DatingYasovarmanofKanauj

ontheEvidenceofHuichao 恵超

ShoshinKUWAYAMA

ThepurposeofthisarticleistofixmoreexactlythedateofYas か

varman ofKanauj. His date has usually been given based on theinterpretationoftheaccountsonYasovarmaninthe Gα ad，αuα ho ofVakpatiandhispoliticalrelationship withLalitadityaMuktap:ida ofKasm:irintheRaj αtαrαngiTJi . YetintheaccountofHuichao'spilgrimｭageinIndiaandCentralAsiaandotherChinesehistoricalsourcesoftheTangDynastysomemoreinformationaboutthisproblemcanbeexpected.OfvitalimportanceisthedategivenbyHuichaohimselfofhisarrivalatKuchawhichalsoaffordsusananswerastowhenhestayedinbothTokharistanandGandhara. The date ofHuichao's stay inGandharamay , inturn , leadsustotheframingofthedateofhisstayinKanyakubja.InKanyakubja , asHuichaotellsus , anunnamedvictori 判

。us ‘king ofCentralIndia'rll 天守干: hadresided.1ByidentifyinghimwithYasovarman , hisplacementwithinaclearerchronologicalframeworkcanalsobededucedfromotherdatablefactorsinHuichao'saccountitselfandotherTangsources.

Beforegoingfurther , somewordsshouldbegivenaboutHuichao'saccount.InCave17ofDunhuangPelliotfoundin1908arathershortmanuscriptof227 lines , nowhoused and listed inthe Biblioth ちque

NationaleasthePelliotchinois , TouenhouangNo.3532.Despitethelossofitsbeginningandclosingpartswhichmusthavecontainedthetitleandtheauthor'sname , Pelliot(1908:511ω512; 1936:275)identifieditasa9thcentury abridged reproductionofthe Buich αo wiα ng WuTianｭzhuoguozhu αn 悪超往五天竺闘侍 (Record ofHuichao'sTravelsintheFiveIndicRegions) , recollectingthatthetitleofthisrecord-andonlythetitle-survivedasquotedbyHuilin 慧琳in the100thvolumeofhisYiquijinYinji 一切経音義 (Dictionary ofPhoneticsandMeaningsoftheSpecificWordsinAlltheTranslatedBuddhistSlltrasandLiterature ,

Sh.KUWAYAMA

completedinA.D.817).InthisdictionaryHuilinclearlymentionsthatHuichao'snarrativeis

inthree-volumesandexplainsthepronunciationormeanings , orboth ,ofsomeeighty-fivespecificwordsselectedbyHuilunhimselffromeachvolume.ThePelliotchinois , ontheotherhand , isnotdividedintoanyvolumesandlacksmostofthewordsquotedbyHuilin.Thereisnodoubt , however , thatthedescriptionofthemanuscriptcoversalmostallofHuichao's itineraries , i.e. , from somewherein East India up toKucha.Moreover , acoupleofwordsselectedbyHuilinfromthethirdvolumearealsofoundamongthelastlinesofthemanuscript.Hencethedirect assumption has been madethat it was based on the samethree-volumededitionasusedbyHuilin.

However , suchasimplesolutiondoesnotseemsatisfactory.First , abasicquestionmustbeasked:WhydoesthemanuscriptlackmostofthewordsquotedbyHuilin?ThemanuscriptcouldhaveincludedallofthewordsquotedbyHuilin , ifitwereanabridgedversion.Secondly , themanuscriptcontainsanumberofmisusedwordsalongwithgrammatiｭcalirregularities , allofthembeingtoounfamiliarinproperChinesesentencestobeusedinsoofficialareportasoneregisteredintheYiquijinYinji.

Infact , recentlinguisticapproachtothewordsandphrasesinthemanuscripthasshednewlightonthisproblem , rightlyconcludingthatitisnotanabridgedcopyofthethree-volumededitionbutarushonereproduced by someone at Dunhuangin the 8th century after theoriginaldraftofHuichaoandthat , basedonthisdraft , theaccountwaslatereditedintoamoreofficialformcomprisingthethreevolumeswhichHuilinmighthaveusedoneditingtheYiquijinYinji(Takata1992:197-212).Themoreextensivebookhasbeen lost , butthiscopyofthedrafthassurvived.2

1.AchronologicalframeworkbasedonHuichao

Sincethemanuscriptlacksitsbeginning part , the first countryavailableintheitineraryofHuichaoisKusinagara.Hisitineraryasrecordrdinthemanuscriptisnotalwaysthesameasthatwhichheactuallytook.Althoughacoupleofcountrieswillhavetobeomittedasinsertedfromhearsay , aswillbediscussed later , theitineraryasitactuallyappearsinthemanuscriptisasfollows:

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DATINGYASOVARMANOFKANAUJONTHEEVIDENCEOFHUICHAO 恵超

AnunidentifiablecountryinIndiatoKu 豆nagara: 30-daymarch.

