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Cultural Factors Affecting Tertiary Education Access for Bundjalung Men

Todd Phillips

Bachelor of Education (Primary)

Student Number: N05367808

Principal Supervisor: Dr Bronwyn Ewing

Associate Supervisor: Professor Tom Cooper

Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of

Master of Education (Research) (ED12)

Centre for Learning Innovation

Faculty of Education

Queensland University of Technology

July 2012

Cultural Factors Affecting Tertiary Education Access for Bundjalung Men i

Keywords

Bundjalung

Bundjalung Jugun (Bundjalung Country/Nation)

Bundjalung Yanha (Bundjalung Way/Learning)

Deadly

Fella

Gammin

Gumbaynggir

Indigenist

Indigenous

Indigenous knowledges

Indigenous Standpoint Theory

Jarjums

Koori

Mob

Murri

Tribe

Widjabul

Yaegl

Yarn

Yarning

Yugem

Cultural Factors Affecting Tertiary Education Access for Bundjalung Men iii

Abstract

Despite documented changes to mainstream educational systems, Indigenous

educational achievements are still at critically low levels across all phases of formal

education. According to the Australian Bureau of Statistics (2011) Indigenous

students are still less likely than non-Indigenous students to complete their final

years of schooling (45% compared with 77% in 2009); tertiary level entry and

outcomes are also significantly lower than non-Indigenous entry and outcomes.

Although significant research has focused on the area of Indigenous education,

in particular, identifying and making recommendations on how to close educational

gaps between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people, these studies have failed to

bring about the change needed and to engage successfully with Indigenous

communities and draw on Indigenous communities’ insights for best practice.

This thesis focuses on Indigenous perspectives and takes a closer look at the cultural

factors that impact on tertiary education access for Indigenous young men who come from

a Bundjalung community on the far north coast of northern New South Wales. To date,

this community has not been the focus of serious postgraduate study. Their experiences

and the values and ideas of their community have not been investigated.

To do this, the study uses an Indigenous methodological framework. It draws

on Indigenous Standpoint Theory to analyse data through concepts of the cultural

interface and tensions (Nakata, 2007, pp. 195-217). The study’s framing also draws

on decolonising methods (Porsanger, 2004; Smith, 1999) and Indigenist research

methods (Rigney, 1997). Such methodologies are intended to benefit both the

research participants (community members) and the researcher. In doing so, the

study draws on Creswell’s (2008) methods of restorying and retelling to analyse the

iv Cultural Factors Affecting Tertiary Education Access for Bundjalung Men

participants’ interviews and yarns about their lives and experiences relating to

tertiary educational access.

The research process occurred in multiple stages: (1) selection of research sites,

(2) granting of access which was requested through consultation with local

Aboriginal Elders and through the local Aboriginal Lands Council, (3) conducting of

interviews with participants/ data collection, (4) analysis of data, (5) documentation

of findings, (6) theory development, and (7) reporting back to the nominated

Indigenous community on the progress and findings of the research.

The benefits of this research are numerous. First, this study addresses an issue

that has been identified from within the local Aboriginal community as an issue of

high precedence, looking at the cultural factors surrounding the underrepresentation of

Indigenous people accessing tertiary education. This is not only of local significance

but has been identified in the literature as a local, national and international area of

concern amongst Indigenous peoples (Department of Economic and Social Affairs,

2009; Herbert, 2010; King, 2011). Secondly, the study draws on local Indigenous

knowledges and learning processes from within a Bundjalung community to gain

inside perspectives, namely the cultural factors that are being expressed from a range

of Indigenous community members – young men, community Elders and community

members – and finding out what they perceive inhibit and/or promote tertiary

education participation within their community. Such perspectives are rarely heard.

Finally, recommendations made from this study are aimed at revealing investigative

styles that may be utilised by Western institutions to improve access for Indigenous

young men living in the Narlumdarlum1 region in the tertiary context.

1 A pseudonym has been used for the place name (see ‘Terminology and Protocols’).

Cultural Factors Affecting Tertiary Education Access for Bundjalung Men v

Table of Contents

Keywords ................................................................................................................................................. i

Abstract ................................................................................................................................................. iii

Table of Contents .................................................................................................................................... v

List of Figures ..................................................................................................................................... viii

List of Abbreviations .............................................................................................................................. ix

Statement of Original Authorship .......................................................................................................... xi

Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................................. xiii

Acknowledgement of Country .............................................................................................................. xv

Bundjalung Jugun................................................................................................................................. xvi

Terminology and Protocols ................................................................................................................ xvii

PREAMBLE .................................................................................................................................... 1

Bundjalung Yanha – Bundjalung Way/Learning .................................................................................... 1

Learning Places ....................................................................................................................................... 3 Camp Bundjalung ........................................................................................................................ 4

Learning Practices ................................................................................................................................... 7

Western Learning .................................................................................................................................... 8

High School ........................................................................................................................................... 10

Tertiary Education ................................................................................................................................. 12 Challenges at tertiary education ................................................................................................. 13

Implications for Thesis .......................................................................................................................... 14

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................... 17

1.1 Background of the Study ........................................................................................................... 17 1.1.1 Current concern .............................................................................................................. 18 1.1.2 Transition ........................................................................................................................ 19 1.1.3 Identity ............................................................................................................................ 20

1.2 Research Questions .................................................................................................................... 21

1.3 Research Design ........................................................................................................................ 22

1.4 Significance ............................................................................................................................... 24

1.5 Thesis Outline ............................................................................................................................ 26

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ....................................................................................... 29

2.1 Current Issues and Concerns ...................................................................................................... 30 2.1.1 Indigenous men ............................................................................................................... 31 2.1.2 Indigenous people: A great diversity .............................................................................. 32 2.1.3 Educational achievement of Indigenous peoples ............................................................ 33

2.2 Journeying into Tertiary Education: Factors Affecting Indigenous People’s Participation ....... 37 2.2.1 World views of Indigenous peoples ................................................................................ 38 2.2.2 Economic factors affecting transitions to tertiary education ........................................... 39 2.2.3 Cultural isolation and prejudice in universities............................................................... 39 2.2.4 Geographical isolation and access to tertiary education ................................................. 40 2.2.5 Accessing the curriculum ............................................................................................... 41

2.3 History ....................................................................................................................................... 41 2.3.1 Indigenous learning prior to European contact ............................................................... 42

vi Cultural Factors Affecting Tertiary Education Access for Bundjalung Men

2.3.2 Aboriginal peoples and education – post-colonisation/invasion ..................................... 44 2.3.3 Valuing Indigenous peoples, culture and knowledge ..................................................... 45 2.3.4 Aims to achieve equitable educational outcomes ........................................................... 46 2.3.5 Constructing identities .................................................................................................... 47 2.3.6 “Westernising” Indigenous peoples ................................................................................ 47 2.3.7 Improving representation of Indigenous teachers ........................................................... 48 2.3.8 Social justice reforms ..................................................................................................... 49 2.3.9 Curriculum reform .......................................................................................................... 53

2.4 Recommendations Suggested in the Literature .......................................................................... 53 2.4.1 What is best practice for Aboriginal people to improve tertiary education enrolments

and successful outcomes? ............................................................................................... 54

2.5 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................. 55 2.5.1 My standpoint ................................................................................................................. 56

CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY ................................................................................................. 59

3.1 Fundamental Principles of Indigenist Research ......................................................................... 60 3.1.1 Resistance as the emancipatory imperative .................................................................... 61 3.1.2 Political integrity ............................................................................................................ 62 3.1.3 Privileging Indigenous voices ........................................................................................ 63

3.2 Indigenous Standpoint Theory ................................................................................................... 64 3.2.1 The cultural interface ...................................................................................................... 65 3.2.2 What is my standpoint? .................................................................................................. 67

3.3 Data Analysis: Restorying and Retelling ................................................................................... 72

3.4 Participants ................................................................................................................................ 74

3.5 Data Collection Techniques ....................................................................................................... 75 3.5.1 Semi-structured and unstructured interviews ................................................................. 76 3.5.2 Yarning ........................................................................................................................... 76 3.5.3 Audio recording and transcribing interviews .................................................................. 77

3.6 Procedure ................................................................................................................................... 78 3.6.1 Phase 1: Research site chosen and access sought ........................................................... 81 3.6.2 Phase 2: Contextualisation .............................................................................................. 81 3.6.3 Phase 3: Interviews/data collection ................................................................................ 82 3.6.4 Phase 4: Data analysis .................................................................................................... 82 3.6.5 Phase 5: Findings documented ....................................................................................... 82 3.6.6 Phase 6: Reporting back to community .......................................................................... 82

3.7 Ethics and Limitations ............................................................................................................... 83 3.7.1 Anonymity of participants .............................................................................................. 83 3.7.2 Obtaining consent from community ............................................................................... 84 3.7.3 Limitations ...................................................................................................................... 84

CHAPTER 4: RESULTS AND ANALYSIS ................................................................................. 87

4.1 Privileging the Bundjalung Voice .............................................................................................. 88

4.2 Cultural Factors ......................................................................................................................... 92 4.2.1 Identity ............................................................................................................................ 92 4.2.2 Fear and its influence on access to education ............................................................... 101 4.2.3 Role models as mentors: Family, community and peers .............................................. 103

4.3 Chapter Summary .................................................................................................................... 119

CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSION ..................................................................................................... 121

5.1 Summary of Major Findings .................................................................................................... 122 5.1.1 Identity .......................................................................................................................... 122 5.1.2 Fear ............................................................................................................................. 123 5.1.3 Role models .................................................................................................................. 123 5.1.4 Responding to research questions two and three .......................................................... 123 5.1.5 The contribution of the methodological framework to the study .................................. 125

Cultural Factors Affecting Tertiary Education Access for Bundjalung Men vii

5.2 Addressing Research Question One ......................................................................................... 125 5.2.1 Interaction of factors ..................................................................................................... 126 5.2.2 Role of family and community ..................................................................................... 128 5.2.3 Implications for access to tertiary education ................................................................ 129

5.3 Limitations of the Study ........................................................................................................... 131

5.4 Recommendations for Improving Tertiary Access for Bundjalung Men ................................. 132

5.5 Directions for Further Research ............................................................................................... 133

REFERENCES ................................................................................................................................ 135

APPENDICES ................................................................................................................................ 149 Appendix A Aboriginal Australia Map .................................................................................... 149 Appendix B Regions of New South Wales .............................................................................. 150 Appendix C Narlumdarlum Local Government Area Fast Facts 2008 .................................... 151 Appendix D Census Data ......................................................................................................... 152 Appendix E Semi-structured Interviews .................................................................................. 153 Appendix F Ethics Forms ........................................................................................................ 155

viii Cultural Factors Affecting Tertiary Education Access for Bundjalung Men

List of Figures

Figure 3.1. Indigenist research principles. ............................................................................................ 61

Figure 3.2. Indigenous Standpoint elements. ........................................................................................ 65

Figure 3.3. Approaches to research with community. .......................................................................... 68

Figure 3.4. Restorying process. ............................................................................................................ 73

Figure 3.5. Phases of research. ............................................................................................................. 79

Figure 3.6. Map of the research study. ................................................................................................. 80

Figure 5.1. Components of effective access-to-tertiary programs. ..................................................... 131

Cultural Factors Affecting Tertiary Education Access for Bundjalung Men ix

List of Abbreviations

ABS Australian Bureau of Statistics

AIATSIS Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies

DEEWR Department of Education, Employment and Workplace Relations

DEST Department of Education, Science and Training

HREOC Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission

IHEAC Indigenous Higher Education Advisory Council

MCEETYA Ministerial Council on Education, Employment, Training and Youth

Affairs

NAEC National Aboriginal Education Committee

NAIDOC National Aboriginal and Islander Day Observance Committee

NATSIEP National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Education Policy

SCRGSP Steering Committee for the Review of Government Service Provision

Cultural Factors Affecting Tertiary Education Access for Bundjalung Men xi

Statement of Original Authorship

The work contained in this thesis has not been previously submitted to meet

requirements for an award at this or any other higher education institution. To the

best of my knowledge and belief, the thesis contains no material previously

published or written by another person except where due reference is made.

Signature: _________________________

Date: _________________________

Cultural Factors Affecting Tertiary Education Access for Bundjalung Men xiii

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the following people who have supported, encouraged

and inspired me throughout the writing of this thesis:

My principal supervisor, Dr Bronwyn Ewing, who has given me a tremendous

amount of support, guidance and encouragement. I have learnt so much from you

Bron and will always be grateful.

Professor Tom Cooper, from whom I have learnt so much during my time

working with him. I am extremely grateful for this opportunity.

The YuMi Deadly Centre team for their amazing support and thanks so much

for my gift voucher.

My Elders, my mother, father and my immediate family and extended family

from northern New South Wales. There are too many of you to name individually.

A big thank you to Anthony Mundine who continues to be a huge influence on

my life. Thank you Choc, your journey, achievements and advice continue to

influence me greatly.

A big shout out to the following academic and professional staff who have

been a positive influence on me in one way or another: Dr Chris Sarra, Dr Grace

Sarra, Dr Chris Matthews, Dr Tippawan Nuntrakune, Mr Paul Shields, Dr Sue

Whatman, Dr Malia Villegas, Dr Jean Phillips, Dr Catherine Doherty, Ms Sandra

Phillips, Dr Bronwyn Fredericks, Professor John Lidstone, Professor Allan Luke, Ms

Gaye Winders, Ms Janette Lamb, Ms Kerrie Petersen and Ms Charlotte Cottier.

xiv Cultural Factors Affecting Tertiary Education Access for Bundjalung Men

I would also like to thank the support and encouragement of the Indigenous

Student Research Network (ISRN) team, in particular, Mr Kelly Roberts, Ms Cindy

Prior and Mr Adam James.

Thank you to the staff at the Oodgeroo Unit at Kelvin Grove.

Thank you to the staff at the Centre for Learning Innovation (CLI).

Thank you to the facilitators of the Indigenous Methodologies Masterclass

Program, in particular Professor Aileen Moreton-Robinson and Dr Maggie Walters.

This course helped me tremendously.

A big thank you to all of the participants involved in the study and to Aunty

Wendy King who was very supportive of this study. Thank you also to Uncle Phil

Duncan who provided much needed support.

