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lnlroduction
Govelnmenl
Section One:The Slate Wete ln
14
Expression and Opprsssion
18
29
32
Dominanl Culture
Dominant Valu6s
Dominanl Economics
Section Two: Another Slandard
Cullural D€moc€cy
Democralic Values
A Changed Landscape
Opposition
38
42
Ell€ctiv6
Oui Fuluro
Appendjx On6: Tho Shellon Trust
51
Appendix Two: Orcanisers & Cont butors
-56
This manifesto has been organised by a group
ot members ofthe Shelton Trusl, as parl oi lhe Trust's
conlribulion lo a debat€ which has been gathe/ng
momentum lor at least live years. Specifically, it has
been wrllten as a discussion paper tor Another
Slandard 86: Cullure & Dernocracy, a Conterence
iaking placo on July 12th and 13th 1986 in Shefiield.
This conference is itself a slaging posl ida movement
lo establish cutural alliances which aan sel the
agendalor polilical and social change.
The Shelton Trust began in 1979, as a national
organisation ol communily arlists, and has grown lo
embrace a wide range of cuhural workers and
activisls. During that period it has moved from a
concern wjth radicalising 'lhe ans lo a recognitlon
that it is the operation of a domi.ant hierarchical
culture that causes and sustains oppression if this
society. That oppr€ssion underlies allareas ofcultural
wo*. Our desire 10 oppose and change lhis dominant
cullure rs inseparable tom the desire lo change the
polilical and economic systerns which dir€ct and
penelrale il.
Oul of lhis r€cognition has come the
development of a iramewo of ideas we call cultural
democracy. This is nol concemed directly with the
day-lo-day practices oi cultural aclivists. Rather it
addresses the aims ol lheir work. and the work ot the
many thousands of others wo ing to slmilar ends.
This rnaniiesto is wrillen from our expe ence,
and locates lhat experience wilhin a larg€r context ol
society. lt is concemed, in some small pad, wilh 'the
arls'. How€ver, it is nol, in any sense, lhe basis for a
'campaign for the arts'. lt is a specification for
socialism based in a common analysis of polilics,
economics andcullure.
Our aim is the creation ot an egalita an and
pluralsociety, by the exlension ol democratic praclice
10 all social relationships.
xwM
Cullural democracy ollers an analysis of the
cultural, polilical and economic systems which
dominal6 in Bdtain. More impodanlly, it ollers a tool
Elfeclive aclion is impossible without
-ndersland ng. Contrcl ol culture by a snal gtoup s
nol control of thought direclly. Ralher il is the convol
ol the abiity to use lhought and understanding.
Cultur€, at any one time, is th€ agenda of whal ls
imagined to b€ possible. Cullure is not simply the
evrdence of an unequal economic syslem. Culture s
ils toundation, its suppon, ils means ol juslilicatlon
and influence, and lhe context within which thal
system suslains itsell,
Brla'r is h'ghly cenlralised. Ownership re-1ai's
concenlrated in lh€ hands ol very small numbers of
people. Government works by creating and per-
pelrating an exclusive and inaccossible hierarchy,
The same islrue both ol the pow€d!lprotessions and
the media, Togelher lhey transmit a culture which
o ginates in the power of a few but lhrough which all
the population are instructod to live,
At any one lime this powedultew can be crudely
refefied to as 'the ruling class, Thls class can be
denlfied with a group or groups oJ people - lhe
Landed aristocracy, weallhy business psople, top
polticlans and medla celebrities. Whlle entrance is nol
necessarily hereditary, il aLways revolves around the
acquisition and protoction oi wealth.
The power ot these ruling classes is rooted in
economic power, bul it is not limiled to lhis sphere.
-
E
-
This power is also located within, and transmilted
through, the means of cultutal production. They do
not, in general, rulg by force and coercion. They ll.rle
by convincing the majority ot lhe populatiof thal the
present syslem, and lhe structures and institutions
thal embody il, are inev table, 'natu ral' and necessary.
They do lhis throuqh a process of oppression, n
which lhe majo ly are convinced that whal th€y wan1,
whal they think they need, is less importanl than what
lhey are told will be made avaiable to lhem. ln this
way people are encouraged to collude in lheir own
oppression, and rewarded lor do,ng so. This mari-
iesto recognises thal oppression, and ils effects on
lhe possibilities ol an emerging socialism.
W€ believe lhal socialists must develop a
coherent view of culture. we cannol afiord merely to
respofd to dominanl righl-wing individualism by
arguing lor a bit more of this and a bit less of lhat.
lnstead we must produce a positive underslanding
and practice which arise from a difterenl, a socialisl,
view of tho rols thal culture plays ufder capitalism,
and th6 ro e il plays as a vilal part of a democratic
This manilesto is in two parts. The firct pan, 7he
Slate Wele ln, Wovides a short analysis ot some ol
the dominant torces which shape, and will shap6,
Erilish sociely, we do not believe lhal lhese forc€s
diller, n ther underlying motivatiofs and mech
alisms, kom tl^e lorces which shape and delern ne
other'tksl wo d' capitallst societies.
This seclion begins by looking at some of the
delining characleristics of governmenl, which areflCI
related lo inlerlocking nelworks ol professional codes
and practces. lt then Looks at tho avenues of
expression availab e lo ths majo ly of peopl6, and the
dynamics ot cull!ral oppression wilh which people
conlend. I examines tho dominanl culture ard valu€
syslems lhat undeQin lhese syslens ol oppression,
and relates these to the economic syslem thal
legillm ses lheir continued existence.
The second seclion proposes another standard
by whlch a socalism which linked politicaland cult!€lactivism rn ghl move foMard. ll delines a concept ol
cullural democracy, linked to democratic valu€s, and
proposes a number of criteria for an €ffective
opposlion to lhe dominant hie€rchical cullur6. Finally
il lays oul lhe basis lor deciding on praclical poiitical
aims.
It is in lho nature ollhese aims lhallhey must be
decided democrai cally, by those Oroups and
aliances which commit ihemselves lo lheir
achievement,
There are a number of key words which recur
lhroughout lhe maniiesto. We define here lhe way
lhat we inlend to use thern.
We use th€ word cullule to indicate social
actvity lhat creates, communicates or sustains social
value, However, we refer here only to those aclivities
wlch predoninanlly create and suslain social
meaning. Ws nclude in this al forms of public
cornmunication.
We use the wotd politics to mgan the
administering and organising ol al forms of aclivity
belweef people. We do nol just refer to the aclivities
--
of elected or nominated representatives, or specilic
events such as eleclions or parliamentary sessions,
Politics and culturc are bolh ways of desc bing
socialactivity. They are nol separate and conlaifable
activities that are voluntary or optjonal, and from
which people can be excluded or can exclude
themselv€s. Th6y ar€ not somelhing thal can be
added to, orlaken away from, social relationships. On
the contlary, lhey are lhe detifing characterislics of
such relationships.
All people exist wjlhin, and are pa of,
numerous cultures, and all cullures are political. We
are all concerned, individually and in common wilh
others, lo establish our own views and to express our
understandings and our ways ol life. The degree io
which any ol us are successlul, and lheways in which
we are succossful, lies in how far our cultures are
We use lhe word lo mean direcl participation
ano shared powero. a'oper a-d accou']table bas:s
Democtacy, then, is an analysis oi cullur€ and
politlcs, lt can, and should, operate in any area ol
society trom the conduct ol personal relalionships to
the conlrolof the base ol industrialproduclion,
We believe that socialjsm is built through a
process ol deepening and extendrng democracy.
llovernent towards cultural democracy is ils cor€.
flz
Cultural life ,in Britain takes place withln
capitalism. This serves lo limil lhe extenl and curla I
the lorms that lllo can take, However. we believe the
nature of capilalism has b66n completely
misrepresenled by a// the rnaior polilical parlies.
Olten this has beon a deliberate politica strategy.
Somet mes it has been the resull of ignorance. Always
It has resulted in possib lities lor real change,
possio lir es lor a ge ru'1ely denocralic sociely, beirg
stilled orcurlaied.
We intend to examlne briely some key leatures
ol the state ol Brilain, belore outlining a basis lor
rnoving lowards these democatic possibiLilies. We
beg n with tho nature ol government,
We a€ governed at many levels, The United
Naiions, the EEC, The House of Commons, the
House ol Lords, local councils, educalion authorilies,
health aulhorilies, police aulhorities, urban
developmeni corporalions, regiorial authorjUgs, the
monopolislic ulilit es (gas, water, eleclricity),lhe Bank
of England, the Church of England, lhe three arms of
lhe military, arts associat ons, broadcasting
a!thorities, transporl authoilies, the judiciary, and
many bodies from the Olfice ol Fair Trad ng io lhe
DHSS and lhe lnduslrial Tribunals al exercise power
overour lives. whetherwe like lt or not.