KusinagaratoVaranasi: Distanceanddirectionarelost.Var 忌nasi toKanyakubja: Perhaps60-daymarch , tothewest.

Kanyakubjatoα town oftheSouthIndicking'sresidence'1:

90-daymarchtothesouth.

AtownoftheSouthIndicking'sresidencetoα town oftheWestIndicking'sresidence'2: 60-daymarchtothenorth.

A townoftheWestIndicking'sresidencetoaNorthIndiccountrycalled

Jalamdhara: 90-marchtothenorth.

JalarpdharatoTakkadesa: 30daystothewest.TakkadesatoXintuogula'3: 30-daymarchtothewest.

XintuogulatoKasmira: 15daystothenorth.

KasmiratoGandh 長ra (Ugabha~gapura): 30-daymarchtothenorthwest.

GandharatoLaghman: 7-daymarchtoth 日west

LaghmantoJibin 傘 4 ふday marchtothewest

JibintoZabul: 7-daymarchtothewest.

ZabultoBamiyan: 7-daymarchtothenorth.

BamiyantoatownoftheTokh 主ra king'sresidence(Warwaliz):

20-daymarchtothenorth.

WarwaliztoaplaceinBadakhshanwheretheTokharakinghadfled:

30-daymarchtotheeast.

SomewhereinTokharistantoWa ‘khan:7-daymarchtotheeast.

Wa'khantoKharbandan(Tashkurghan):

I5-daymarchtotheeast.

KharbandantoKおhgar: 30-daymarchtothenortheast.

KashgartoAnxi(Kucha): 30-daymarchtotheeast.

KuchatoYanqi(KaraShahrinlatertimes):

?-daymarchtotheeast.

*1-AssignabletoBadami. 吋Eith 告r AlarorBrahminabad. つMost

probablythesameasSilJlhapuraintheDaT，αng Xiyuji.'4-Kii.bul.See

discussions in this chapter. Places in italics were inserted in the

itinerarybyhearsay.SeeChapter3.

Online217ofthemanuscriptHuichaosaysthathehasarrivedat

Kuchaduringthefirsttendaysofthe11thmonthinthe15thyearof

theKaiyuanEra(開局 15年11 月上旬) oftheTangDynasty.Sincethe14th

day of the 11th month in that year is identical with the 31st of

December , A.D.727 , hisarrivalwasinbetweenthe18thandthe27thof

December , A.D.727.Thisdateisbasicforfixingotherdates.

InTokharistan he had snowfall which inspired him to write the

poemseenonline196. Snowfallnaturallymeansthathewas therein

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Sh.KUWAYAMA

thewinter.ThiswintermustbepriortoDecember , A.D.227andisundoubtedlyatleastoneyearearlier than the time when HuichaoarrivedatKucha.Earlierinhisaccount , lines155to156, Huichaosaysthatgoing20daystothenorthafterleavingBamiyanhereachedatownwheretheTokharakingresided.Thiswascalledbyhimfudiye縛底耶， aleadingtowninTokharistan , identicalwithWarwal:izreferredto by the Arab geographers and assignable to somewhere aroundQal ‘a-ye ZalintheareaofthelowerKunduzRiver(Kuwayama1989:120fO.3 BasedonmyexperienceinKunduzandenvironsinthelatterhalf ofthe 1960s, snowfalls seldom occur in December; therefore ,HuichaomayhavebeeninTokharistaninthebeginningofA.D.727attheearliest , ifhestayedinWarwallzduringthesnowfall.

Infact , HuichaodoesnotrefertothespecificplaceinTokharistanwherehehadthesnowfall:itmaynothavebeenfudiye.Lines155to157ofthemanuscriptmentionthatbythetimeofHuichao'svisittheToｭkharakinghadfledtoBadakhshan , a30-daymarchtotheeastofthecapitalofTokharistan(Warwa lIz) , sincetheArabtroopshadoccupiedit.AlthoughthemanuscriptitselfdoesnotgiveanyaccountastohowHuichaoreachedBadakhshan , acomparisonofthe20-daymarchfromBamiy お1 totheTokhara capital , showninthe manuscript , withthe30-daymarchfromtheretoBadakhshansuggeststhatHuichaofirstarrivedatWarwallzandthenproceededtosomewhereinBadakhshan.Healsodescribesa7-daymarchtoWa ‘khan fromtheTokharacountryquiteashortdistanceincomparisonwiththe30-daymarchbetweenWarwalIzandBadakhshan.Theshortdistanceimplies that the Tか

kh ゑra countryfromwhereheproceededtoWがkhan doesnotmeanWarwalIz.ThestartingplaceforWa'khanmustbesomewheredeepintheBadakhshanarea , aplaceratherclosetothewesterngatewaytoWakh'an , modernIshkashim.InsuchhighlandssnowfallcouldoccurverymuchearlierthaninthelowervalleysoftheKunduz.Ifso , thedateofhisstayinTokharistancouldhavebeenevenasearlyastheautumnofA.D.726.

