense burner fragments (Lothrop ibid.: Plate 9, 10, Figures 29-31).
Additionally, several artifacts of greenstone and an elongated polished stone of fine
basalt or diorite (approximately 30-cm long and reminiscent of a speleothem) were
recovered in context with these censer pieces as well.
As a demonstration of continuity in Late Postclassic Maya religious practice,
contemporary Lacandon Maya small stones (some possibly speleothems) in
conjunction with censers (Tozzer 1907: 80-93; Soustelle 1966: 22-24,61-84; Bruce
1975: 80; Davis 1978: 72-84; McGee 1990: 49-52; Boremanse 1998: 28). When a
new lakil k’uh or “sacred god pot” is made, a ritually significant stone is placed
inside the vessel as a representation of the spirit or soul of an ancestral deity
portrayed in effigy on the surface of the censer. These special stones were called u
k’anche’ k’uh or “the holy seat of the god,” believed by the Lacandon to be the
place where the soul of the deity sits among burning incense and fire in the midst of
the censer (Bruce 1975: 80). As noted by Taube (1998: 449, Note 13), an effigy
censer recovered from Zaculeu was found to contain a large jade stone (Woodbury
and Trik 1953: 218, Figure 178a-b). Similarly, a jade cobble was excavated at Tikal
as part of a dedicatory cache (Coe 1990: 355), thought by Taube (ibid.) to represent
the jade hearth and by extension, a censer. Additional research by Taube (1998:
448-449) documents this same concept for Classic-period censers as well, not only
identifying jade censer stones as “seats” of venerated deities but effigy vessels
themselves as representative of miniature shrines or god houses. In Lacandon
ceremonial speech, these stones are also referred to as nah k’uh or “god’s house”
(Davis ibid.: 74), reflecting the same general significance noted by Bruce as the
seat, throne, or resident place of power for a particular god. Davis (ibid.: 73) further
describes these stones at tunich nah or “stones from the god house” in reference to
their place of origin, for before a deity portrayed in effigy may be conjured a
pilgrimage must be made to the place inhabited by the desired god, so that a small
stone may be removed and placed inside the censer (Tozzer ibid.: 87-89; Bruce
ibid.: 80; Davis ibid.: 72-84; McGee ibid.: 49-52).
This practice in light of burned speleothems recovered in context with effigy
censers fragments at Structure 21, may relate to the proposed systematic removal
of speleothems from caves as reported by Rissolo (1997, 1999; Fedick et al. 2000)
in the Tumben-Naranjal region during the Late Postclassic. If the Late Postclassic
Maya held similar beliefs regarding the symbolism of small stones and their
placement inside censers, as it appears they did, then the selection of a speleothem
would be the most logical choice for rainmaking rituals and water god
representation; particularly, when one considers that speleothems reference not
only the dwelling place of rain deities (in wet caves) but petrified sources of sacred
water as well. Given that speleothems come from a place envisioned as a portal to
the underworld, the lair of underworld deities, the place of human origin and
emergence, the resting place of ancestors, and the paramount source of fertility,
sacred water, winds, mist, and clouds, one can easily see why the ancient Maya
might readily use speleothems as representations of rain and deities related to
agricultural fertility.
Tozzer (1907: 87-89) also records among the Lacandon the use of jade
pebbles and other small stones mixed with copal incense, burned in censers. These
small jades of which some feature carved faces were believed by Tozzer (ibid.) to be
miniature depictions of God C, a deity associated generally with holiness and sacred
space (Taube 1992: 27-31). A petroglyph of God C incised on the face of a large
boulder-platform in cave Actun Pak Chen, reported by Rissolo and Heidelberg
(1998), faces (pointing toward) a short passage leading to a pool of cave water. The
walkway to the pool had obviously been cleared and maintained regularly in times
past, evidenced by the piling of stone and debris along the sides of the path
(Dominique Rissolo, personal communication 1999). One wall of the cave, fronting a
descending stairway, is replete with rain- and fertility-related imagery. This wall is
featured as an ordered petroglyphic panel presenting a series of images in
succession as one descends the stairway, approaching the pool of cave water. In
the center of this panel is a depiction of Chaak facing the image of God C, separated
by the descending stairway. A flat-stone altar was placed in front of the incised rain
deity with depictions of cloud scrolls, stylized vulvas, and possible representations
of yumtzilob (caves are believed to be their home). Undoubtedly, cave Actun Pak
Chen was extensively used during the Late Postclassic for rain, fertility, and
agricultural rites that necessitated offerings of zuhuy ha (Lorenzen 1999: 101-102).