Allhough our government is aleged to be
democralic, the rnajorly of lhose bodies lhal have
power to convol, direcl and influence (]s are nol
elec-Fo. The '1embe's-ip ol mosl of then is
appoinled p vately, oJten through mechanisms whlch
are themselves hidden from us. Professional groups
such as barristers are sell selecting, and powerful
voluntary groups, lror. mag slrales lo Arts council
members, are se ected without public accouftabilty,
often as 'experts' frorn intormal lisls oi 'the greal and
the sood.
Mosl lormal bodies operate lhrough invtauon,
in lhis way, just as mosl goverring institutions are
headed by appoinred boards. -1€ sare rs lrue. n
practice, tor the boards oi companies. Size of
shareholding (lhat is, th€ efleclive abilily of the rich to
purchase an invilation) is lho decidng lactor Ieleclion by shareholders,
These hidden slruclures exisl equally in al
walks ol 'public life', and ensure the sultabilily' ol
appointees, The public criteria emerge as
expefience','fairmindedness','edlcatjon' and so on,
The hidden crit€ a ensure lhat their eifect is losuppo inslilutions against the incursion ot wider
experience and p!blic scruliny. l\4oreover, even
where the membershjp of public bodies ls elected
lhere is no mechanism to requlre members to consu l,
involve oa rema n accounrable to their conslluenc es.
Yet this lack of real pub ic control and access
remaras largely u'noticed. The eve'cse ot power rs
regularly described in ways which make il appear dull,
incomprehensible and remote- This dislance,lhis lack
of clarty, is portnyed as normal', as is ihe ack ol
scruliny which inevilably accompanies it. Aithough t is
sometimes pretended othelwise, governmenl is
separalo frorn the irilerests and concerns of the
populat on; excepl briefy at eleclion times, when afl5
mnorlly ol the population choose between the
candidal€s made available lo lhem.
What accountabilty there is wilhin government
operal€s upwards and inwads, towards a smaller
group ol more powerlul poople, rather than outwads
iowards lhe rest ot the population The absence of
any direct and accounlable connection with the
public', has allowed the growlh of systems of ,n/omal
corfolwithin the instilutions ol govemment When we
vote ior a prcgramme of leglslaiion, we later Jind that
its effects are very difierent irom those we intended
This occurs bgcause of the inflLlences oi lhose
systems of lobbying and back-door negotiatlon which
consiilule lhe real mechanisms oi control, and
because thero is no systern for making clear what a
proposal wi I mean in practice,
Currenlly voling seNes simply lo sel in vain a
long, and olt€n secret series ol bureaucratic
mechanisms, What happens lhen remains hjdden
unlilthe resulls finally become publlc.
'Juslice'is no more dernocratic than lhe polillcal
syslem which cufiently, and fraudulently, represenls
ilself as such. Bar slers are called to lhe bar by other
barristers, judges are chosen by olher judges,
lawyers are policed by their own organisalion, lhe
Law Sociely; and at the top oJ lhe p e slts ihe
unelected Lord Chancellor.
Indeed lhe devolopment ot 'justice', in
response to powertul interesls is frequently
oppresslve, first in specillc lerms and then much more
generally, Laws are enacled and insttuled as an
answer lo the immediate needs o{ lhose who
designal€ themselves as 'responsible' for lhe nation,
but th€y also setu€ to add lo the structure of control
and oppression,
The licensing laws, for example, werg lirst
introduced lo cut down on key workers' alleged
drinking du ng the Fksl World War, bu1 have grown
into a major instrument of soclal regimentation- Tho
Prev€ntion of Terorism Acl allowed the pioneerlng of
policing l€chniques in Norlh€rn keland which were
later introduc6d inlo England.
Law-making in British sociely habiluallypreoccupies itse'l wilh pr€vonting people combi'ring
freey, excepl in licens€d or olJicially permitted
groups. lt has also been obsessed wilh controling
fiosdom of movement. This has been relaxed only in
direcl proporlion to lhe increasing ability of
governments and police forces to locale and identify
individuals. The ability oJ individuals to move freely
has b€6n accompanied by a whole ar?y of devices
lo keep track of peopl€ - lrom lhe lnland Revenue's
records lo Nalional lnsuranc€ numbers and
passports, Where these have been administered
separalely, intormalion lechnology increasingly
makes possibJe thek coordinalion for policy purposes.
This system is not neurd. Everybody is notfree
to padicipat€ on an equal basis. lt has been built by
the most powedul groups within socioty rellecting
their inleresls. Government usurps lhe power ot the
eleclorate and acts nol on its behalf but in its stead.
Fublic servanls have becorne ilavemasters. What is
promoled as representatlve democracy ends up as
no democacy atall, bul a libelal oligarchy.fl6 flv
The instilulions and structures ol govemment,
although immensely powerful, are themselves only a
small parl ol the lorces which acl on us, with or
wilhout our permission- Some of the others wield
direct economic power, blrt mostly their power is more
subtle. ln lhe main they are concerned with lhe
mechanisms through which our ives are regr'llated,
controlled and d rect€d.
Prcfessionalism is one of Ihese fo rces. M uch of
the decision-maklng in this sociely is in the hands ol
people who are judged more compelent lhan the
majority of the population, because of the status lheir
prolession is accoded. Usually lhis status is enlolced
by law, either direclly or by ihe lega ly granted power
lo issue licences and certificates, A passport
application, for example, must bs countersigned by a
member of an ollicially recognised protession, with
the resuli that the weallhy and 'educated gel their
fiiends to sign while 'ordinary people havs to pay a
doctor or sol citor a fee lo have il done,
Many of the powers prcfessionals exercise are
unaccountable and self-regulalory, lloreover access
lo lhe re evant skills is deliberalely restricted, and
olten dkeclly lorbidden lor anyono olher than a
Iicerspd prcless o1al. The powet o'tl^e ololess ons
depends on their ablly to mainlain a monopoly over a
rang€ of oflen quite sirllple tasks, and to act to
prevenl olhers undenaking them.
ln p'olesso_s ranging 1om lhe health service
the army, tho police force, to the broadcasllng
nelwo'ks a']d lhe _ewspaper indusla dec'sions
which occur at ths lop oi a protessional hierarchy are
used subsequently to valldale the professional
operatron of the hierarchy. we are told, for example,
lhat television news repods are generally fair and
unblased because the instlutional slruclure ensures
lhat this is so. The BBC was established by
goverfment, as was the lBA. They are said by
broadcasters to be independonl of the system by
which they were set up. This fiction suppons the beliet
that prolessionalism is objecuve by selt-definition.
Prolessionalism operales without relerence lo
the individualieelings ot those proJessionals within it.
Professionals may nol personally suppod or belleve
if the valuss oi the ruling culture, but their work
nonetheless transmils lhese values, because lhey
implemenl ideas which have already been enacted
elsewhere, A gynaecologisl may be personally
sympalhetic lo the needs ol women in childbirth, and
may even be abl€ to change local medical practice
considerably. She is not, however, in any real sense,
accountable lo those wornen, excepl where she may
be proven in law to have made mistakes. Moreover
the women with whom she works have 'ro
power 10
insisl that she work as she does, They are s mply
luc*y lhat she chooses to do so,
Allhough dedicated and Tadica' prolessionals
may be able to alfect local practices, they are unable
to unabl€ lo change or redirecl lhe overall directlon
and resourcing of the seruice to which lhey belong.
The n€eds ol consum€rs are subordinaled to the
praclices and beliels of the professionals, which ale
themselves contaifed by government of that
{E}
fl9
hierarchy.
Wilhin lhis system, there exists a powe.f'r.rl
assumption that need is nol definab e by lhose who
have the need. Need is only definable by those who
have received a long and speciallsed education, and
are usually mombers o{ a prolessional association
that regulates lhs detinition ol othe/s needs. ln facl,
these 'n€eds' usually have much more to do with the
history and internal logic ol professional practcos,
and lhe capilalism wilhin which lhey operate, lhan
with any social expression ol nssds, Poverty is
delined by economists, academics and journalists; by
anybody bui those who experience poverty,
'Standards' have ov€r'ridden people's own definitions
ol need.
To be 'ordinary'wilhin lhis syslem is to be
disenfranchised in evsry area except thg mosl
goneral. Only ai eloctions do 'ordinary' people hav€
power, and in elections lhere are no opportunities lo
comment on specilic issues, no opponunities to make
anylhing butthe rnosl gonoralof comments.
This syslem has been constructed during, and
as a part of, the growlh of capita ism.lt ls neilher an
accident nor a conspiracy, in lhe usual sefse of that
word. lt has be€n assembled slowly over tine,
through the conslant modifcation of behaviour,
actions and methods of licensing, some ofwhich v/ere
deliberately planned and some ol whlch were
unplanned or had unforeseen consequ€nces. lndeed
it is slill being assembled, for it is not tho son of
syslem thal is ever'finished'. This is ils svength, and
lhe reason lhat it is so powedll and so inimical to
democtacy.