ThedatethusprovidedalsoframesthatofhisstayinGandharasincewehavegoodreasontosuggestthatHuichaowasinGandharaduringwinteralso.Beforereachingthishypothesis , Huichao'sdescripｭtionofGandharaandJibinneedstobeconsidered.OnreachingGanｭdharaafteraone-monthmarchthroughthemountainousregionfrom

4

DATINGYASOVARMANOFKANAUJONTHEEVIDENCEOFHUICHAO 葱超

ticular)asfollows:

Thekingandhistroops areall Turkish , whilethelocalpeopleareHu

barbarians!Thiscountry(Gandhara)hadoriginallybeenruledbyakingof

Jibin(Kapisi)underwhomthefatheroftheTurkishking(inthetimeof

Huichao)wassubjectwithhistribesmenandhistroops;whentheTurkish

forcesbecamemoreactiveafterwards , hekilledthekingofJibinandbecame

thechiefofthekingdom;accordingly , thiskingdomabuttedonthefrontier

withthesupremekingoftheTurks[ofthenorthernland] , .•.butthisusurper

wasnotinthesamelineasthenorthernTurks....Thistownoverlooksthebig

riverofthe Indus , locatedonitsnorthernbank.([ ]representsmissing

charactersinthetextand( )shouldbereadassupplementingthemeanｭings.)

HuichaofurtherdescribesLaghman , aseven-daymarchtothewestofGandhara , asbeingruledbytheGandharacountry(ortheGandhaｭranking)withoutitsownking.AsforJibin , aneight 司day marchtothewestofLaghman , i.e. , intheKabulValley , Huichaodescribesitasfollows:

ThiscountryisalsoruledbytheGandhiiranking , whoisaccustomedtobe

inJibininsummer , seeking 邑cool placetolive , andinGandharainwinter ,seekingawarmplacetolive , sincetherearenosnowfallsinGandhiira , it

beingwarmandnotcold , whiletheJibincountryhasmuchsnowfallin

winter , whereforeitiscold;thelocalpeopleofthiscountry(Jibin)arethe

HuandthekingandhistroopsareTurkish.

ThecountriesextendingfromGandharaintheeasttoJibininthewestintheKabulValleywerecontrolledbythe ‘Gandha ran ' kingofTurkishstock.ThisstatementgivestheimpressionthatthereexistedakingofGandharawhoseruleextendedtotheJibinregionwheretherewasanotherking.Yetthiswasnottrue.ThehistoricalrealityisratherthattheKabulValleyandGandharawereruledbyoneandthesamekingwhoresidedinJibininsummerandinGandhara , ormoreproperlyatU<;labhal).<;lapuraonthenorthbankoftheIndus , inwinter.Huichao'saccountthatthe‘Gandhara n king'ruledfromtheretoJibinseemstosuggestthatHuichaohappenedtoarrivein Gandhararight attheseasonwhenthekingoftheKabulValleywasaccustomedtoresidethere.In this connection theTurkish seizure oftheJibinkingshiprecordedbyHuichaointhesectionofGandharaalsosuggeststhattheeventmaynothavehappenedinGandharaitselfbutelsewhereinthe

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Sh.KUWAYAMA

king'sextensivedomains.

Somethirtyyearslater , Wukong 悟空 ， thevice-ambassadoroftheTangMissiontothekingofJibin , arrivedatU<;labhaI).QapuraandclearlyexplainedthatthistownofGandharawastheeasterncapital東部域 of

Jibin.The ‘eastern capital' presupposes the existence of a ‘westerncapital.'ForWukong , theJibincountryseemstohavedenotedamoreextensivecountryingeographicalandpolitical terms , akingdominｭcludingtheextensiveKabulValley and having western and easterncapitals , thelatterinGandhara.InviewofthefactthatHuichaousesJibinandGandharaastwodifferentlocalities , thewhereaboutsofJibinneedstobefurtherexamined.ThefollowingargumentreinforcesdoubtsaboutSylvainLevi'sidentificationofJibin , sofarasitisusedinTangChina , exclusivelywithKapislwhichhaslongheldthefieldas unde “

batable.HuichaodescribesthatwhentheTurkishforcesbecamestrongerthe

TurkishchieftainkilledthekingofJibinandbecamechiefofthekingdom.IftheeventdidnothappeninGandharabutsomewhereintheKabulValley , itwouldnotbehistoricallyinconsistentwithBlriinI'slegendarystoryaboutaTurkishnoblemanwhoeventuallyusurpedthethroneandbeganreigninginKabul. Sachau translated it as follows (1964, II:13-18):