I would also like to thank the following men for providing guidance in various

ways: Mr Gavin Jones, Mr David Vaka, Mr John Hancell and Mr Darren Scheuerle.

This thesis is also dedicated in loving memory of my grandmother Iris (Kelly)

Skinner, Aunty Lenore Phillips, my cousin Andrew Houlahan and Aziz Sergeyevich

Shavershian who are no longer with us.

Cultural Factors Affecting Tertiary Education Access for Bundjalung Men xv

Acknowledgement of Country

I would like to acknowledge the Bundjalung and Gumbaynggir peoples, my

grandparents’ and my great-grandmother’s people from the far north coast of New

South Wales (see Appendices A and B), through my father’s lineage. In

acknowledging the peoples of these nations I also pay respect to our Elders both past

and present. I would also like to acknowledge the traditional custodians of the place

in which parts of this research were undertaken, the Toorbul and Yuggera peoples

from the northern and southern banks of the Brisbane River.

xvi Cultural Factors Affecting Tertiary Education Access for Bundjalung Men

Bundjalung Jugun

Cultural Factors Affecting Tertiary Education Access for Bundjalung Men xvii

Terminology and Protocols

Throughout this thesis, the terms “Indigenous peoples” and “Aboriginal” are

used interchangeably. While recognising that some Aboriginal community groups

throughout Australia do not consider the term “Aboriginal” as an appropriate term to

describe their community members, for uniformity in terminology and as an

Aboriginal researcher, I use the term “Aboriginal” when referring to Australia’s First

Nations Peoples. I would also like to state that as an Aboriginal researcher from the

far north coast of New South Wales, Bundjalung Nation, (see Appendices A and B)

the term “Koori” or “Koorie” is generally more appropriately used and accepted

when referring to the Aboriginal people from within my own community and tribal

regions, where this research was carried out.

It is also important to highlight that this research draws on the perspectives and

experiences of young Aboriginal men, aged from 17–27 years, from a Bundjalung

community. Perspectives and experiences were also sought from Bundjalung

community Elders and community members from the Narlumdarlum area, with the

aim of representing the interests of the greater community. However, the views

expressed by participants may not represent the general viewpoint of all Aboriginal

community members living throughout the target region.

It must also be highlighted that certain information obtained from participants

involved in the study could not be shared in this thesis due to cultural

appropriateness. Nakata (2002) supports this in relation to the sharing of Indigenous

knowledges, stating that when conducting research, there are rules regarding a level

of secrecy and sacredness that must be maintained.

xviii Cultural Factors Affecting Tertiary Education Access for Bundjalung Men

A number of terms are used interchangeably with Indigenous knowledges, such

as: “local knowledge, traditional knowledge, Indigenous knowledge, traditional

environmental or ecological knowledge, or Indigenous technical knowledge”

(Nakata, 2002, p. 3).

Some names of places, venues and people have been replaced with

pseudonyms to maintain a level of privacy and discretion.

Preamble 1

Preamble

My great-grandmother Kathleen Kelly, a Gumbaynggir Nation woman, was

born and raised on Bowraville Aboriginal Mission on the far north coast of New

South Wales. Bowraville, locally known as “Bowra”, derives from the Gumbaynggir

place name Bawrrung. My grandmother, Iris May Kelly, and my grandfather, Earl

Skinner, as well as my parents, were raised in the Bundjalung and Gumbaynggir

regions surrounding the Jadalmany River on the far north coast of northern New

South Wales. Like my grandparents and my parents, I grew up on the far north coast

of New South Wales, and call the Bundjalung region home. I am from the

Bundjalung Nation. It is the place where the majority of my relatives still reside

today and where I continue to frequently visit to reaffirm my identity and learn to be

a Bundjalung man.

As a member of the Bundjalung Nation and as an Aboriginal man living in

Australia, I was taught both Bundjalung and Western knowledges, by the banks of

the Jadalmany River for the former and in public schools, TAFE, and university for

the latter. In this preamble, I will describe these two experiences and how they have

affected me so that I can be known to the reader and my thesis understood. I will also

draw implications for the thesis from the two perspectives that emerge from these

experiences.

BUNDJALUNG YANHA – BUNDJALUNG WAY/LEARNING

Bundjalung Yanha is exceptionally unique and highly complex. It is deeply

embedded within Bundjalung land and the stories of the Bundjalung Nation. It is

built around understanding how the ancestors of the Bundjalung descendants lived

2 Cultural Factors Affecting Tertiary Education Access for Bundjalung Men

and their ways of operating. It continues to influence and pave the way for future

generations to live by today because its stories and yarns of the past remain closely

linked and relevant to the lives of present Bundjalung Australians (Mr Lyle Gardner

and Mr Wally Williams, personal communication, July 16, 2010).

As described by Lloyd and Norrie (2004), Bundjalung knowledge derives from

the particular context of the Bundjalung region and focuses on what Bundjalung

people know to be true about the land. It is derived from “practical experience as

well as the scripts generated by their religion and ceremonial training” which is

passed down through the generations (Lloyd & Norrie, 2004, p. 102). As a young

boy, when I was taken to the river at Jadalmany to fish by the older men in my

community, I was always told by them that our ancestors once fished in the same

place. The knowledges that the older men held about fishing and the water systems

had been passed down. When I learnt the Bundjalung meanings of words, I was told

that these were the words that our ancestors used to describe the environment that I

would see around me, and it was this language that was used by our ancestors to

communicate with other members of their tribe which was used widely throughout

the region. When I sat by the river banks of Jadalmany River and listened to the

stories of the past and to teachings, I learnt that our ancestors sat in the exact same

places that I sat and listened to the same stories and teachings. The Indigenous

knowledges that are embedded in these stories are linked to a strong connectivity to

country and are valued because they provide connection to the world for Bundjalung

people.

Preamble 3

LEARNING PLACES

My experiences of Bundjalung learning took place predominantly by the banks

of the Jadalmany River. For my family, my extended family and for many Koori

people who reside along the regions that surround the Jadalmany River, it serves as

much more than a place of recreation, a fishing spot or a place to have a scenic

picnic. For us, and for many of the Koori people that inhabit the regions along the

Jadalmany River, it holds great significance. It is a border where several Aboriginal

Nations meet including the Bundjalung, Gumbaynggir, and Yaegl Nations

(Langford-Gnibi, 1999, p. 7). Several Aboriginal communities are currently situated

along the Jadalmany River such as Ngaru Village, Baryulgil, Malabugilmah, Muli

Muli, Hillcrest, and Jubullum. Many of my family and extended family live in these

places along the Jadalmany River today.

Regions along the Jadalmany River have traditionally been, and still are,

significant places of learning. These regions are enormously significant for sharing,

distributing, and embedding knowledges from one Bundjalung person to another. It

is where our realities are expressed and where we learn about the beliefs, the cultural

factors that shape our lives and the wisdom of our Elders, family and Bundjalung

kin. It is the Elders who are the knowledge holders.

Members of my family and extended family, my father, uncles, brothers,

cousins and my grandfather would take me as a young boy along the banks of the

Jadalmany River to a place where I listened to the stories of my people from the past

and learnt about the ways things were done in the time before me and what was

expected of me as a young man in the future. These stories form part of the identity


for Bundjalung people as they provide connection to the world. They have shaped

who I am today.