Decislon making is h dden, and social needs ar€
redofined as administrative problems. The effect ot
this is to deny the majority of citizens the ability lo
participate in defining lheirown ne6ds.
2A 2n
The mechanisms ol goverfmenlal and
professiona power are bolslered by a number of
assumptions about the ways in whlch ideas are
formed and nrade public, and aboutlhe ways in which
decisions are reached and ralitied These are used lo
jLrstify th€ present syslem, often by arguing that this
system ls somehow inevilable, or lhat ihe
mechanisms thal underpin it are common_sens6"-fhese assumplions promote a particularview.
Forms of expression that people uss vary lrom
group to grolp, community to community class lo
class, bul th€y share common features Where
expression occurs between oquals the terms on
which it occ!rs are erplicit, and personally
understandablo, The people involved make sense of
what lhey leam, because they, Iiterally, know whal is
golng on-
ln reationsh ps where the lerms are hidden.
however, what occurs is not expressive' but
oppressive. Ralher lhan gaining knowledge through
a prccess in which the terms are undgrstood' p€ople
oporate in the dark, picking up incomplete infomalion
the sources o1which remain hidden l\,lany dilferent
groups ol people are oppressed in thisway A majorily
oi the populalion faces some form oi oppression in
lhe extent lo which they have opporlunities lo address
their own needs direclly.
When we read somolhifg in a newspaper' lor
examp e, we are taught to believe lhat it is the same
kind of expresslon we experience ln our daily lives lt
isnt, ll is nol a personal expression' th€ bias ol which
we can recognise, undelsland and allow for;and from
which we can forrn opinions or gain knowledge
Hather it is the prciessonalwo* of a journalist and it
already contains op njons and b as embedded wilhin
it. Th s professionalised intormauon is presented as
though it were raw data, but il has, in lacl, been
seiected by a pa icular class ol professionals to
provide a parlicu ar range ol vi6ws,
when l-e Peacoc( co nn:ttee was consderi'1g
lhe future ol the BBC,lhe llmes ran many edilorials
and a icLes stressing lhe need to break up this
unwieldy and unnecessary monopoly. This
inlormaiion comletely changes character il one
realises that Fuperl Murdoch has a large linancal
int€rosl in television cornpanies whlch \4ould directy
and greally benelll from th€ dismantling ofthe BBC
This kind of intormation is externallolhe reader.
The choices il ollers aI€ spurious, for people can only
use it to form a point ol view which has eflectlve y
been predeterrnined by lhe pre-packaged range thal
is offered, l\,4oreover. the cri16ra used in lhe
conslrLrction ot this €nge of vews are concerned,
dkectly or indireclly, with prolitability.
The concern ol the professionals involved is at
one evel or anolher, wth a iofin ol presenlaton
wh'ch keep people buyi_g (and walcl_ing ot lislen ng
or reading), lnformalon, therefore , comes in lhe forrn
of 'stories' about perconalllies, and nol in the forrn ol
dsveloped argunents aooul rssues. Actve clo ce is
rendered unlikely, and parUcipalion in lhe crcalion ol
public opinion is removed from the agenda
No ordinary' porson, libelled by a national
62za
newspaper, can ailord to seek redress ln the courls
There is no legal ald available for this purpose From
this perspective, the owners ol newspapers, whether
ndlviduals or corporalions, can be seen to own lhe
rneans to create social meaning ll is unimporlanl
whether or nof the Sun or the Mitot suppoft a
particular issue. Whal matters is their power to define
the range ot views thal will be deemed 'legitimate'
around any issue, and their relaled abllity 10
undermine popular belief in any allemativeview.
This power is maintained by the power ol
wealth. Directly, it is mainlained by lhe ability of larce
companies to undercul smaller compelilors and thus
force them out of business. ll you have no purchasing
power, you have no voico and lh-s no purchasing
power. lndirectly, it is maintained by the kind ol
€xpe,rsive lobbyrg which resulls ir rcensing
regu ations, and legalkameworks which work to their
advanl9ge,
Such concentralions ol Power are
fundamentally undemocralic because they create
and suslain a specific vlew ol society in a way which
canfot easily be challenged, The means lo propogale
opinions publicly through the modia s literally owned
by a srnall number ol rlch men, whose cullure has
moblised and used the struclure ol lh€ law to
support, mainlain and develop a moriopoly
The mechanisms of oppresson lfterlock lo
lorm a domlnant c!lture, W€ are displaced fron lhe
centre oi our lives. We learn through sophislicated
ald ohen appa'erlly co'ger al mea_s Ihat B ila n is
'our cultlre, our sociely'and lhat we both pa iclpate
ir it and beneiit frorn it, even though in fact a majority
o' peope may be lhirkirg a1d leelirg olhe'wise
From the values it promotss and lhe symbols it uses
in this promotion we learn lo detine our expectations
and inlerprel ou' own 'ives Personal erp€rierce
becomes inlerior, somelh ng nol wonh cormunica_
ling orsomelhing thatwon't be heeded
We recelve rather than express, and lake pa
in our own oppress on by acling uncritlcally on
received desires, valuss and storeolypes. These
serue to divert ationtjon lrom the complexilies of
inleraction to th€ simplicitios ol an extemally dkected
cullure, Th€ perennial enthusiasm whjch is fostered
tor our heritage' is an examplo ol one such
stereotype, lt points attention backwards and
undermines a lactivity except that whlch coniorms to
what is classiiled ollicially as'cultr'lre' ll does lhls by
aifirming the oflicial verslon ol history and then
romanlicising lt. This delermines the agenda oi
relerences forthe luture,
It is ircnic, then, thatthe guardians and curatoG
ol lhls olfioial' culture regularly remark on the
propenslly oi totalharian slales to falsify h slory, as
though the history they teach is absollte, objective
and universal, and all their records are a true'
representation ot the pasl. ln so dolng lhey hide lheq^La1l
iactlhal B tish cultur6 also pedorms lhis lunction, but
in a way which d sguises the tacl. The heritage of the
ruling class is lhe oppression, even the slavery ot
otherclasses and olher naiions.
The hjstory wh ch comprlses 'our he tage' rs not
ln any way objectlve. I has been written by those
groups occupying lhe positions of power whlch
enable lhem to shap€ public knowledge. These are
also the groups wilh most to protecl, The efiecl of a
popular acquiescence in lhe idea ol 'our heritage -
whal 'we' did yesterday, rather than what is lo be
done now - is the same as lhe effecl that lhe
monopolisl modia g€nerate. Lt delines whal is
vaLuable, wh' e idenl fying lhe peop e lhal own it in as
anodyne a way as possible.
Any opposilion 10 lhe prevailing slandards,
therefore, seems to have less validity than the
dominant cullure it opposes. lt seems less r€al, l6ss
so id, less known, less re iable, less 'Brilish', Po itical
action has a sligma allached to it. To organis€ against
the status quo impli€s going againsta'natu€l ordgr'
ol lhings, aid therefore implios deiying common
sense. Any group which soeks to estab ish ils own
idently, based around its own definjlion ol its needs is
disadvaflaged lrom lhe outsel.
These received ideas alfecl us all. W€ aro
affected by how tar we feel these ideas lo bg
accessible or resslable and by how larwe believo our
lee ings lo be shared, The domjnant cuilure promotes
panicular imaqes and dernoles olhers, lt manip!lales
ieeling by lnvokiig ideas ol wonh which lhe vasl
malority ol citizens have had no pan if creaUng.
Thg ability lo name and to deline is a key toolforI'ose wlo conffol thg doninant cu,ture. Namrlq
confers power. This power flows trom ownership ot
the means to propogale and promdl6 lhose
defifitions. ll pernrits the crealion of image, identity,
social value and status. lt is a process of judgement,
which autho.ises and leg t l1is6s some tnings w']ile
deToling and dsmssrng oll'ers, -his pow6r isapplied across a whole rangs ol social activities and
afianqements.
Own€rshlp, access and distribution permit the
making oi categorcal and apparently absolute
stalemonts on lhe basis of their being 'infomed' and
'independent' judgem€nts. These exemplify'excellence'; what is mosl desirable, most suitable
and leasl challenging io the interests oi lhe dominant
cullures.
The culture ol lhose who are most powedul is
manifest, We need to romind ourselves, lor exampl€,
thal the Hammer Bearn roof in Westminster Hallwas
made by numerous skilled working people and nol by
ths monarchs and politiclans whose nam6s are
associated with lhe buildifg. ll is remembored for rts
associalion with personal power rather than
col aboralive skill. The workers w'o nade it ';d no
say in whal lhey were building or lhe pupose to which
it would be pul and lhe workers'names, th6 records of
lhe r liv€s ars lost, il indesd they werc ever recorded.