TheHindushadkingsresidinginKabul, TurkswhoweresaidtobeofTibetanongm;th 巴first ofthem, Barhatakin(BarhaTegin.orBりri Tegin),cameintothecountryandenteredacaveinKabul, whichnonecouldenterexceptbycreepingonhandsandknees....Somedaysafterhehadenteredthecave, hebegantocreepoutofitinthepresenceofthepeople, wholookedonhimasanewbornbaby;heworeTurkishdress, ashorttunicopeninfront,ahighhat, bootsandarms;nowpeoplehonour 巴d himasabeingofmiraculousorigin, whohadbeendestinedtobeking, andinfacthebroughtthosecountriesunderhisswayandruledthemunderthetitleofashahiyaofKabul.

ApartfromdoubtsaboutthestrangementionoftheTurksinKabulasbeingofTibetan OrI gm , theriseofa shαhiyα of Kabulandhis

usurpationofpowertherestronglysupportthehypothesis that theTurkishseizureofthethronedescribedbyHuichaohappenedinKabul ,notinGandhara.ItalsosuggeststhatBar ・ha TeginisoneandthesamewiththefatheroftheTurkishkingatthetimeofHuichao.Infact , onXuanzang'swaytoandbackfrom India , inA. D. 629 and 643, a

6

DATINGYASOVARMANOFKANAUJONTHEEVIDENCEOFHUICHAO 葱超

TurkishruleralreadyresidedinacountrycalledFulishi 弗築博located

betweenKapisiandGhazni , asrecordedinVol.12oftheDα Tαng XiyuJi 大岩西域記. InsofarasitsimplyrecordsthatthekingoftheFulishiｭsthanaisofTurkish stock , theruleofthekingseemstohavebeengeographicallyandpoliticallyrestrictedasalocalminorpower , perhapsundertheKapisianhegemony(Kuwayama1991: 282-283).ConsistencywiththeaboveaccountofBirllniimpliesthattheFulishicountryofXuanzangmaybeequivalenttotheKabulregion.

TheimportanceoftheKabulregionmayhavegraduallyincreasedtobecomegreaterthaneverparallelwiththeseveralwavesofMusliminvasionsfromthesouthfromA.D.665onward.OnhiswaytoNalandaandbackfromtheretoChinainA.D.643XuanzangfoundthattheKabulregion , theFulishicountry , wasmoreorlesspeacefulruledbyaTurkishchieftainunderthehegemonyoftheKapisianking , butabouttwodecadeslatertheTurksofKabulmusthavenolongerbeenabletoignorethethreatoftheArabs.InA.H.46-47/A.D.665 司666 theKabulShah , theTurkishkingofKabul , wasforcedtofightagainsttheArabtroopsofIbnSamurah(Murgotten1969:146-147).IntheearlierstagesoffightingagainsttheArabstheKapisiankingmighthaveincreasedtheKabulTurks'militarycapacitytomaintaintheregion , thesouthernfrontieroftheKapisikingdom.Yet , aseventsprogressed , thevoiceoftheTurkishminorityprobablyincreased , andgraduallytheythemselvesturnedintoapowerfulthreat , eventuallyseizingtheKapisianthrone.

AstheTangsourcesmention , aftertheendoftheseventhcenturyJibinoftensentitsmissionstotheTangcourttogetherwithZabul.Associatedmissionsofthiskindhadneverappearedbeforethat time ,whichsuggeststhatKabulandZabulstoodfirmtogetheragainsttheArabinvaders.JibinasusedinTangChina , therefore , meansKabulaftertheTurkishusurpationthathappenedmostprobablysoonafterA.D.666.Needlesstosay , thenewkingofJibin , BarhaTegin , musthavealsoruledoverthevastregionsfromKabultoU<;labha 平<;lapura wherethesecondTurkishking , asonofBar ・ha Tegin , residedonHuichao'sarrivalinwinter.

TheaboveargumentleadsustointerpretHuichaoasfollows:theTurkishkingofGandharawasarulerwhogovernedfromGandharatoKabulandwasaccustomedtostayatU<;labhal)<;lapurainthewinterseasonandatKabulint

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Sh.KUWAYAMA

there.ThismeansthatitwasinwinterthatHuichaotravelledthrough

Gandhara.ThekingatthetimemusthavebeenthesonofBarhaTegin.

Allowingforthedateofhisstayin Tokharistan , Huichaomust have

beeninGandharasometimebetweenthelateautumnofA.D.725and

theearlyspringofA.D.726, notlaterthanthat.SinceHuichaocame

toGandhara from the east beyond the Indus , his pilgrimage in the

subcontinentwasmadebeforethedategivenabove.Thischronological

frameworkallowsustodiscusswhowasthekingofCentralIndiaat

KanaujatthetimeofHuichao'svisitandtonarrowdownthedateof

thissovereign.