See Rissolo (1997, 1999; Fedick et al. 2000) for a full description of cave Actun Pak
Chen.
This practice closely parallels the use of jade pebbles, jade beads, and shell
beads set in the middle of copal balls within censer bowls recovered from the
Sacred Cenote at Chichen Itza (Coggins 1984, 1992). As Tozzer (ibid.: 139, Figure
46) points out, this practice is referenced in the Madrid codex as well, where a dark
copal ball placed inside a ceramic vessel features a depiction of God C in its center.
This correlation is significant not only for demonstrating the continuity of Maya
religious practice but also for showing the similar use of copal, censers, and ritually
important stones as ceremonial offerings in rites associated with rain, agriculture,
and fertility. It is well known that the Cenote of Sacrifice at Chichen Itza served as a
regional pilgrimage site and depository for ritual offerings, particularly those related
to rain rites in times of widespread drought (Tozzer 1941: 54, 116, 154, 180-181,
223). The practice of cenote sacrifice reflected at Chichen Itza was part of a much
larger cenote cult, widespread throughout the Yucatan peninsula during and
following the Late Postclassic. This cult was dedicated to the production of rain
through the veneration of chaakob and other deities related to water, animal, and
agricultural fertility (Scholes and Roys 1938: 604-617; Tozzer ibid.; Redfield and
Villa Rojas ibid.; Villa Rojas ibid.).
Apart from speleothems and effigy censer fragments, several stone beads of
varying colors were also discovered in front of Structure 21 at Tumben-Naranjal –
one each of green jadeite, red serpentine, and carved white travertine. Each bead
was paired with a different set of censer fragments, indicating the use of a
particular bead with a specific incense burner. Given the color symbolism of the
ancient Maya, these different color beads may reflect a connection to the cardinal
earth directions (Marcus 1970; Berlin and Kelley 1961, 1970). In Maya color-
directionalism, white is associated with North, red with East, yellow with South, and
black or blue with West (ibid.). The fact that these white, red, and dark green (i.e.,
black) beads from Structure 21 at Tumben-Naranjal were each associated with a
particular effigy censer, may indicate that these incense burners were directional
censers connected with the cardinal orientations North, East, and West. Landa
(Tozzer 1941: 134-147, 166) tells us that during the Wayeb rites held during the
five-day liminal transition between the previous and coming year, effigy censers
were fashioned for each of the cardinal directions, associated with a different color.
See note 29 for a discussion of Wayeb rites. Though these beads may refer to the
soul and/or “seat” of the effigy, Davis (ibid.: 77) suggests a different but related use
for small stones, specifically stone beads. Ancient stone beads are used during
incense-burner renewal rites as talismans or charms by the Lacandon, referred to as
ahsah in wasabeh or “beads with which I awaken.” These beads are of various
colors and are thought to have come from necklaces, made by the gods themselves
called u yuh k’uh, and given to the Lacandon as gifts. To call forth the deity
portrayed on the censer, the god pot is struck repeatedly with an awakening bead
during a ritual chant, inviting the spirit to possess the vessel. Once the effigy censer
is activated, the deity is physically present - prepared to receive ritual offerings,
veneration, and petitions. Thus, beads recovered from Structure 21 at Tumben-
Naranjal (given their association with censers and the likelihood that they were
looted from an Early Classic cache or burial based on material, form, and quality of
manufacture), may have similarly been thought of as “gifts” from the gods, reused
as heirlooms in rites to “awaken” effigy censers during the Late Postclassic.