Oflicial history comprises the legacy of lhe
power ol ruling class€s to name, realised in the
actions and a elacls named, Bolh have values
deriving iiom lheir crealorc, but the va ues atlached26 q)VAU
I@IM
to those who initialed, commjssoned or boughl theni
are imposed on them.
Art', ike 'herilage', is an ideoLogical
conslruction. Access to a position ol power wilh n
sociely conlers the ab lily to transmil value through
personal tasle. ldeas can be owned, and the
promotion ol one padicular group oi creative skills as
'art. and th6 simultaneous dismissal of all other such
skills as mere 'crafls', is one way ln which this
ownership is enlorced,
The whole edllice of production in lhis soclety is
lounded upon this separation of acuvily from purpose.
To be placed oulsde the ambit of approved
detinilions is almosl invarably lo be deprived ol any
torr of publc dislr,bulon. E)'p'ession 1avacLumis
no expression at a l. lt is a bewildering oppression, ol
a son wh c! has beer applied syslerrarically du'irg
the development of capilalism to 'an', lo women, to
minorilies of allkinds and to othersoc eties.
These mechanisms are deslgned to promote
one parlicular sel of values at the expense of all
others, They airn lo make impossible lhe existence
and developmenl ol other sets ot va ues, particularly
l-ose a.rsing from orher culures. They an.moreover, lo sustaln lhose who promole lhem,
Dominant culture is underpinned by a set of
values, some ofwh ch are codified in law and some of
which are promoted informally. lt is justfied by lhe
notion thal lhese values, and the laws and regulallons
made in lheir name, are universal, lirneless and
absolule. ln realily, however, aws are made and
admin stered by the most powerfulgroups in sociely,
and necessarily reilect and pror.ote their interesls. By
lhis means those whose lives form and suppon the
rulnq cukure impose lhei needs, thei behavour
and thelr values on lhe rest of the populalion, while
maintaining thal lhese values are an objectivo
measurernenl oi civilised behaviour.
Pa icular ways oJ behaving are elevated into
'standards ol behaviour', in a way wh ch denigrates
and disenlranchises the habits and ideas of other
groups, ln lhis way a uniform patlern oi social
expectalions emerges, arid we subscribe lo or are
lorced to aspire lo one set of values, Expeclations are
d vorced lrom needs.
This process oi separation is a cenlal lacet of
the dominanl cu lure, and one oJ lhe stanirig points
for ils system of values. Peop e are separaled from
each oller oy professional int€rm€diar'ies.
Generalised informalion s superlmposed of personal
knowledge. Feeling is separaled lrom action.
ln this way indviduals are encouraged lo
believe that they alolre are responslbl6 for their
personal advancement- Wth lho excepton of lhose
actions which are detined as criminal, it is, however,
notviewed as lheir responsibilly I this turns oul to be
ooz@)
at the expense ol other people. Thus a system ls
created which maintains conlrol by opening up
dislances between people, and then iustifies itself by
claiming that this distance is 'nalural'.
The hiqhly paid are depicted as 'top people"
which ineviiably implies th€ existence ol'botlom
people'. CaPitalism constructs an apparently 'natural'
order: a pyramidal slruclur€ which is a social version
ol lhe suruivalol lhe fillesl, in which af€w hawks rule
over many sparrows This is th€ doctrine of
individualism; a doct ne which is used to justify those
ideas, values and beli€fs which most suit the ruling
groups in this society by dressing them up in an
apparsnt objeclivity.
The structure ot language ilself is subjectto this'
and is used lo support apparent objectivity Whenever
the words are nol lhere an idea or leeling wi'l remain
unslaled, Language can be a door to underslanding
but itcan also be a baftier preventing our access lt is
a Jeature ol an opplessive culture that languago will
consislently promote lhe interests of the most
powerful. Language is never neulral. People who are
oppressed, for example, are redelined as
'disadvantaged', in a way whlch immobilises them by
reducing a polilical issue io a problem of
adminislralion.
The slrLtcture of society the language thal wo
are laught, combins to dis€nfianchise the majority of
the population by promoling values _ tools of
urderstanding - lhat apparently rnean one thing' but
operale lo anolher, unstated end,
Cultur€s may change cons derably without
M-L--'tBg='
35D
changlng lhe ceftralfact thal there is a culture which
dominales and imposes an oppressive slandard, and
thal this rulng culture determines the oppodunities
and avenues of cullural expression for lhe majority of
citiz€ns. This is compl6tely incompalible with
5X5CI
Domlnant cullure, and lhe syslem of dom nanl
valLres which suppo{s il, have been generated and
sustained lhrough economic power, connecled lo the
changed, and chafging, nature of the capilalism
wlthin whlch cultulallile takes pace.
Capllallsm began as an economic system which
lndustriallsed lh€ prod!ction and dislribution oJ
Vadil onal goods lrom clothes, househotd and
v/orkplace implements to lood_ At lhis stage il was a
way ol producing, more prolitab y, what peopte
a ready wanled, whelher shirts, knives or cheese,
Thls process involved individual enlrepreneuls
deve oping, or paying to have developed, |dus-lrialised equivalenls of Vadilional goods. Thus the
soap that was produced industrialty tn the latter halfofthe nineleenth century was not lhe same as soapproduced tradilionally; bul il was an anaogousproduct capable of seruing lhe same lunction as
traditional soap,
The ioglc ot capitalism, though, contains no idea
ot sllfic ency. lt s a system in which growth occurs forprofit, and the generation of wealth becomes a value
in its own right. There ts no sLrch lhing as sufficient
proil, and iherelore no poinl at which a business, or
an enlrepeneur wil have grown rich enough. Unllke
physical hunger, a h!|ger for money and the power il
br ngs, is never saliated.
For this reason capilalism did not cease
growing when it had reached lhe point where jt was
capable of meet ng the basic needs of food, sheltsr
and clolhing. ll continued to generate prod!cls and
services, afd began the simultaneous project ofcreating markets for them_ lt also began lo encroach
on more and more areas ot social life, as it expandedfrom lhe prodLrction of simpte, tang bte goods lo lhecapita ised dellvery ol setuices s!ch as'educalio|,or'heallh'
As it did lhts, it necessarity movod from being amelhod of organislng econom/c production lo amethod of ordering conscio!sness fecessary for everincreasing produclion. The production oJ qoods andservices is ceasing to be its prlmary task, lnslead thishas become the prodLtclion ol rnarkels whosest mulaled'n€eds'it canthen meet.
This is b€ing achieved by a number ot means.Firstly compantes have tended to amalgamate orabso6 each other, wilh.ths resutt that in most majorareas of produclion there is an €lfeclive monopolyheld by asmattcanet. This monopoly has been abt€ todefine popular expectations by d6termtning thechoices thatwe wiJlbe allowed, and marketing what isessentially lhe same matedal in a variety ot shapesand with avariety of catcutatedty difterent images.
This monopolislic power has also enabled thepromotion of a consensus view of, say, the necessity
of usirg washing powder or shaving crearn, or thenormality and desirabitity of smoking cjgarettes. From
lhis perspective every advertisment for a lamily catr is
a piece ol propaganda about the desirabitity of d ving
rather than laking the bus or train. Over and above
lhe effect of a specific advertisement in selling us one
or anolher car, we are sold th6 idea tJrat we need acar, whatever brand we choose. it tells us that the
t)9)
{ro
corred choice is between brands ol cars ralher than
oehvee_ ouying a ca'or a bus Pass.
Second y capllalism has sought to break down
needs into smaller and smal er units, in order lhal we
can be laught lo use a greater number ot products
and services to achieve the same eflect Thus the
need to be healthy has been lurned inlo a desire _ a
rnarket - lor dielary supplements, vilamin pills and
body lotions. Even the desk€ to be thin, itsell the
subjecl of and at least partly the res!ll of widespread
promotion, is lurned into a matkel lat additional
conslmer goods, including low calorle toods and
appellto suPPressants,
Th rdly the prcvision ol prclessional and olher
services have been capilalised, with the resultlhal the
number ot professional intermediados with lhe ability
to exert profound eflects on our lives has incroased
dramatically, and lhe markel lor lheif services is lho
subject of deliberale stimulalion.
The mechanisms of slim! alion arise as a parl
of the dominanl cu lure and the values il promotes,
and lhemselves serue lo sustain and develop it. This
cullurs is the medi!m through which the business ol
creating markets is managed and at tho same lime
hidden iiom view, lt also enables and !nderurles lhe
shaping and determining of popular €xpectatiors inlo
the lorms necessary lorthis business lo happen.
Cullure then is not something which happens on
ths iiinges ol capitalisl economics. lts manipulation iE
the key to capilalism's continued groMh, and h
its continued exislence. Culture, therelore, cannol
wheth€r socialisl or nol. lt is a vitalarea for campaign
and struggle. Capitalism is not bounded simply by
poljtics and economics. Opposition which does nol
rccognise this cannot be efiective.