2.A kingofCentralIndia:Yasovarman

Lines10to48ofHuichao'saccountishisrecordonCentral India ,anoriginaltranslationofwhichfollows:

Varimasiisreachedwithin[...]days.Thiscountry , (likeKusinagara)isin

declinewithoutaking...(Herewere)theFiveBhikshus(towhomtheBuddha

firstpreached).Theclayimages(ofthatscene)arepresentinastupa.(Thereis

ast庄工:nbha) surmountedbyafigureofalion.Thestonestar:nbhaisasthick

astoholdfivepeopletogetherandveryfineinquality....Thisstar:nbhawasmade at the same time as the stupa. The name of the temple is

Dharmacakra....Thehereticsdonotwearclothesbutsmearashesontheir

bodiestoservetheMahadeva.Inthistempletherear 、e animageofgiltcopperand(imagesof)thefivehundred(arhats).InolddaysinMagadhatherewas

akingcalledSiladitya.Hemadetheseimages.Hemadea(wheel) ofgilt

copperatthesametime.Thedharmacakradoesnotlackanypartmeasuring

exactlythirtybu(about47m)incircumference.Thistown(Varanasi)ison

thenorthernbankoftheGangasoastolookdownontheriver. Inthe

territoryofthekingofMagadhaaretheFourGreatSacredStupas(湾大霊

塔) at theDeerParkhere (Sarnath) , Kusinagara , Riijagrha and Mahι

bodhi.Inthiscountry(Viir 邑nasi) bothMah 品yanic andHinayanict巴achings are

beingheld.ThuscouldIreachtheMahiibodhiTemple...

Withinatwo-monthmarchfromhere , Viiranasi.westwardonereachesatownofresidenceofthekingofZhongTianzhu 中天竺(Central India) , calledKanyakubja. Theterritoryofthis Centr 且I Indickingisvery vast , wellｭ

populatedandprosperous.Thekinghasninehundredelephants , eachofthe

othergreatchieftainsGnthiscountry)havingtwoorthreehundred.Theking

customarilyfightsabattleattheheadofhisarmy.HeoftenmakeswaragainsttheotherfourregionsofIndia(回天竺) andalwayswins....

ItisinthisterritoryofCentralIndiathattherearetheFourGreatStupas

(四大塔). ThreeofthemareonthenorthernbankoftheGanga.Thefirstis

8

DATINGYASOVARMANOFKANAUJONTHEEVIDENCEOFHUICHAO 惑超

intheAn 忌tapi 号~ada ParkofSriivastiwherethemonastery, housingmonks,isstillfunctioning.ThesecondisintheAmulaParkofVaiｧiiliwherethestupaisstillstandingbutth 告temple isdesolatewithoutanymonks.ThethirdisinthetownofKapilavastuwheretheBuddhawasgivenbirth.TheTreeisstillexisting, butthetownhaslongdeclined.Thestupaisstillstandingbutth 号re arenomonks.TherearealsonoinhabitantsinthetownThistownislocatedthemostnortherlyoftheabovethreeandislefttorunwastewithbushesandwoods, theroadbeinginfestedwithmanyfootpads.Thereforethosewishingtogothereforworshippinghavemuchsuffering.ThefourthisthestupaattheTreasureStaircaseofThreeCourses(atSankiiｧya)locatedbetweenthetwoGangiisaseven-daymarchtothewestofthetownoftheCentralIndicking....Thereisstillatemplewithmonks.([]representsmissingcharactersinthetextand()shouldbereadassupplementingthemeanings.)

AccordingtotheseparagraphsonCentralIndiathekingresidesinKanyakubja(Kanauj)rulingaveryextensiveterritoryandpossessingaforceofelephantsmuchstrongerthantheotherfourregions;hehimselfalwaysfightsattheheadofhisarmyandgainsvictoriesoverthekingsoftheothers.Lines41andfollowingshowthathisdomainincludesthelocationsofthe‘Four GreatStupas'atKapilavastu , Snlvasti , SarikasyaandVaisali.Unfortunately 自uichao doesnotrefertothenameofthisgreatvictoriousking.Ontheotherhand , heclearlymentionsSiladityaasakingofMagadha.SinceCentralIndiausuallyincludesMagadha ,thequestionhasarisen whether the CentralIndickingis identicaltoSiladitya.