We fished along the river and I learnt about the land and the importance of

respecting the land. It is a great provider for the Bundjalung people. I also learnt that

the waters that run throughout the local region could be a destructive force. For

example, when the Jadalmany River floods in particular places it demolishes

everything in its path, so a respect and a valuing for the lands and waters were

fostered as a deep sense of connection to the land was cultivated.

As a young boy I vividly remember being taught how and where to hunt along

the Jadalmany River. I was shown fishing techniques passed down from previous

generations. I learnt about places along the river and times of the day that were safe

and unsafe to fish and swim. This knowledge was passed down from the older to the

younger men in the community. Certain places along the river are regarded as sacred

places, where members of my community come for deep thinking and reflection and

at certain times are forbidden to visit. These places also serve as meeting points

particularly at times such as funerals. The lands along the Jadalmany River have

been, and always will be, my people’s place of belonging, a place where learning

transpires and is disseminated and where I learn about the practices of the

Bundjalung community and our cultural way of life.

Camp Bundjalung

Camp Bundjalung was a camp where young Koori boys from the far north

coast of New South Wales were brought together and given an opportunity to learn

more about Bundjalung ways of knowing, being, and doing. It was also a platform

for the boys to be empowered and encouraged by Aboriginal Elders and respected

Preamble 5

older men within the local community. The camp originated from local Indigenous

Elders and community members identifying a need to address some of the key issues

that were affecting young Indigenous men in the local community such as an under-

representation of men completing secondary schooling, a lack of men accessing

tertiary education and issues around high unemployment for men living in the local

area. Indigenous Elders and community members used Camp Bundjalung as a means

to address these critical factors that were inhibiting Bundjalung young men.

Up to 60 Koori boys aged between 13 and 18 years could attend the camp at

any one time. Lessons taught on the camp by community Elders focused on what it

means to be an Aboriginal man and emphasised that this should mean that we are

proud, positive, confident and strong. A standout of the camp was the sense of belief

that was instilled and the positive convictions this left within the young Koori boys

as they left the camp. “Camp Bundjalung was not only about providing opportunities

for sharing of cultural knowledges but a major focus was on providing and

encouraging the young Koori youth with direction and opportunities to achieve

success in higher education and careers.” (Mr Paul Duncan, previous facilitator of

Camp Bundjalung, personal communication, July 25, 2010).

Bundjalung Elders and respected men in the community shared how we

Bundjalung people possess an ability to operate successfully in two worlds, both the

Indigenous ways of operating and in the Western world through Western ways of

operating. Elders at the camp also spoke to the young men about some of the things

that are required to be successful in the world and told us that it started with

believing in yourself and not being afraid to tackle new and difficult challenges that

would be set before us. There was a strong emphasis placed on the young men about

knowing who you were and where you came from, and many stories were told about


how we came from a strong line of descendants who took care of the region and their

families and that is something we should all be very proud of and strive for. The

Elders also told us that to be successful in life we needed to think carefully about

who we surrounded ourselves with and highlighted that just because members of

your family may drink too much or use drugs, that didn’t give us the excuse to do the

same. Finally, they told us to look around at each other, our peers at the camp and

then they told us that we needed to help each other become successful and that we

had a responsibility to each other and not to leave others behind.

It was at the camp that many stereotypes were also challenged and I was first

told that it was possible to gain a great job, study in any educational course you

desired and maintain a strong sense of Aboriginal culture and way of life. This was

the first time that I was ever told, and began to believe, that I could operate

successfully in both worlds as I had grown up not seeing this first hand. The

influence that the Elders and respected men in the community had amongst the

young boys at the camp was very powerful.

Elders would encourage participants to start aiming high in terms of education

and employment. Because of their status in the community, there was a sense of

belief that great achievements were now possible amongst the young men. The

Elders also emphasised that we didn’t need to solely focus all of our energy on our

athletic ability to make it in life. We already all knew that a career as a professional

footballer was possible and our local sporting stars were frequently talked about

amongst my peers and praised, but we were now encouraged to start thinking outside

the box. We were told that we didn’t need more professional footballers, what we

now needed more than ever was more Aboriginal doctors, lawyers, teachers and

other professionals, and this would inspire the next generation of Koori men to

Preamble 7

achieve great things. Our Elders told us that as young Koori men we should start

thinking seriously about the type of jobs and studies we wanted to pursue, and not to

limit ourselves as we now had an abundance of opportunities available to us that they

themselves had never had, but had fought hard for us to have.

After hearing these words from our community Elders there was a real sense of

excitement and enthusiasm amongst my peers. Their words held so much more

weight and reinforced a stronger belief than the advice we had received from our

school teachers or guidance officers. It was also the first time that many of us were

ever told that we were role models in our community and reminded us that our young

brothers and cousins were watching and following us and the expectations that came

with this responsibility. We knew it was important to start taking their advice

seriously. We realised we were in a transitioning space.

LEARNING PRACTICES

Mudrooroo Narogin (1995) describes the education process in Indigenous

communities as being a “system in which knowledge is passed from the experience

and maturity of Elders and adults to young people and children” (p. 116); this was

how I remember knowledges being disseminated throughout my growing up in the

Bundjalung region. This knowledge that is shared by Elders and older men of my

community is highly regarded and is generally valued and embraced by members of

the Indigenous community. It is anticipated that this knowledge will continue to be

passed down in a similar fashion.

Looking back, the Bundjalung learning that I experienced was made up of

multifaceted and multidimensional elements that carry great significance for the

people of the Bundjalung Nation. Some of these elements included dance,


storytelling, songs, teaching of traditional language, hunting, fishing, sacred rituals

and men’s business to name a few. Through these elements, I learnt about how to be

strong, proud and confident of who I was and who I was becoming.

At the age of thirteen my father accepted a job transfer to a neighbouring town

in Narlumdarlum. I realised then that my learning to date had been unique. I was

born in Narlumdarlum and when I was introduced to my extended family there for

the first time I had to call my new family, mum and dad, aunt and uncle. I soon came

to the realisation that culturally, some things were done differently in Narlumdarlum

than in my hometown of Garnatalon. Narlumdarlum had a larger Aboriginal

community and had many different as well as similar ways of being and knowing.

WESTERN LEARNING

During my growing years, my places of learning were very much in two

contexts. One learning environment was the all too familiar school-based learning

that took place from Monday to Friday, 9am to 3pm, the Western school classroom.

The other learning environment, experienced outside the classroom, the Bundjalung

learning, was different in many ways, not confined to a set of key learning areas, a

weekly timetable or assessed according to outcomes.

One of the clear distinctions that I faced between Bundjalung and Western

learning was a sense of belonging, contextualisation and relatedness within the

educational content that was in Bundjalung learning. Further, there was often conflict

between what I knew of Aboriginal culture and knowledges that was being taught

outside the classroom and what was being taught in the classroom. Nakata (2002)

describes the issues surrounding the teaching of Indigenous knowledges as a

controversial one because it can mean “different things in different places to different

Preamble 9

people” (p. 3). Nakata (2002) further adds that when it comes to Indigenous

knowledges, contradictions may follow due to a number of varying factors such as

what constitutes as “Indigenous knowledge, whose interests are really being served

in the dissemination of this knowledge and because of the disjointedness and

specialisation of Indigenous knowledge, segments of this knowledge may be used

inappropriately” (p. 3) to best fit with a particular interest or discipline. Moreton-

Robinson and Walter (2010, p. 1) support the problematic area that often surrounds

Indigenous knowledges by highlighting that this is largely due to Indigenous

knowledges usually being misrepresented and informed by “Western traditions” and

conceived and interpreted by “non-Indigenous researchers” as Indigenous history,

culture and development that is usually informed by non-Indigenous interpretative

frameworks.