Opposilion must also recognis€ capitalism's
own transformation of ilself. Ralher than roacting lo
lhose structures capilalism has opgraled, it musl
antjcipate and address conlrol as it is now being
€xercis6d and developed.
Capitalism is dynamic. The masive pot€nlial of
information lechnology is currently i!elling a
translormatior ot conlrol in lh€ woro s econom es,
Ownorship ol conlrol is becoming more important
than iornral ownorship ol the means of production.
Production is gv€rywher€ being diversified whlle
control is being cenlralisod, which weakens the
indust al power of workers and the polilical conlrol of
nation stales.
This applios lo manufacturing, and it also
applies lo the creaUon oi markels for multinatioJral
corporalions. Tobacco companies are adapling to lhe
increasing impact ol legislation in OECD countdes by
transfer ng sal€s lo new markets,
It also applies to lhe movement of wealth to
capitalise and inslale new forms oi conlrol. Cornpuler
and salellite technology can now move rnoney
beyond the abilily of governmeftalexchange controls
to reslrict rnovemeft. This lransnalional operation
cannot be controJled dernocralically, nor opposed by
any conventional approaches to law, political
organisation or govenment.
lnduslrial or economic aclivism, lhen, will bo64 an issue ol perpheral concern to political activislB 55
Iutile withoul a parallel cullural aclvism, j!st as
cullural aclivisro which is nol rooted n po it cal and
econom c aclivsm wl be selt-servng and lrivlal.
Witho!t cullural democracy, lnduslrial or polltical
democracy are merely abstract notions incapable ol
being put inlo praclice. Together they are capable oi
bringing democracy into exislef ce.
a
oo ooo2(AOQJ
Choice s never universal, bul is aways
bounded by constraints some ol which are pracucal
and some ideologica. Allleelings and allopifions are
particLrlar, and arise {rom and relate direclly 10
parllcular commlnites, classos and cutures. Al
culture is political afd it works lo lhe advanlage of
lhose who have lhe rnost opportunity to make choic-o
because they exercise the mosi power.
The cu'renl mode ol social o'garisalon is
Lrnable to cope wilh any gro!ps whose interesls are
dilferent lrom its owf, except in ways which are
oppressive. lt is lnable to cope democraucaly, for
example, with the demands made upon I by
rn ult cu ltu ralism.
ll updates imperiallsm in order to designate
groups as rinorilies in need of le p, o' as aliens in
need ol civilising. lt denies them any righis of
particlpalion in plannifg or admlnisttalling their
needs. lnslead it arranges to acl on thek behali and in
their stead. Whit€ arc oilicers, for example, set up,
and then subseq!ently staff, 'elhnic arts comm ttees
rather than restructuring lhe inslitltions within which
they work, so thatthey can becorne gen!iney plural.
Moreover ll exports th s deniallo the rest of lhe
world. [,lr.rllinalional food cornpanies, tor example,
create and then monopolise markels for lood
producls that are entirely unrelated to expressed
feeds. Technical expe ise that could be used to
assist indigenous agrculture and make possible tho
local control ol nulrition is used by the oECD nations
i6 d slorr naliona economies in the Thitd World in
order lo supply markets lor anjmal feed crops.
ProdLjctfue capacily s dverted to suppod Weslern
Teal cons--lpton and lhp 'esuling gap s
convenienlly lilled by imporled baby ioods,
manulacturcd by the muLtjnatonals.
This prccess, lke most of lhe socal processes
which surround Lrs, happens in our name, athough
we are g ven no opport!nity to shape, direct, contrcl
or prevefl il. lt seryes as one oi a multitude ol
examples. all of which indicate the profound need for
a democrallc syslem capable of permitling direct
expressions oi n€ed, not by a private netlvork oi rul ng
groups, but by the majority ol citzens.
ll high ghts the imponance ol br.rilding a polilical
syslem wh ch is genu nely and d reclly democratic,
and which enables the majorily of cilizens to
parlicipate n lhe crealion and maintenance of social
rghls. Wjlhn a democracy there can be no
assumption lhal righls exisl, lor ln a democracy lher€
are no dghls except lor lhose which are openly and
democralically made. S!ch a syslem depefds on
creation ralher lhan assLrmption, on communicalion
and expression rather lhan reslriclion and
A measure oi lhe extent to which a society s
democratic can be iound n how far people leel that
they are able lo express lheir needs through
pa.lic palio_ rn ts ad.l ,rrsraro,r: whelher r_ choos:ng
w_al l_6y are ab e lo ouy whe' lLey go shopping or n
plann ng pub ic lransport roules or even n going to
war. n a genuine democracy people make their
orlture rather than have il rnade tor lo lhem - localiy,59
nationally and lnternalional y.
This is whal we mean by cult! raL democracy. ll s
a conllnuous po ilical syslem, which depends on
exchange and colaborat,on. ll depends on lsle'i'gas well as telling. lt ls necessarily accessiblo to
convibutoris lrom many sources, and il makes
poss ble democralic movemenl through lh€ building
oi social alliances, lt is a process which beg ns frorn
the proposilion lhat democracy is impossible unless
al the adminislralive syslems within a society are
themselves democratic, understandable and
ava able lor Lse by lrre r4oriry of tl-e pop rlaron.
The ideas that conslitute culturaldemocracy both enable and depend upon
dhect participation, and take as their aim the
building and sustenance of a society in whlch
people are free to come together to produce,
distribute and receive the cultures lhey
choose,
A culture that is genuinely dernocratic
presupposes on y ilux and change, Polllical a ms
cannot be identif ed separately from lhe means lo
implement lhem. Peopl€ make demands which lead
to polillcal objeclives. when implemenled lhese
demands do not cease. They are conlingent on lho
service received, and lhey condition lhe operaUon ol
this seru ce.
Services rn!sl thereiore be crealed and
administrated in recognition oi the democratic
process, with the raeans of real dernocrat c chango
buill n. Th6 poinl where a servlce is inslitlted is the
po nl oi closesl contacl with those whose demands
rE)led to ils creation, That sense ol conlact should be
integral, from the moment oi foundalion lo the regu ar
working ol the seryice. lf il s not, ther lhe selvice wi I
not prcmolo lhe va ues lhat sLppofted ils creation. lt
w ll atrophy n the m nds of ts users as lhey lose their
sense ol rnvolvement, and as lhey conlinue lo move
lorward while lhe sedice apparenUy slands still,
A sociely commitled to culturaldemocracy, and
to lhe induslria democracy and political democracy
thal must accompany il, will necessarily operate with
dlllerent and open valLres and standards-
4n4CI
Dominanl culture is energelically promoting
individualism. Th6'new individualism' it is alleged, will
take society lorward into a new era of 'populal
cao lals-, Wlal r wil sclualy do. is lo 'noder'l ce
and slrenglhen af existing lramewolk ol unequal
socal reatio_ships, whia leaving the' basc
prifciples untouched,
There is a crucial diflerence belween the kind of
individuaism which is being promoted and
individuality. fhe famet is the product of, afd lsell
suppons. a syElen' ol oppressive values. lt ls an
invitalion lo plan personal weliarc, and access to the
limited materialgains which are desirable lor personal
wel'are, lo t"e exclLsion olwde'socal concetrs.
Th s individua sm is lrresponsible because lt
pretends that the ind vidual can somehow be
absoLved of social responsibility. This kind of
indiv dualism abandons oi any possibility ol making
common rights, in lavour ot a brutal scranrble lor
whalever righls have been conceded by those groups
that currently possess lhe pow€r to deline.
Thls irresponsibility supports the claims of the
mosl powerful minoriues lo impose their desires on
society, and have them egilirnised as natural' needs,
iusl as it efiectively deiies the possib lity of rec prcca
social realionships. lt is in direct opposition lo that
form of responsibilty which arises fiom a mutua
recogniton of needs and the consequenl making of
rights through lhe process ol exchange.
We believe thal values arse and are susla ned
and deve oped as patl ol a social process They
occur within the relatlonships that exisl and develop
between people, and form a vital part of those
relationshlps. Values are developed and egitimjsed
through a process of negotiation
We rnust seek to develop systems of values
which are pluralislic. Values arise wilhin communit es'
within grcups oi people, and they draw lheir strength
and vltality from the lile of these communities. We
must find ways of enabling the values ot diflerent
groups lo coexlst, withotll one oppressing the other'
46
A panicular sel of creative acts, 'lhe arts',
ldentilies a sma I range of actvty \thich has been
chosen lrom an inlinitey arger range. This choice
r€presents lhe va ues ol one pai( cular class. lt s the
operat on ot an oppressive cu ture. We believe lhat
whatevet aealive acts people panicipate in are
important 10 those peope, and are capable of
producinq the pleasures and inslghts usualy
all buted lo the arls.