Speleothem-Core Stucco Idols
Among the various ritual uses of speleothems in cave and aboveground
contexts, most frequently reported ethnographically are speleothem idols (Brady et
al. ibid.). Not surprising in light of earlier references, speleothem deity
representations are inextricably connected to rain gods, water rites, and
rainmaking. Important Maya gods were sculpted in plaster over speleothem
foundations; worshipped in caves, shrines, and small temples during the Late
Postclassic. Though few intact examples exist due to their fragile state and rapid
rate of decomposition, several managed to survive exposure, time, and the
activities of looters. Lothrop (ibid.: 132, Figures 131-132) documented a small pre-
Hispanic cave shrine at Tancah still in use at the time it was recorded. The cave
features a modified floor of masonry that fronts a speleothem column adjacent to a
pool of cave water, inscribed with a series of pictographs. A flat stone altar sits at
the base of the column and nearby, a plastered stepped-altar once supported an
idol taken by Mexican troops in 1910. Miller (ibid.: 30, Figures 47-48) reports a
stucco idol with a large stalactite core in a miniature shrine on top of Structure 10 at
Tancah. On the border of Chiapas and Guatemala at Quen Santo, Seler (1901: 146-
185) discovered a cave housing three small stuccoed-shrines, replete with jaguar,
amphibian, and Tlaloc-styled censers. Moreover, four stone idols were also found at
Quen Santo, of which at least two appear to have been carved from speleothems,
one erected in the center of an open chamber adjacent to a stone altar and the
other against the back wall of an interior shrine (ibid.: Figures 237 and 241, Plates
32 and 34).
Several stone idols very similar to those from Quen Santo were also reported
by Seler (1901: 59-82, Figures 78 and 80-84, Plates 8-9) at Chaculá, possibly
representing additional effigies carved from large cave formations. A number of
other stucco idols feature non-speleothem cores: Lothrop (1924: 155, Figures 161,
165) reports a stuccoed stone-idol in Structure 4 at Cancun, almost identical to one
noted by Peissel (1963: 148, 297) at Muyil, as well as a stone-column idol at
Cozumel of a life-size stuccoed and painted representation of the Maya moon
goddess, Ix Chel. Apparently, the Muyil idol was found in the architectural collapse
of a large Late Postclassic shrine, located at the terminus of a long sakbe radiating
from the site center. Just as with Sakbe 1 and Structure 21 at Tumben-Naranjal, the
Muyil sakbe extends from the most prominent structure at the site, ending at a Late
Postclassic shrine on the edge of a seasonally inundated wetland-lagoon (Witschey
1992: 29). Andrews and Andrews (ibid.: 65-68) describe a complete stucco idol
found inside Structure P-I at Xcaret and the remains of two partial idols recovered
from separate cave shrines. Interestingly, one of the two partial figures was found
seated on a stucco throne set on a raised platform, believed by Andrews and
Andrews (1975: 65) to be the spirit-guardian (alux or yumtzil) of the cave.
Additional stone-core idols have been reported near Tulum and at Yalku, El Cenote,
and Cozumel (Gann 1927: 130-132; Escalona Ramos 1946: 545, 559-560, 602, 621;
Andrews and Andrews ibid.: 98-99). Moreover, similar idols of wood were reported
by Stromsvick (1956), Gage (1958: 278-291), and Holland (1964).
Given the long known ritual importance of caves, the use of speleothems as
objects of veneration dates to at least the Classic and probably much earlier. For
instance, Graham (1997: 31) recently reported a Protoclassic, life-size depiction of
Chaak fashioned in stucco around a large section of flowstone connected to a solid
speleothem column from a previously unknown cave in the Peten region of
Guatemala (Figure 11). Late Postclassic speleothem-core stucco idols possibly
evolved from the use of stalactites and stalagmites as plaza monuments, erected
and inscribed in the same manner as stelae during the Classic (Brady et al. ibid.).