The learning I experienced in the classroom that focused on Aboriginal culture

and knowledges was predominantly from a Western framing. It was always taught by

non-Indigenous teachers who used a textbook to relay a message that Aboriginal

culture and knowledge was something that existed long ago as a somewhat ancient,

foreign way of life that was long gone. Nakata (2007) highlights that Indigenous

culture and way of living has always been something of the present, although this

knowledge, thinking and understanding is often described as an artefact of the past

which has often been dominated by Western accounts. The knowledges that have

been passed down through stories, dance and contemporary cultural practices speak

in ways that may not be understood or are told in ways that may not satisfy the

discipline of dominant understandings and practices or meet the standards of

historical ‘truth’ imposed by Western historians. Nakata (2007) further adds that

Indigenous culture and knowledge is continuing and the untold side of Indigenous


history and culture tells a perspective of history that does not coincide with the

discipline of history.

Clearly this learning experience was at odds with the relevant and alive

learning I had experienced as a young Bundjalung person. Outside the classroom my

peers and I were experiencing the richness of a present, active and living culture.

Our experiences of both worlds presented a confusing intersection of ideas.

This confusion led to many of my Koori classmates and me questioning our identity

because it didn’t ‘fit’ with the world that was taught from books in the classroom.

Who were we and how were we to live and exist in both worlds when one was taught

from a book and not a living person?

HIGH SCHOOL

During my senior years of high school, I was fortunate to be awarded an

education bursary to attend a prominent catholic all-boys college in south-eastern

Sydney. I was one of three Aboriginal students who were also from the country, out

of a total school population of almost one thousand male students. Moving from the

country to the ‘big smoke’ was certainly a major culture shock and being away from

family, my home community and way of life was extremely challenging. To get

through my final years at high school in this foreign place I had to quickly learn to

adjust and adapt to my new surroundings. I do not believe this would have been

possible if it were not for the experiences I had received at Camp Bundjalung and the

support and belief from my community to take on and achieve new challenges.

It became quite clear early on that the Indigenous ways of learning and the

knowledges that encompassed such a major part of my growing up in the country

Preamble 11

held little value in my new homogeneous education environment. With no cultural

celebrations outside of the school’s traditions, there was almost an unwritten rule that

spoke to students to conform to the school’s culture and catholic ethos and that our

own cultural practices and ways of operating were best left for when we ventured

outside the school gates at 3pm, when students returned home for the day or in my

case when I travelled on a train, on a 10-hour journey back to the country in the

school holidays.

As I looked forward to NAIDOC (National Aboriginal and Islander Day

Observance Committee) Week, a celebration of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander

cultures which was widely popular in my former schools and throughout my home

community in the country, I was left disappointed when the only mention of this

cultural festivity was a minor reference in small print on the back page of the

school’s newsletter. Where did I belong?

Numerous times I contemplated leaving high school to go back and live in the

country, something that I had witnessed many times before with other members of

my family when given an opportunity outside of my community, but I continued

living in Sydney and completed Year 11 and 12. One of the major factors that drove

me to complete high school were the words of encouragement from my family and

wisdom passed on from my community Elders, both at Camp Bundjalung and during

visits back to my home community in school holidays. I remember telling them that

nobody at my new school knew of anything about Bundjalung Yanha (Bundjalung

Way) and they would tell me to remain steadfast, that I should stand proud, that it

was my job to inform members of my new school about our unique culture and that I

should always remember that the knowledges I possessed would be my strength and

not an impediment. I also remember telling them that my new school did not


celebrate NAIDOC Week; there were only three of us Koori boys at the school and I

was finding living in Sydney and being away from home very difficult. They

reminded me that all of this did not change who I was and as a Bundjalung man we

were by nature survivors and had an innate ability to adapt, persevere and operate in

both worlds. Their words of encouragement and insight through the challenging

times were a major factor in my decision to stay on and complete high school.

After completing high school in Sydney, I returned to my home community on

the far north coast of New South Wales to mixed responses. Many of my community

members were extremely happy that I was back home after being away for such a

long time and proud that I had graduated from a prominent high school, while others

could not understand or see the significance of my achievement and suggested

educational attainment was a waste of time. While it was a great feeling being

acknowledged by family and peers for what I had achieved, I couldn’t help but notice

that members of my family and my community returning home from jail or from

playing rugby league in various competitions in Brisbane and Sydney at a similar

time were receiving a warmer welcome than the ones returning home with

educational accomplishments.

TERTIARY EDUCATION

In order to partake in tertiary education I made a decision to relocate. Like

other Koori people living throughout the region, I moved to an area where there was

better access to, and support for, tertiary education. I moved to Brisbane to

commence tertiary studies, first at TAFE and then at university. At both of these

educational places of learning I experienced both support and challenges as an

Indigenous tertiary student. The support that I received came in various forms that I

Preamble 13

am extremely appreciative of. These included tutorial assistance, support through the

Indigenous support centres at TAFE and at the university I attended, financial aid for

textbooks and, most of all, witnessing, for the first time in my life, Indigenous

academics and staff. Although there have only been a few in the sea of university

life, the support of these people has been immense. Having the opportunity to access

and hear from them personally has proved to be extremely encouraging and added a

realisation that success in tertiary studies is attainable. The support mechanisms that

have been provided through these institutions have been a contributing factor in my

educational success. My tertiary educational journey is still continuing.

Challenges at tertiary education

Within these places of learning a dominant culture is evident. There is a lack of

visibility of Indigenous culture on campus and a lack of Indigenous knowledges.

Whilst studying internally at both of these educational institutions as a student, the

dominant culture has contributed to numerous challenges that I and others from my

community have faced as a student and as an Aboriginal person. Some of these

challenges have left feelings of isolation, confrontation with having to engage with a

range of cultural differences, and being overwhelmed by unfamiliar educational

approaches and practices with little room for negotiation on learning and teaching

methods. Indigenous tertiary students are automatically expected to adopt and

comply with all of the institution’s expectations and requirements regardless of the

cultural differences that may be present. Hong and Cousins (2003, p. 1302) support

this, stating that while Indigenous students may feel “culturally isolated and treated

differently on the basis of their cultural background” it is expected that these students

meet “university culture” as opposed to some middle ground being reached.


Whilst I have read and am familiar with the institution’s aims and objectives to

broaden access, retention and successful outcomes for Indigenous students, develop

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander resources and curricula, and make Indigenous

people welcome, outside of the Indigenous support centres and NAIDOC Week

celebrations, little has been experienced to suggest that the aims and objectives are

being widely implemented and achieved.

Nakata (1998, p. 24) points out that educating oneself in Western knowledge

for Indigenous people has also meant “running the risk of blindly taking on the

knowledges and practices that have been served to us in a subjugated position”.