The arls are a mechansm Jor award ng
prvlleges lo creative acts sanctioned by some
powerlul groups at lhe expense of a I others. Bodies
llke the Arts Counc I ol Greal Britain are unelecled
ways ol perpetrating this and should be abo ished.
They are by nature 4capable ol re,orm. From the
persdectlve ol clltural dernocracy, we beleve it is
mporlant s ensurinq that a pluraily of cullural
prodLrction is posslble, that the resouTces lor such
activllies are avaiable in ways people can use, and
that there exist distribuuon channels able and wiling
to dlstibute lhe wide var ely ol work that occurs.
The inlellectlal and adminlstrative apparalus of
'arls fund ng agencies are vifiualy unable to cope
properly wth ary arl whch does nol have ils
anceslry in the Renaissance or the subsequenl
h story ol cosmopolitan European {ine a . AIr can
pedorming arts, for example, are lorced to redeline
themselves as e ther music, poelry or dance, n order
to lit inlo a dorn nant Eurocenlric concepton anC thus
meet lhe criter a oi lunding adencies.
When a// peop e's creativity is laken serlously,
the idea ol'cu lural indListr es' s more usef! than the
dea ol lhe arts" in which unaccountable fundfg
bodies glve oul lheir 'prnces favolrs' lo the ucky
recip enls ol thelr'expert choice. A cullural ifdusldes
strategy recognises that d flerenl groups ol peop e
express lhemse ves in diJlerent ways, using differing
forms. Fudher it is not lhe parlicu ar lorm used, bltthe serior,rsness ol inlent and lhe place lhat activity,
and the producls thal result irom it, occupy wth n the
lives oi communities. Fundng, where necessary,
should recogn se intenlion, nol the medium lhrough
which that intention is expressed.
Criteria ior lunding culluraL activities which
begin wilh a series ol mora jLrdgernents aboul the
place ol cerlain aclivlies within the'High Ans are noi,
and never can be, democratic. Whalever their
apparent intenlon, they willalways be oppressve.
From the starling polnl of cultural democracy
qlresrions oi access to pLrbllc buildligs for people wllh
disabiiues cease to be issues ol'concern', which can
be undenaken 'as soon as possible, and become
what they tr!ly are: basic questions ol democratc
riglrls, Such quesllons necessarily ptecede all
co-side ario's oi consl'Lclng den'ocralic le sure
poicies. They cannot merely be a part oi such
policies.
Wthout access to pubic buildngs, large
numbers of cilizens have thek lreedom curtailed, are
disenlranchised, and efl unable lo panicipale. The
lack oi availability of public lransport and essential
s!ppod servces such as ch dcare cudailthe freedom
ol further arge groups ol ciizens in a way which is46
ncompatible with democracy. lBritain's nalional newspapers are the persond
property of eighl)deahhy mef- 80% ol periodicals are
distributed through jusi three wholesalers, who
efleciively have belween them the power lo
determine what magazines reach the public.
Democracy requires that monopolles be dis-
nranlled. ll requires thal the costs ol such iorms of
production be lowered, and dislribulion systems b!ilt
which allow people to influence what is distlibuted. ll
fu her requires that people have access lo the
producers whlle having the space to s mpy ignore
them.
Socialism slands forlhe redisvibution ol weahh.
To be democral c, it has lo redistribute power.
Centraisaton r€sulls in a separalion belween a
facility, a setuice, and those who produce and use t,
Cultural democracy lherefore proposes decen-
lralisation, as a means of breaking down power, and
prevsnting ils accumulation ln unassailable
Decenlralsat on ot cultural resolrces can be
achieved wilho!t parochial sm, establishing locally
conlrolled production and distribulion netlvorks which
allow people to exert active iriflLrence, lnstead of
cenlralised power wh ch percolales downwards,
cullural democracy resls upon a pluralty ol local
powers which can choose lo lederale on a bas s ol
reciprocal need, for examplei lo build roads, lo
provide networks of heallh care or 10 rnanufactlre
goods requiring a large scale oi operation,
Any elfective opposltion musl nol merely
propose anoiher exlernal 'polilical syslem, bul musl
work towards iundamenlaly d fferent ways ol feellng
and liv ng. We cannot use lhe langlage and practices
ol a capitalst, hierarchical, monarchical, sexist,
racist, m litar st cu ture to propose, and organise for,
rts replacement. We cannol successf!lly comm-
un cate the need io creale domocratic ways ol iving
by using the values of a society which we recognlse lo
be divlsive, exploitalive and oppressive,
We habilually reter to as the'Labour[,4overnenl', yet it is in realily no such thing. lt is a
series ol partially democratic svuclures which can, for
instance, lransmit sexisl values every bit as we I as
the Consetuative Party. When actually in government,
lhe Labour Pa y did nol create slrlclures which
promoied soclalist values, and did not add io, or buid
on, progressive deas such as th6 co-op6ratve
movement embod ed, b-l nsread enacled reiorms in
much lhe same way as a riineteenlh century Liberal
governmenl.
Nalionalisalion has been, in praclice, morely
economic reform ol dlsorganised ind!stries, in ways
whch put them under nominal state rather than
'private ownership. The health service, lor example,
never came under d rect democralic control and has.
in consequence, been altacked successfully by
subsequent governments, incuding lhe ast Labo!r
governmenl and the present Thatcher governments,
The electorate neither owns nor conlrols lhe heallh
sen ce l' l"as lrerely bee- lod lhat it does. in46
rEI@
contrad ction of a legal and polil cal syslem thal
recognises on y power and nol need.
The institLrtions thal corilrollhe stale are not the
electorale, nor can they leglimately stand in for, or
undersludy, the e ectorale, The electorate, ho\,1/ever,
has no dlrect control over the mechanisms ot the
state, Voting is at best an occasional syslem ol
influence wilhin which sell regulating political parties
promole policy direclions aboul which most of the
popu atlon have no coherent knowledge, [,{oreover
lhey are not provlded wilh anything from which lhey
co!ld form such knowedge,
Any analysis ofwhal we mean by'lell wing musl
lhercfore beg n with a lundamental reapprasalof our
startinq poinl. lt must slart wllh an underslanding of
how our presenl society operales; how the many
slructures and organisations, and lhe complex
relationships belween lhem, exist and have elfect,
This requkes examination, but this examifatof
cannot clalm to be Unal. lt cannot be prescriplive, bu
r.ust be preiiguralive. lt is a pulling logether of many
lhreads to creat€ visible understanding that popu ar
movemenls ar€ political change.
A dlflerent 'lefl politcs needs to be created,
where unilary polllica parties do nol appropriate lhe
slrugg e and experience of olhers in order to jusllfy
being representalive. The iorms oi such a po ilics will
deveop through allances, through direct com-
binalions oI dillerenl grolrps, nol led bul leadiig
jolnlly.
The alliances we envisage will be condiliona.
That is to say, the groups involved wi I come together
around specilic iss!es, without comprom sing lheir
overall aims, They will nol, then be a united Jronl,
which seeks to bury or hide dilferences, bul wlll
operale on the basis ol construcliv6 disagreement.
These alliances wil also b9 contingont. Thal is to say,
they w ldepend Lpon rr€ g'oups involvod conlinuirg
to place the alliances on their lists of prio lies. Th6y
wil nol be open ended but rather will be explicilly
renewed or canceled at regular interyals.
Within these alliances any one static social
anaLysis - class analysis, lor example - will be
recognised as oppressjve wherever and whenever it
seeks 10 be monopolistic. Women, gays and lesbians,
Blacks and Asians, people wlth disabilities, and similar
groups do not tace harrassmenl or disadvantage
becauso oI class, but because ol being female, gay,
Black, Asian or disabled. However, this is not lo say
lhat people ar€ not harmssed because lhey are
wo*ing class-
To say lhal lhis oppression does not oxisl. or is
sor.ehow less or less rmponant, it poopls are not
working class, or to say lhal , il peopls are oppressed
lhey must be working class, is ilsell oppressivo. lt
limits and constrains id6n1ity, it cancols oppodunitjes,
for selldolomination and it undermines the pluralily
of experience,
We must recognise lhal capitalism has
developed beyord being a forr of €cononic
production, and is now predominanlly a method of
creat ng and sustaining the conditons necessary for
lhal economic produclion to flo!rish and grow. Any
movement lhat aims io be elfective in proposing an494E
idea ol society other lhan lhal promoted by capitalism
mrst recognise lhal cap ta' sm cannol be oveflh'own
by activity whlch'takes place solely in the sphere ol
econonrics or poliUcs, because the organisation of the
social syslem extends beyond these,
Actions in lhess spheres, undertaken ln lhe
belief lhat they ate, on lheir own, ?evoluUonary" will
be doomed to failure. They wlll at besl retorm some ol
the surface aspects of tho system, while leaving ils
core unlouched, They can provid€ no radically
elfective opPosilion.