Apart from sporadic discoveries of speleothem-core stucco idols found in
ruined shrines and caves, a significant number of similar examples may exist as
plaster images in the niches of building facades. Though photographs make the
identification of stone material difficult, several do appear speleothem-like. Lothrop
(ibid.: 46-52) describes high-relief stucco sculptures seated in recessed panels in
the upper register of temples and houses at Tulum, Tancah, and Cancun. As with
stucco idols, these sculptures are fashioned around a stone core set into the
structure wall. Moreover, these stuccoed figures are depicted in the same manner
and are roughly the same size as idols and effigy censers: shown in a seated
position with bent arms and legs, wearing similar clothing, featuring near-identical
headdresses and decoration, and portraying like deities (Figure 11). ADD MAYAPAN
EXAMPLE (Proskouriakoff 1962:346).
The practice of shaping deities of stucco and venerating them in caves,
shrines, and temples is quite similar to the use of effigy censers among Late
Postclassic and contemporary Maya. Late Postclassic incense burners (as well as
modern Lacandon examples) exhibit thick layers of white stucco that cover vessel
effigies, applied after the ceramic censer is fired. The vessel is then painted a
variety of bright colors to enhance modeled headdress elements and other
decoration (Tozzer 1907: 109; Thompson 1957; Robles-Castellanos ibid.: 224, 242).
Considering similarities in deity representation, ritual function, and manufacturing
materials between effigy censers and stucco idols, speleothem cores in idols were
likely perceived as the seat or throne of personified gods, just as smaller
speleothems and other ritually significant stones were for effigy censers of clay.
If undiscovered stucco idols exist, any recognizable image is most likely but
gone, reduced to its constituent speleothem core. For instance, a relatively large
stalactite measuring 35 cm x 20 cm x 10 cm was recorded in the architectural
collapse of a Late Postclassic shrine at Structure 2 during the 1993 Tumben-
Naranjal field season, linked directly to Structure 21 and the outlying wetland
(Lorenzen 1995: 60-62, 70). Based on a suggestion by Anthony Andrews (personal
communication 1994), the stalactite was thought to have been placed in the
collapsed shrine by contemporary Maya or in the recent ethnographic past as part
of a hunting ceremony (Lorenzen ibid.: 60); however, given the size, shape, context,
and what we now know regarding the ritual significance of speleothems, it more
likely served as the solid core for a stucco idol or other plaster sculpture, now
dissolved. Scores of similar speleothems have been unknowingly encountered by
archaeologists in ruined shrines but remain unrecognized and unreported because
their stucco representations are no longer visible.
Misc. Water Control Info.
Several major causeways and ceremonial plazas at Tikal feature drain
systems that channel water runoff into large reservoirs set amid monumental
architectural groups (Fialko 1999). The precise placing of these architectural
features create the impression of mountain (pyramid) islands set in a type of
(primordial) sea, reminiscent of the last Maya creation cycle. Moreover, smaller
sakbeob connect several of these reservoirs to shrines and plaza groups. One such
example is a northeast oriented sakbe (the intercardinal direction most associated
with rain deities and the throne-place of the supreme Maya rain god), which links
the Temple Reservoir to the Mundo Perdido. If one starts in the Plaza de los Siete
Templos (Mundo Perdido) at the main radial pyramid (Structure 5C-54-5A) and
moves in a northeasterly direction, a small platform temple (Structure 5D-77-1) is
met first along with a small shrine (Structure 5D-82-1) off to the East side of the
Plaza (Laporte 1995). Continuing in a northeasterly direction, the beginning of the
sakbe (off the corner of the plaza) is encountered, running directly to and
terminating at the Temple Reservoir. This configuration is striking similar to the
radial pyramid (Castillo) and temple platform (Venus) plaza group at Chichen Itza,
connected to the Cenote of Sacrifice via a ceremonial causeway oriented in the
same Northeast direction with a terminal shrine at the edge of the cenote. This
pattern on radial structures and midway platforms in plaza groups that are linked to
prominent water sources and terminal shrines are remarkably consistent
throughout the Maya area (Lorenzen 2000).
Top Related