Stein(1900:1,89) firstidentifiedthenamelesskingofCentralIndiawith Yasovarman which is phonetically equivalent to Yishafamo伊沙伐摩 in Vol.221aoftheT，αng shu 壁書. YishafamoappearsthereasakingofCentralIndiahavingsentaBuddhistmonkofgreatvirtuetotheTangcourtwhichreceivedhiminA.D. 731. SinceYishafamoisdefintelythesameasYasovarman , YasovarmanwasinthepositioninorbeforeA.D.731.Otani(1934:154-156)agreeswithStein , but , strangelyenough , prefersSl1adityaasthebetteralternativetakingintoconsideraｭtionthatthekingofCentralIndiamightnotbeabsolutelycontempoｭrarywithHuichao.Yetthefollowingdiscussionprovesthat Otani'sinterpretationconflictswiththedescriptionbyHuichao himselfwhoclearlywritesthatthekingofCentralIndiaiscomporarywithHuichao.

HuichaoshowsthattheFour Great Sacred Stupas at Sarnath ,Kusinagara , Rajagrhaand 恥1:ahabodhi areintheterritoryofMagadha ,

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Sh.KUWAYAMA

theold domain of SIladitya , and theother Four GreatStupas atKapilavastu , Sravasti , SailkasyaandVaisaliareinCentralIndiaundertheruleoftheCentralIndicking.TheverysameeightstupaswerealsonotedbyWukongaboutthreedecadeslaterwithoutdividingthemintothetwocategories.ThefourmaineventsinthelifeoftheBuddhaweretheBirthat Kapilavastu , theEnlightenment at Bodhgaya , the FirstSermonatSarnathandNir 暗号a atKusinagara , asFaxian 法顧rightly

referstotheFourGreatStupasatthesefourplaces.ButHuichao'sFourGreatSacredStupasexcludesthestupaatKapilavastu , whichinsteadisincludedintheothercategory.Therefore , histwocategorieshavenopracticalsignificanceinBuddhisttermsandshouldbetakenasaimed to make clear the distinctionbetween the ancient MagadhaterritoryofSiladityaandcontemporaryCentralIndia.ForHuichaothekingofCentralIndiahasnothingtodowith 話iladitya.

ItisthefactthatthedeathofHar~avardhana Siladityainthelatefortiesofthe7thcenturycausedhisdomaintosplitintominorlocalstatesandthatnoimperialunityhadbeenachievedinthenorthernpartsofIndiauntilYasovarmancametopower.ThesuccessofYaso 司

varmaninextendinghisdomaintotheGaUl;lacountryiswell-docuｭmentedinthe Gα udαuα ho byVakpatiandpartlydocumentedintheRaj αtαrαngi T]i andintheJainsourcessuchasthePr αbhav αk α-Cαrit α，

thePr αbαndh α網kos α and theBα:pp αbh αtt αSUrL -Cαrit α. OnlyYasovarmancanbetakenasthepropercandidatefortheCentralIndickingwhoseextensiveterritoryandconstantvictoriesarequiteclearlyrecordedbyHuichao.

3.DatingYasovarman

ThedateofYasovarmanhasvariouslybeengivenbyscholars:A.D.728-745bySmith(1908:784), sometimebetweenthesecondhalfofthe 7th century and the first half of the 8th century by Pandit(1927:xcv-xcvi) , A.D.725-754byTripathi(1937:195-197)andA.D.700(orA.D.690-740)byMajumdar(1954:131).SinceHuichaoarrivedatKuchainlateA.D.727, Smith'shypothesisdoesnotholdwell.Tripathi'sdateofaccession , A.D.725, seemstobebasedonthefactrecordedintheRajat αrαえgi'! ，i; thatitoccuredmoreorlesscontemporaneouslywiththatofLalitadityaMuktapir;laforwhomhegivesadatefromA.D.724to760, asalsoproposedbyUtgikar(Pandit1927:cclvi 欄cclx).

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DATINGYASOVARMANOFKANAUJONTHEEVIDENCEOFHUICHAO 恵超

Thedateofaccession , A.D. 725, givenbyTripathidoesnotseemappropriate.AccordingtoHuichao , theCentralIndickinghadalreadyexpandedhisdomainswhenHuichaowasinKanyakubja.ForHuichaoittookthreemonthsfromKanyakubjatoatownofking'sresidenceinSouthIndia , whichmightfitBadamioftheChalukyas;twomonthsfromtheretoatownofking'sresidenceinWestIndia , whichmightbeeitherAlarorBrahminabad:threemonthsfromthetownofWestIndiatoJalarpdara;onemonthfromtheretoTakkade 旬 ， alsoonemonthfromTakkadesatoXintougulainNorthIndiaandhalfamonthfromXintougulatoKashmir.FromKashmirhereachedUQabhaQQapuraafteranothermonth.Intotalittookelevenmonthsandfifteendays , nearlyoneyear ,fromKanyakubjatoUQabhatJ.Qapura. Ifthedurationsofstayateachplaceareaddedtogether , thetimehespentfromKanaujtoGandharamuchexceedsoneyear.BasedonthefactthatHuichaowasinGandharafromtheautumnofA.D.725attheearliest , hethuswouldseemtohavestayedinKanyakubjanolaterthanA.D.724.Tripathi'shypothesisseemstolosevalidity.