Nakata says that educating ourselves through tertiary education to overcome the

lesser position brings the risk of submerging or erasing those elements of the

lifeworlds that define Indigenous people as a distinct group.

My experiences at university have confirmed for me that I am able to achieve

as my Elders taught me during my earlier years at Camp Bundjalung. My task then is

not simply to pass through university to “get” another degree. It is to learn and know

my position as a Bundjalung person as well as learn and know how I am positioned

by the knowledges and practices of a Western institution. Only then can I argue my

position as I understand it in its totality, and not from the confines of a Western

knowledge system.

IMPLICATIONS FOR THESIS

I am a product of two learnings, Bundjalung and Western. Therefore my thesis

has two perspectives, the Bundjalung approach to Indigenous knowledges, and the

traditional Western academic approach for a university thesis. This has the following

implications:

Preamble 15

The thesis comprises two journeys: through the study as in a typical thesis;

and through my reflections on the study from Bundjalung knowledges.

The thesis necessarily represents a period of growth in my understanding

of how to relate the two perspectives. Therefore my ideas change

throughout the thesis as I reflect on what I am doing from both

perspectives.

The thesis references ideas and perspectives from Bundjalung Elders and

community members that are orally disseminated and assume equal

respect and credibility as with written work from published sources.

The thesis is also unique in that it has an Indigenous perspective that is

Bundjalung.

Chapter 1: Introduction 17

Chapter 1: Introduction

Indigenous young men are significantly underrepresented at all levels of

education particularly in the tertiary context (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS],

2011). This study examines the cultural factors that impact on young Bundjalung

men’s opportunities to transition into tertiary education. Its central concern is to

explicate, from their accounts of their experiences, the cultural factors they have

expressed that facilitate or hinder effective transitions into the tertiary education

context. To do this, the study draws on the accounts of nine young men, aged

between 17 and 27 years, who describe their experiences in formal education, along

with the accounts of two community Elders and three community members. The

accounts illustrate the ways in which the young people identify themselves as

participants in the experience of transitioning.

This chapter outlines the background and context of the research (section 1.1)

and the research questions (section 1.2). Section 1.3 briefly describes the research

design and section 1.4 outlines the significance and scope of this research. Finally,

section 1.5 includes an outline of the remaining chapters of the thesis.

1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

This study sought the perspectives of a range of Bundjalung community

members from a range of ages, and social positions to gain their insights about

Bundjalung Yanha (Bundjalung Way). Bundjalung Elders were consulted regarding

the intentions and practices of the study before the research commenced and they

will be informed of the project findings once the study is complete. As the project is

community based it relies upon and validates the community’s own definitions. As


such, it is informed by the society at a community level, and seeks to demonstrate

benefit to the community, making a positive difference in the lives of the Bundjalung

young people, in particular, Bundjalung young men.

1.1.1 Current concern

The overall aim of this thesis is to reflect critically on the cultural factors

expressed by participants as affecting tertiary education access for young Bundjalung

men in the town of Narlumdarlum and surrounding area. It seeks to use the young

men’s accounts of their experiences, as well as the accounts of Indigenous Elders and

community members, to explain the cultural factors that assist or impede effective

transition into the tertiary context. By exploring local Indigenous knowledges and

learning – Bundjalung Way/Learning – from the Bundjalung region and its

community members, recommendations can be made that highlight the cultural

factors impacting on opportunities to transition into tertiary education for young

Bundjalung men.

There is limited literature and research focusing on the Bundjalung region of

the far north coast of New South Wales that centres around Indigenous community

members’ perspectives and insights, in particular, Indigenous men’s views on best

practice for better supporting, equipping and encouraging their community members

to transition into tertiary education. This study provides understandings of the

cultural factors that impact on young men’s educational opportunities to transition

into tertiary education.

While this study is framed within this debate, it cannot resolve the broader

issues involved. Rather, this study seeks to illuminate some of the cultural factors

through the accounts of the participants and their experiences of what impacts on


their transitions from secondary school and unemployment into tertiary education. A

brief discussion of transition follows.

1.1.2 Transition

In this study, transition is referred to as the journey of Indigenous young men

from high school and/or unemployment or work to taking on and adapting to tertiary

expectations (Shu-Hui & Nguyen, 2011). Brick (2009) emphasises that tertiary

institutions are complex places of learning with a distinctive culture, where new

students face several challenges at the early stages to acclimatise themselves with a

new ethnicity. Woodin and Burke (2007) further highlight concerns to new students

from “non-traditional” backgrounds such as students from lower socio-economic

groups and Indigenous men, who have been identified as those “least likely to enter

higher education” (p. 119). Devlin (2009) highlights some of the factors new

students are confronted with in the transition, including adapting to tertiary learning

systems which are disparate to those of high school, learning in an independent

manner and familiarising themselves with the supportive mediums used by

institutions such as online lecture notes and computer programs. Chester et al. (2009,

p. 26) suggest that a “dominant discourse constructs Indigenous secondary school

students” as more likely to leave school prematurely and unlikely to take up higher

education, thereby shaping “tertiary transition experiences for the majority of

Indigenous students, regardless of their capabilities and aspirations”. As the

Australian Government Review of Australian Higher Education – Final Report

(Department of Education, Employment & Workplace Relations [DEEWR], 2008,

p. 32) states, Indigenous students suffer high levels of social exclusion from

transitioning into higher education. Such exclusion impacts on how they identify


themselves as learners who have the capacity for achievement in higher education. A

discussion of identity and how it is understood in this study follows.

1.1.3 Identity

Identity is described in this study as who and what individuals believe they are

in a particular social context, or in this case in relation to their community, what they

do as a consequence and how they construe what they do (Ellemers, Spears &

Droosje, 2002). Identity has been described as key to one’s sense of self and is

imperative to an individual’s self-esteem which directly relates to what an individual

views as possible to achieve (Kickett-Tucker & Coffin, 2011). Identity in this study

is largely centred on how the young Indigenous men from the Bundjalung region

perceive themselves in relation to their own identity constructs, and how this affects

attitudes and beliefs concerning their perceived ability and limitations towards

tertiary education attainment. Taylor (2003, pp. 89-90) states that historically, the

construction of Aboriginal identity has been largely framed by non-Indigenous

people and associated with a discourse “packed with colonial stereotypes, urban

myths, redneck attitudes and romantic traditionalisms” which has left modern

attitudes relating to Aboriginality and Aboriginal identity resonating strong

sentiments of the past. This may have negative connotations for Indigenous peoples

and educational achievements. As Sarra (2003) points out, it is imperative that in

order for Indigenous students to achieve educational success they must believe they

can achieve success as well as any other student.

Understandings of identity and transition allow for an examination of the

cultural factors that impact on the educational opportunities of young Indigenous

men. Together, these understandings provide a way to investigate how young


Indigenous men locate themselves in discourses relating to their life and educational

experiences. The research questions guiding the study follow.

1.2 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

This study seeks to examine the cultural factors that impact on the transitional

experiences of young Bundjalung men into tertiary education. Its central concern is

to identify those factors that promote and/or inhibit effective access and transitions

into that context. To do this, the following research questions guided the research:

1. How can this study contribute to understandings of the cultural factors that

impact on the transitional experiences and access to tertiary education for

young Bundjalung men?