Our polilics should procoed from lhe recognition
that oppression is not siatic but occurs withlt
relationships. lndeed it could be said that oppresslon
is lhe relatio-ship belween people n an oppr€ssive
society. Politicalgoas are specific kinds of constanlly
occurring change, mther than stalic ends which in
practlce prornote lhoir own invisible agenda We need
a programme to promote a movo lrom separaUon to
cornmunication, fromdisconnected passivity to en-
gaged activily.
We mr.rst work to inverl the oppresslve logic ol
the cufient licensing and regulatory mechanisms We
must replace ihem with denocratlc processes
capable ol serving psople's needs.
we m!sl campaign for social slructures which
allow and encourage lhe right ol access lo tho
creation and dist butlon ol ideas, teelings and beliefs.
People musl have a rlght to make ihemsleves heard,
and to make lheir views and opin ons public in ways
whlch satisfy lheirperceived and expr€ssed needs
We mustwork forlhe decentralisalion of cullural
production and dislribulion. we must move from a
system in which ideas and producls are transmitled
lrom cenlra ising sources. We m!sl argue for systems
to suppod ideas and products which are producod
and distributed kom many local and regional sources
where they occur, and to supporl their s!bsequenl
Iederal on or netwo*ing,
we must recognise cultural plurality. The
dominani cultural mochanisms are currenlly geared
to the mass production of a v6ry limited range ol50
views, emanating from interlocking interesls lhat
constilute the ruling class,
This monopoly as maintained by the anificially
high costs ol access to the media of comm!nication,
and by legal reslrictlons imposed in lho name ol
'public interesl', These entry costs must bg
dramatically lowered, and these monopolies must be
broken up. These cuffenl lorms of social control must
be replaced by an enlirsly diiferent lorm ol social
accountability geared to promoting pluralities of
expression.
We musl learn dilferent klnds ol responsibility
lrom those used to juslify the nonopolios ol the
dorninant instilutions. We must begin by recognising
that cuitures aris€ within groups and are expressed
colleclively. Groups have a riqhl lo express
lhemselves and corrmurrzale in their own voice and
in thek own lorms. Any notion of ?esponsibility' that
s.lences some voices and reslricts some forms is
clea y oppressive,
Capilalism prev6nts g€nuin€ popular comm-
unicatlon and th€ ability to determine locally the ideas
and aclivili€s public resources should supporl, The
ideaol an abslract 'freedom ol speech'is promoled lo
disquise this. From the persp'ecUve of cultural demo-
cracy, the lssue is nol 'freedom ol speech' but
democratic agreement on lhe nalure ol public
oxpression, and democratic controloverlho means ol
public expression-
We must abolish any 'standards ol 6xcsllence'
which presume to be univ€rsal while being arlanged
and implementod by the rnost wsallhy, mobile and
educalsd'within society. The idea of an'officlal'sel of
slandards, and a set ol regllalions to administer
them, presents thos€ views which reflect, and favour,
the inte.esls ot one class as a 'balanced' and, by
implicalion,'nalural' cofimon-sense, to which all
groups and allclasses should aspir€.
The slrcngth oflhe ruling classos is thatthey are
an inlerlocking sel of interosls ralher than an
idenlifiable group ol peopl€, and thus lhe dominant
cullur€ which lhey have broughl into being, and which
it nudures and promotos, lunctions by fosle ng and
sustaining a sel ol beliefs and ideas which support
and legrl,mise lhose inlerests, Cultulal domocracy is a
way ol breaking up and replacing ihat imposed
culture with cultures which are open, accessiblo and
plural.
These d€mocratic cultures allow people to
develop and communjcate social meanings within
lhek own lives, and to participalo in the creation and
administralion of democracy, rather lhan swallow lhe
illusion ot democracy which capitalism foslers to
preserve itsell.
We musl build visible. flexible netwofts thal will
suppo the exchange ol lhese ideas, through a
growing number of conditional and contingent
alliances. We must ensuro lhat these n€two*s are
powe ul onough lo build democracy: cullural demo-
cracy. inouslrial democlacy, political derrocracy.
52 55
Many strands ot lhe aclivities thal comprise
cullural democracy already exisl- The loundalions of
many al iances have been laid. We believe the key
elgment in creating cullural democracy ts making
apparenl how and why some of its many component
strands ar€ operatlng and khy others need lo be
brought into play.
The leap lhat croales a social movemenl iiom
lhe praclice ol many groups begins wilh lhis
commilment to openlng up lh€ means by which we
determine our goals. We aim to make accessible our
polentiallo allY wilh olhers.
Languages are lhe means o! our expresson.
They are social lrameworks as much as schools or
facloies. We are all producers and allconsumers. As
culllral aclivisls we need to establish democraUc
contrclol the languages wo use, from English to road
signs.
Educalion, however il takes place, is lhe means
by which we learn 1o use oxpression. Wo believe
education shou d prirnarily be about ways oi thinking,
not about subjocts ot lholghl. lt should emphasise the
skllls of sharing exporience and ol applying what is
lea'ned. We nepd lo clarly how educariol is ong n-
ated, what is chosen lo be taught, how and by whom.
It is esse ntial that those decisions are democralic,
We need educalional resources, defned by
communilies, where anyone can share edLlcation,
?lher lhan instrlulions lor specilic a'oJps lo 'eceive
instruction, These resourc6s should not be restricted
by any arbltary crite a such as ags-
Our premise lor action emphasises translating
perconal experience inlo cultural activity, ralher ihan
th6 unilomily of defining wolk according to exterior
goals. Our intention is to do this democratically, by
negotialion not imposition. The equality we aim for
has no moaning if it is nol localed in ils social contsxls'
We seek to cr€ale social equalily in pa nerchip
wlth those with whom we wolk, Wg aim 10 address
bolh sp€ciiic oppr€ssions and their rools within th€
pgruasive domiflation of an int€mational capitalist
cullure,
We believe lhal codes ol aesthetics, and lheir
inteeretion, represent exterior siandards ol cultural
value, and need to be replaced by democratic
pluralism, We seek to delin€ and utilise democralic'
collaborative methods of working. Wilhout these
'collectivity' remains abstract and impractical'
We seek abolition of ownership of control, fiom
prolessional assumptions of ability to ih€ practice ol
copyright. Public conlrol ol the power to djsribut6
through decentralised m€ans needs lo be
established. The conlrol of any resource can bo
decentralised ' the challenge to us is lo irnplement
Lh s ourse'ves whereverwe possess resources
The implementatlon ol cullural democracy musl
nvolve developing ways ol overcoming lhe pitlalls lo
our organisation ol expression. Such pittalls separate
our social purposes trom actions Wilhout resolving
lhese diflicullies our activilies wil support lhe hidden
agendas of lhe dominanl culture We will enirench
rather than replace slandard values'
our work should not limit itself to expressions oftrtr[]ld,
@rpersona laste. W€ need to ask whelher our working
partnerships movo lowards the cr€ation of vocal,
visiblg and enfranchised minorities, in a movement of
allianc€s.
We need lo ensure thal lhe organisation ol
trades unions does not set up a primacy ot wo*erc'
needs over other socialneeds- We should not prevent
access to communication, We should socialise rotprof€ssionalise. Protecting our parUcular interests
should nol hinder th€ general dsmocratic
developmenl of public seruices, and the public
detemination ofwhal thoso services should be.
Socialism ls not antitheljcallo management,lt is
the use of managemenl lor democratic ends. Politcal
activism is not confined to polilical paties: it occLtrs
through ihe generalion ot social markets which have
slilllargely unrecognised powels of change.
The women's movement is on€ powerful
demonstration ol a social market in which value is
made and exchanged, We need to develop the
management and organisational skills to exchange
between such specilc social markets.
We must wo rk logelher to build a iuture we can
call our own. The only alternative is no iuture, and
ihat is no alternalive.
The Shelton Trust is a democratic mombership
organisation thal has grown from wilhin the English
and Welsh community arts movement to €mbrac€ a
wide range of cultural activists h is ongaged in
campaigning on issu€s ol cultural democracy' at
both local and nalional levels
Members ol the Trust ar6 engaged in ths
formation of cultural alliances within lrades unions
education, broadcasling and 'lhe arts' They
participato in the development of the Trust's policies
and campaigning activities through local and
regional meeiings organised around specilic goals
and targets, They also havg access to lho Trust's
growing intormation nelwoft
The trust organises an annual conf€rence as
well as regular regional seminars ll publishes
Anolher Standatd sixlfi'es ayeat
ln th€ last €ighteen months the magazine has
included interviews with Sheila Rowbotham'Tony
wilson. Maur€en O'Farrell' Nabil Shaban' Geolf
Travis and Faroukh Dhondy h has included articles
on topics ranging fiom the use ol imagery during the
miners' strike to tho role ol women in lh€ cullural
workplace, irom the politics b;hind lh€ Video
Becordings Act to the history and praclico of
Oueenspark Book in Brighton'
Membership of the Shelton Tru$ cunently cosls
g1O p€r year' For lurther details ploas€ write to:
Membership, The Shelton Trust' The Old Tin School'
Collyhurst Road, Manchester M10'56
This l\,{anifesio was written tor th6 Shelon Trust,s
campaign lor culturald€mocracy, il was produced as aspecial issue of Another Standard. lt was launchedand discussed at a Conference h6td at SheffiojdPolytechnic on July 1zth and 13th, 1986.