TheabovechronologymightbevalidinsofarasweliterallyacceptHuichao'sitinerary.A seriesofdoubtsarise , however , fromtheconｭspicuousdifferencebetweenthedescriptionoftherouteshownaboveandthatfromJalar:p.dharathroughGandharaandJibintoTokharistanandfarther.Inthelattercasetheactualroutehetookcanclearlybetraced , sincehestateseachcityontherouteonebyoneindueorder ,anditisquiteconvincingdespitetheexistenceofsomecountriesknownonlybyhearsayandtheunconvincinglocalityofXintuogulabetweenTakkadesaandKasmIra.YetinthecaseoftheroutestoSouthIndiaandfromWestIndiaandthoseinSouthandWestIndia , hedoesnotspecifyanythingabouttherouteandthemaincityineachpart , onlysayingthatafteracertainnumberofmonthsonereachesatownwherethekingofSouth(orWest) Indiaresides.Nothingoftheroutehemighthavetakenisreferredto.Ontheotherhand , heclearlyspecifiesthenamesofcitiesinthecaseofNorthandCentralIndiawherehemusthaveactuallyvisited , statingthatgoingnorthwardthreemonthsorsofromatownwheretheWestIndiankinglivedhereachedaNorthIndiancountrycalledJalar:p.dhara(Line65)andalsothathereachedatownofCentralIndia's king , calledKanyakubja(Line21).Alsotheroutehetookont

11

Sh.KUWAYAMA

AllthesedifferencesinthedescriptionsbetweenSouthandWestIndia , ontheonehand , andNorthandCentralIndia , ontheother , maybetakenascluesshowingthathedidnotactuallyvisitSouthandWestIndia , eventhoughherecordedapoeminthesectionofSouthIndia , onlines57 欄58 ， whereheisquitemovedbycomingsofarfromhishome 倫

land.Hispoem , however , doesnotincludeanywordstospecifythefactthatheactuallyreachedSouthIndia.IdonotthinkitisgoingtoofartosaythatHuichao'sdescriptionaboutSouthandWestIndiasimplyishearsay.WithoutseeingSouthandWestIndiahewentfromKanyaｭkubjanorthwestwardtoJalarpdhara.

Ifso , thetimetakenfromKanyakubjathroughSouthandWestIndiatoJalarpdhara , i.e. , eightmonths , shouldbeomittedfromtotalelevenmonthsandafortnightwhichwastakenfromKanyakubjatoGandhara.ThreemonthsandafortnightarethetimewhichHuichaospentfromJalaI:Q.dharatoUq.abhaQ<)apuraviaTakkadesa , XintuogulaandKasmira. Although we are left uninformed about how longitactuallytookfromKanyakubjatoJala I:Q.dhara , hewasinKanyakubjaatleastthreeandahalfmonthsearlierthanthelateautumnalmonthsinA.D.725. 日ven ifthedurationsofstayineachtownalongtheroutearetakenintoaccount , Huichao'sstayinKanyakubjapossiblywasnotinA.D.724butintheearlierhalfofA.D.725.Untiltheearlierhalfofthatyear , therefore , Yaゑovarman mayhavebeenfinalizinghisconquesttowidenhispoliticalterritory.

AccordingtotheCefuyu αngui 加府元亀 Indian missions , seeminglyajointventureofallFiveIndicRegions , arrivedattheTangcapitalinthe3rdmonthofYear3intheTianshouera(A.D.692).TheT，αng shu(Vol.221a) describesthatthesemissionswerereceivedinA.D.691.Despitenoclueastowhetherthemissionscameonceortwice , itisbelievablethatbothsourcesrefertothesameevent.ThenamesofthekingsresponsibleforthemissionsineachsourcearecommonexceptforsomenegligibledifferencesintheChinesecharacters.Thelistofkingsisasfollows:

(1) Shiluoyiduo ド緩逸多， thekingofWestIndia, restorabletoSiliidityaandmaybeidentifiablewitheitherSiliidityaIVofValabhiorYuvar 主ja SryiisrayaSiliiditya, oneofthf, vice-royaltyofVinayadityaofNo.2.(2) Zhelouqi-faluopo 遮婁其抜羅婆 (T，αng shu) ,thekingofSouthIndia, restorｭabletoC孟lukya- VallabhaandclearlyidentifiablewithVinayiiditya(681 ゅ696)

oftheChalukyasofB忌dami ， knownastheuirudasSri-prithivivallabha.The

12

DATINGYASOVARMANOFKANAUJONTHEEVIDENCEOFHUlCHAO 恵超

Cefuyuanguilacksth 思last character.(3) Louqi-nuonuo 婁其那那 (T，α ng shu) , thekingofNorthIndia, restorabletoLoke 号Nana orLoke 号Nanna ， butunidentifiable.TheCefuyuanguilacksth 日

firsttwocharacters.(4) Moluofamo 摩羅伐摩 (Cefu yuangu i) , thekingofEastIndia, restorabletoMaravarm 邑or Maravarman, butunidentifiable.TheT，αng shuwritesthethirdcharacteras'zhi' 校instead of'fa' 伐.