2. What cultural factors that facilitate and/or hinder effective transitions can

be traced in the literature relating to young Indigenous men?


be traced in the accounts of young Bundjalung men and how do they relate

to those previously traced in the literature?

These questions are addressed in the following chapters. The first question

focuses on how understandings of the cultural factors may contribute to

understandings of the issues for young Indigenous men transitioning into tertiary

education. The second question examines the cultural factors facilitating or hindering

transitional experiences of Indigenous men that can be identified in the literature.

This examination leads to the third question which investigates the cultural factors as

traced in the accounts of the young men and considers how they relate to those

practices identified in the literature and research.


From these insights, an alternative and more effective understanding of the

cultural factors impacting on the transitional experiences for young Indigenous men,

such as those in this study, can be developed.

Thus far, the background and research problem of this thesis have been

presented. The importance of understanding the cultural factors that impact on the

transitional experiences of young Indigenous men has been demonstrated and the

research questions that were developed because of these concerns have been stated.

Next, how the research questions were addressed is outlined, and a brief overview of

the design of the study is presented.

1.3 RESEARCH DESIGN

Nine young Bundjalung men who were transitioning from secondary school

and/or unemployment into tertiary education were invited to participate in yarning

circles and semi-structured interviews. Through yarning and interviews they were

invited to talk about their experiences to gain their perspectives of, and insights into,

these transition processes. The study also draws on the insights and perspectives of

two Indigenous community Elders and three community members. They were invited

to participate in semi-structured interviews to provide their interpretations and

perspectives of the cultural factors that they perceive inhibit or facilitate tertiary

access for the young men living in their community. The location was the far north

coast of New South Wales where there are high populations of Indigenous people.

According to the Narlumdarlum City Council (2008), Narlumdarlum’s Indigenous

population in 2008 was 3.9% (see appendix C), which is significantly higher than the

New South Wales state average of 2.2% Indigenous people (Australian Bureau of

Statistics [ABS], 2010a).


Numerous moral, epistemological and methodological problematic

implications are associated with research undertaken within the Indigenous field

(Smith, 1999). The research methods used in this research were intended to allow the

voices, perspectives and insights of the Indigenous young men, Indigenous Elders

and community members from the Bundjalung region to be heard and valued.

As an Indigenous researcher from the Bundjalung Nation, the researcher has

wide access to the area as well as direct access to Indigenous Elders, community

members and the local Aboriginal Lands Council where the research took place. The

researcher was able to gain an inside perspective and draw participants’ viewpoints

and perspectives that would not otherwise have been possible (Deyhle & McKinley-

Brayboy, 2000). This ensured that this research on Indigenous issues and involving

Indigenous peoples was carried out in a respectful, ethical, correct, sympathetic,

useful and beneficial manner, seeking the view and benefits for the Indigenous

peoples involved (Porsanger, 2004; Rigney, 1997; Smith, 1999).

The study draws on Rigney’s (1997) Indigenist research methods and Nakata’s

(2007) version of Indigenous Standpoint Theory and notion of the cultural interface

with which to undertake the research task. This framework provides a lens through

which powerful insights into the participants’ experiences of cultural factors

impacting on transitioning can be gained. As far as can be ascertained, this

application has not previously been applied to the perspectives of the Bundjalung

Nation. Insofar as it opens up understandings of the processes underlying young

people’s success or failure with transitioning into tertiary education, it provides a

further justification for this study. It also provides the conceptual basis for the

research questions around which this study is framed. Chapter 3 describes this

application in detail; however, an initial overview is provided below.


Indigenous Standpoint Theory is described as a form of analysis that is both a

“discursive construction and an intellectual device to persuade others and evaluate

what might not have been a focus of attention by others” (Nakata, 2007, p. 214). As a

research stance, Indigenous Standpoint Theory emphasises the importance of

considering the everyday experiences of Indigenous peoples when conducting

research and highlighting the position of Indigenous peoples in order to contribute

meaningful knowledge on the focus area – in this case, the cultural factors impacting

on transitional experiences of young Bundjalung men, where the standpoint/position

refers to “locatedness with respect to social relations” (Day, Nakata, & Howells,

2008, p. 127). The application of Indigenous Standpoint Theory in this study is

significant because it provides a way to investigate how the participants locate

themselves in their discourses, relating to their participating in such experiences.

1.4 SIGNIFICANCE

This study’s significance is twofold. It lies in the critical importance of the

issue it addresses, young Bundjalung men transitioning into tertiary education, and

the application of Indigenous Standpoint Theory to enable a different and more

effective understanding of the significance of the cultural factors that impact on the

transitioning process. The study cannot claim generalisability across other

populations of young Indigenous men because of the small, select sample of young

men drawn upon. However, by highlighting these accounts of their experiences, it

draws attention to a different perspective on transitioning.

Research that centres on Indigenous students transitioning into tertiary

education is significant because the number of Indigenous people, in particular

Indigenous men, participating in education at this level remains significantly lower


than their non-Indigenous counterparts (ABS, 2011; Bain, 2011). According to the

Australian Bureau of Statistics (2010b), Indigenous people are much less likely to

have a non-school qualification (a non-school qualification referring to a

qualification obtained through the successful completion of vocational education and

training and/or higher education at universities), compared with non-Indigenous

people (26% compared to 47% respectively).

The underrepresentation of Indigenous people in tertiary education is a national

issue (Trudgett, 2009). As highlighted in the Preamble, this underrepresentation has

been identified as an area of concern amongst members of the Bundjalung

community, in particular by Indigenous community Elders, which has been regularly

voiced at meetings, held at the Narlumdarlum local Aboriginal Lands Council (Mrs

Tina King, personal communication, n.d.). Building capacity within Aboriginal

people can be achieved if tertiary institutions recognise and implement more

culturally appropriate pathways, by having a greater understanding of the cultural

factors that promote and/or inhibit tertiary access for Indigenous people, which may

generate improved attendance and outcomes. According to the report Overcoming

Indigenous Disadvantage (Steering Committee for the Review of Government

Service Provision [SCRGSP], 2009) increased numbers of Indigenous students

within tertiary courses can facilitate greater life chances for Aboriginal people,

reduce welfare dependence and have positive impacts on Australia’s social and

economic fabric. These aspects may have trans-generational and emancipatory

effects. That is, individuals who complete tertiary education are more likely to have

increased opportunities as well as to encourage their own children and peers to do the

same so that the benefits flow from one generation to another (SCRGSP, 2009). Such

opportunities may work to eliminate some of the present circumstances affecting


some Indigenous youth, including incidents of domestic violence and non-domestic

related violence, break and enter, drug trafficking and dealing and drug possession,

where high numbers of incidences have been reported on the far north coast of New

South Wales from Tweed Heads to Coffs Harbour (Narlumdarlum City Council,

2010; New South Wales Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, 2010).

As mentioned previously, there has been a scarcity of literature and research

found which examines the transition of Indigenous men into the tertiary context. This

research addresses gaps in this literature by focusing on the transitioning experiences

of young Bundjalung men from the Bundjalung region, with a focus on the cultural

factors that inhibit and/or promote access to tertiary education. This study offers a

greater insight for community members and tertiary institutions located throughout

the focused region to challenge current approaches for improved tertiary access and

outcomes in the future for Indigenous men.