The ideas in this manifesto evotved during thethree and a hati y€ars pr€ceding the Conier€nce. Theydeveloped as a pan ot the debate and discussion thalaross within the series ol regionajseminars organisedby lhe Shelton Trusi.
We would tike to thank phit Cope oJ Valley andVale CommunityArtswho started lhe balt rojtinq.
Th6 Conference was organised by workingparties comprising members and directorc of lhe Trusl.The working parlies were aslollows:
Th6 Organisers ofthe Manileslo were:
Owen Kelly: member of l\,lediumwave andaulhor of Communhy Anand The Stale.
John Lock: researcher with the DocklandsForum and a Labour Councillor in the London Boroldh
Karen Merkel: member of C!hural partnerships
and freelance researcher.
The rnanifesto was w lten collaboratively, Thefoilowing people contribuled at various slages lo thedilferenl d€lts:
Sheila H€nderson, Fod Henderson, F€ticjtyHarvest, Debra Beay, Hania Janiurek, Sue Burd, Frank
Boyd, Tim Applebee, Tammy B6dford, AndrewHoward,
Ths L4anilesto was designed and laid oul by
Andrew Howad, Hania Janiurek and Henry lles'
The illustrations in the manifesto are based upon
a series of pre-hispanic l,lexican Stamp designs- These
ceramic slamps were used on textiles' banners and as
a form of symbolic folk modicino They formed a
signilicanl pad ol many social and religious riluals ln
many ways they conslituted lhe pinting presses and
the means ol public communicalion in a civilisation
based more around imageslhan words
The Sh6lton Trust would lik6 to thank Frank
goyd ol Cultural Pannorships for organising a crash
course in compute sed typesetting,
The Organisers ol tho Conlerence proglamms
and adminisl€tion wore:
Tim Applebee: lecturer in Drama al Bradfod
and llkley Community Collegs and lree lanc6 Theatre
Director.
Sybll Burgess: lreelance adminislrator and
researcher.
Sylvla King: msmber ol Jubilee Communily Arts
and singet and P€rlormer'
The Shelton Trust is grateiul to all those who
spoke on the conlerence panels and chaired
wo shops and discussions We would also like to
thank alllhe groups and organisations who participated
in the displays and exhibitions
Th€ Shelton Trusl would like to thank all the
indjviduals and organisations who provided the support
work throughoutthe conference ln particular, we would
like lo thank those who organised lh€ crcche and the
stewardinq.59
The organisers of ths Conferonce Enter_
tainmenls w€re:
Jon Shafiockststudent of Communily Studi€s atBradford and llkley Community Co ege.
Mik€ Mcoarthy: actor-member of SheltjotdPopular Theatre and freelance ih€atre djroctbr andperformer,
The Sh€lton Trust would tike to thank all of tbeperformerc and musicians for providing lhe conlerenco
entsrtainnrent,
Tho organisors ofth€ Design and publicitywere:
Tammy B6dford: momber of Va ey and ValeCommunity Arts, administralor.
Brandan Jeckaon: member of JubileeCommunity Ans, video mak6rand dosigner.
Andr€w Howard: work€r at lslington BusCompany_, p nter and designer.
Phlllp Sky: worker at U-print, Chapter ArtsCenlre, printer and designer.
The o$anis€rs of the linancesw€r€:
Pam cill: worker at Derby CommunityPhotography, photographer.
Anna Potten: memb€r of Mobile Ans, freelanc€
visual designer in Hampshke.
Gary Wihshtre: wo*sr at The Btock projoct,
Communily Educationalist.
The Trust would tike to lhank the following
organisations who hav€ given time and resources
freely:
Jubilee Community Ans
lslinglon gus Company
Cultural PartnershiPs
Bradford and llkl€y Community Collogo
chapter vidso Projoct
Communily Ans Wo*shoP
Vallsy and Vale Communily Arts
The Shelton Ti.l6l is grateful to thosg Reglonal
Ans Associalions, Trades unions and Local Authoritiss
who olf€red bursa es to assist people 10 attond tho
conlerence. Ws would liketo thank allth€ organisations
and instilutions who gavs donalions and financial
support.
The Shglton Trust is slighlly suppodsd bythe Arts
Councll ol Great B tain.
6fl60
Book ListOther titles f rom ComediaNo, 33 WOMEN, MEDIA, CBlSlSr Femininity and Oisorder bv N4 chde tvtatiera
a4 95 pap€rback onlv
No. 32 PHOTOGRAPHIC PRACTIC€Si Towards a Dfierent thaoeed'led bV Stev e Bezenc€ne1f3 95 paperb6ck, 110 50 hardback
No,3l UNOEFSTAINSiThe Sens6 and Seduclion ot Adve.tsingby Ksihy Myerst5 95 p6perb6ck, ar2 00 hardback
No, 30 BOYS FROM THE ELACKSTUFF: The Makino of TV Dram.by Bob Mr
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No, 2a FOUFTH RATE ESTATE-An analomy of Fteei St.eet bV Tom Ba stowa3 95 pap€rback, al0 95 hardbac[
No. 27 IHE YEAFS OF TFE WEEK bv Patroa Cockburnf6 95 paperba.( on y
No. 26 TEACHING THE MED A by Len Maslermana5 95 paperbacl, fl2 00 h6rdback
No,25 MAKING SENSE OF THE MEDTA A to-pad media srudies course bvfo y Co! den, ..rohn fart ev and T h O'S! tvdr425 paperback onry
No. 24 TELEVISION IVIYTHOLOGIES-Stars, Shows and Signsedrt€d bv Len Masr-orm.it3 95 paperback, tl0 50 hardback
No, 23 COMMUNITY, ART AND THE STATE-a diffe.ent prescriptionby Ow€. Ke rv
fl oq p!p- ba.. t 0 0 d ooa .
ilo, 22 FEAOING BY Nul,48ERs-conremporarv publishing and popular fictionbv K€n Worpolef3 95 paperba.k, e10.50 hardback
No. 2l INTEBNATIoNAL IMAGE MAFKETS-in s€arch of an tlternarivepersp€ctive o\ A'ra.d lva'learr Micl€le Malteld'r ano xd!ie'D€lcount4 95 papetbad tl2 00 h€rdbrcr
No, 20 SHUT uP AND LISTEN: Wom€n 6nd local radio a view iiom th€ insidg
bv Helen Ba€hr and Michee RYan
E1 95 pap€rback only
t{o, 19 THE BRITISH tvlEDlAr A guide tor'O' and'A' l€vel studsntsbv Moyra Grantfl 75 paperback onlv
No. tg PRESS, RADIo AND TELEVISION-An int'oduction to the m€dia
edned b! David Monev and Bra. Whlakerl1 80 paperback onlvPub sh;d joLntlv wlh lhe Workers Educationa Associalon
No, 17 NINETEEN EIGHTY_FOUF in 1984: Autonomv control and Communicaiion
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l3 95 PaPerback, frO 50 hardback
No. 1a TELEVISING'TEBROFlSlvt': Polilicsl violenco in Popular cultu'e bv
Phr o sch es.oer, Graham Murdock a'd Philp Ellott
f4 95 PaPerback, 112.00 h6rdback
No. 15 CAPITAL; Local nadio and Private Protit bv Local Fzdo Workshop
a3 95 paperback, el0 50 hardback
No, 14 NOTHING LOCAL ABOUT lT: London s local radio bv Local Badio
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No. 13 MICROCHIPS WITH EVEBYTHINGT The conssquences ol inlormation
technologv €d ted bY Pa! SreqhadE3 95 oaPerback, eg 50 hardbackPLb shed lo.tlv wlh lhe nsllute ol Contemporary Arts
No, l2 THE woRLD WIRED UP-Ufscrambling $e new communcalions
Puzz € bY Brran MurPh!il50 paP€rba.l tg 50 hardba.r
No. 11 WHAT'S THIS CHANNEL FO{U)R? An anernative report€drred bv Srmon Blanchard and Davd Moreva3 50 paperback, a9 50 hardback
No. lO lT AIN'T HALF FACIST, MUM-Fighting.scism n the media
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