(5) Dipoxinuo 地婆西那， thekingofCentralIndia, restorabletoDevasena.

ThedateofthereceptionoftheIndianmissionsandtheregnalyearsofVinayadityaleadustobelievethatkingsintheSouthAsianSubcontinentareallcontemporary.UptonowDevasenahasnotbeenknowninanyothersourcesinthecontextofthehistoryof ‘Centr alIndia'orgeographicalnorthernIndiaafterthedeathofHar 守a. CanDipoxinuo(Devasena)beanepithetofYishafamo(Yasovarman)?IfDipoxinuoandYishafamohadbeenoneandthesameking , theTangsourceswouldhaveselectedonlyonenamefromthetwo.SinceIbelievethatDevasenacanpossiblybetakenasdistinctfromYa§ovarman , theexistenceinA.D.691or692atthelatestofDevasenaastheCentralIndickingisimportantforchronologicallyframingYasovarman.EviｭdentlyYaｧovarmancametothethroneafterA.D.691or692andwasstillonthethroneinA.D.731, thedateoftheTang'sreceptionofthemissionsentunderhisownname.IftheitineraryofHuichaodiscussedaboveisright , Yasovarman'saccessionisdatabletosometimeafterA.D.691or692andbeforeA.D.725.

AstotheIndianmissionsreceivedbytheTangcourtafterA.D.691or692, theCefuyu αngui (Vol.971)andtheOldT，αng shu 蕎唐書 (Vol.

198)describethattheemperorXuanzongreceivedseveralmissionsfromCentralIndiaduringtheKaiyuanera , suchasthoseinthe5thmonthofYear5(A.D.717), the1stmonthofYear8(A.D.720), the7thmonthofYear13(A.D.725)andthe10thmonthofYear19(A.D.731)‘ThelastoneisattestedintheaforesaidT，αng shuasthemissionundoubt 叩

edlysentbyYaｧovarman.ThereforeallthesemissionsfallintheaboveframeworkbetweenA.D.692and725.Consideringtheintervalsofeachmission , thetwenty-sixyearintervalbetweenDevasena'smissionandtheoneinA.D.717isfarlongerthantheothers , suchasthree , fiveandsixyearsthatseemtorepresentaseriesofmissionssentbyoneandthesameking.Itmaybeallowedtothink , therefore , thatYasovarmancametothethroneinsomeyearbetweenA.D.691/2and717, ormore

13

Sh.KUWAYAMA

properly , ina yearquitecloseto 717, alreadygainedvictoryoverthe

vastregionsofnotonlyCentralIndiabutalsoGauQabyA.D.725, and

stillwasinthepositionsixyearslaterin731.

Notes

1.Theanci 在日t fivedivisionsoftheSubcontinent-Central , East , West , SouthandNorthIndia-asshowninthetitleWuTiαnzhuoguo (FiveIndicRegions)donot

alwayscorrespondtomoderngeographicaldivisions. ‘Central India'coversthe

在rea conceivedasthecenterofIndiancivilization , ortheGa 主ga- Yamunado αb ，

oftenincludingwestern Benga l. ‘East India' includesmost of Bengal and

Orissa , while‘West India'coversthemiddleandlowerIndusValleysandalso

theareatothesoutheastofthem. ‘South India'isalmostsynonymouswiththe

peninsularpartoftheSubcontinent , and'NorthIndia'includesthenorthwestｭernpartofitextendingfromPanjiibthroughnorthernPakistanandKashmir

toeasternAfghanistan.TheregionaldenominationsoftheSubcontinentused

belowshouldbereadasthesameastheabovefiveunlessotherwisementioned2.ThemoderntranslatedversionsofthePelliot3532manuscriptincludesFuchs

1939, Sadakata1971, Yangetal.1984andKuwayama1992.

3.Yoshida(1993:200)suggeststhatfudiyemaysharetheoriginalwordwitha

Bactrianwordf3αrOO' αlITO referredtobyDavary(1982:170-171) , whichappearsonthereversesofthecoinssuchasEmissions244and245(GobI1967: III, PIs.66

and67).Asfortheinterpretationsofthelegends , seealsoHunbach1966:62-63

andGobI1967:I, 167-168.

4.TheHu , aChinesedenominationofth 告western barbariansusedbyHuichao

throughouthisrecord , arenotalwaystheSogdiansor Iranians , ashasbeen

thought , sinceitisnotacceptabletoidentifythestockinGandharaandinthe

eastofKashmirwiththeIranians.

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