1.5 THESIS OUTLINE

As noted previously, this study examines nine young men’s accounts of their

lived experiences and the accounts of three community members and two community

Elders from the Bundjalung Nation. Their accounts of their experiences related to

education are of particular interest in this study. This chapter has discussed the

background to the research and identified the research context. A brief section on

transition and identity has been included to indicate the central concern of the study.

The purposes and research questions of the study have been stated, a brief summary

of the research design has been included, and the significance and scope of the

research have been outlined.


Chapter 2 reviews the pertinent literature relevant to the Australian Indigenous

context and education. It attempts to gain a greater insight from both Indigenous and

non-Indigenous voices that emerge from the literature. Literature relating to the

historical background of education and Australia’s Indigenous peoples, both pre- and

post-colonisation, will be critically reviewed. This chapter also highlights how the

recent positioning of Indigenous tertiary achievement outcomes have been and

continue to be affected by past events. It reviews factors suggested in the literature

that inhibit and/or promote participation of Indigenous people in tertiary education.

Further, it concludes by documenting effective practices suggested in the literature to

improve tertiary education transitions for Indigenous people to allow for improved

outcomes.

Chapter 3 outlines the conceptual design of the study. It highlights the

Indigenous research methods that will be drawn upon to support the research. This

research uses an Indigenous research framework drawing on Rigney’s Indigenist

research design and using Rigney’s (1997) three fundamental and interrelated

principles: resistance, political integrity and privileging Indigenous voices; and

Nakata’s (2007) Indigenous Standpoint Theory and the cultural interface. This

chapter illustrates the research methods used for analysis, drawing on the use of

restorying and retelling (Creswell, 2005). It also highlights the stages for the research

process in further detail and details the data instruments, participants and questions

that were used to guide the research.

Chapter 4 interprets participants’ interview responses and responds to the third

research question. It applies the literature and methodological framework developed

in Chapter 3 to the participants’ interview responses and describes the cultural

factors related to the transitioning experiences of young Bundjalung men.


Chapter 5 addresses the first, overarching research question. It brings together

the findings from the accounts to describe the cultural factors and their impact or

otherwise on the transitional experiences of young Indigenous men. Limitations to

the study are also considered. Finally, recommendations are provided and directions

for future research are offered.

In the next chapter, the literature is critically reviewed as it relates to the study.

Chapter 2: Literature Review 29

Chapter 2: Literature Review

This study argues that Indigenous young men are significantly under-represented at

all levels of education, particularly in tertiary education. It focuses on the

transitioning experiences of young Bundjalung men from one community on the

north coast of northern New South Wales into the tertiary context, drawing on nine

young men’s accounts of their transitioning experiences to formal education. They

are aged between 17 and 27 years and are at various stages of accessing and

transitioning; that is, from expressing a desire and want to study but unsure of the

process on how to get started, to recently completing a bachelor degree at university.

Their accounts, along with supporting accounts from Indigenous Elders and

Indigenous community members, are examined in an attempt to give voice to

previously voiceless, young Indigenous men from a Bundjalung community. The

study seeks to highlight and explore the cultural factors that are barriers or enablers

to effectively transitioning into the tertiary education context by drawing on the real

life experiences and the perspectives of the young Indigenous men. This chapter

looks critically at relevant literature and research to address the first and second

research questions:




2. What cultural factors that facilitate and/or hinder effective transitions can be

traced in the literature relating to young Indigenous men?


The chapter examines and critically assesses the assumptions and practices of

tertiary education with particular attention to their consequences for Australia’s

Indigenous peoples. These assumptions and practices are reviewed and compared

and the arguments and evidence for and against them are considered. This chapter

also examines Australia’s historical events that have taken place since colonisation,

and which have greatly impacted on the educational circumstances for Indigenous

peoples and their current educational positioning. The chapter concludes by

identifying some of the recommendations and gaps in the research literature.

Whilst this chapter provides this review, certain caveats are appropriate, within

the compass of this study. It is not possible to provide a comprehensive review of all

the assumptions and cultural factors underpinning Aboriginal and Torres Strait

Islander peoples’ experiences in tertiary education. Therefore, this review

acknowledges a range of assumptions and cultural factors that may be comprehended

in varying degrees.

2.1 CURRENT ISSUES AND CONCERNS

Educational achievement and performance for Indigenous Australians remains

below that of their non-Indigenous counterparts at all levels of education in Australia

and remains one of the country’s most perplex and intractable problems in real need

of addressing (ABS, 2010a; Buckskin, 2008; Lowe, 2011). At a tertiary level

Indigenous people are greatly underrepresented compared to their occurrence in the

general population, participating at considerably lower levels of education than that

of non-Indigenous people (Anderson, 2011; ABS, 2010a; Trudgett, 2009).


2.1.1 Indigenous men

Underrepresentation is particularly evident for Indigenous young men

participating in tertiary education. Woodin and Burke (2007) identify this group as

“least likely to enter higher education” (p. 119). The Australian Bureau of Statistics

(2011) further states that among those with a non-school qualification, Aboriginal

and Torres Strait Islander women are more likely than men to hold a Bachelor degree

or above (19% compared with 14%) or an Advanced Diploma/Diploma (17%

compared with 11%). As this particular gender sub-group, men have been identified

in the literature as having associated issues attached to it and limited literature has

emerged that focuses on Indigenous men and tertiary educational achievement from

the focus region of the study, it seems fitting that this group be a focus of this study.

Tsey, Patterson, Whiteside, Baird, and Baird (2002) further highlight that when

Indigenous men are involved in a research context it may be appropriate for men to

participate in the developing of interviewing techniques and the interviewing process

in order to maintain culturally appropriate and respectful dialogue, as they will be

more inclined to share more openly with other males.

The Review of Australian Higher Education (DEEWR, 2008, p. 27) indicates

that the most underrepresented groups in tertiary education are those from “remote

parts of Australia, Indigenous students, those from low-socio economic backgrounds

and those from regional locations.” Some Indigenous young people may belong to

multiple groupings thus disadvantaging them further (Bradley et al., 2008, as cited in

Trudgett, 2009). However, if geographical location, as commonly claimed, is the

cause of low participation rates of Indigenous people in tertiary education, non-

Indigenous people in remote areas would be expected to experience similar

disadvantage (Norris, 2011). In fact, non-Indigenous Australians in remote and


regional locations have higher participation rates, indicating that they are more able

to access tertiary education when compared to their Indigenous counterparts. This

explanation might be consistent with beliefs about Aboriginal inferiority and lack of

capacity without indicating any understandings of Indigenous “attachment to land as

a reason for preference for remaining in a particular area, compatible with the

disregard of Indigenous understandings, values and choices” (Norris, 2011, p. 179-

180).

The Indigenous Higher Education Advisory Council (IHEAC, 2008) highlights

that the gap widens as the level of education increases, with 0.6% of Indigenous

Australians completing Masters research, and 0.3% forming doctorate completions, a

relatively small number compared to the completion rates of non-Indigenous

Australians (ABS, 2008b; Trudgett, 2009). Anderson (2011) reiterates this gap,

stating that there were a total of 12 Indigenous postgraduate students completing

doctorates in 2003 and 2004 and a total of 16 completions in 2005. Howlett, Seini,

Matthews, Dillon, and Hauser (2008) depict Indigenous students’ low retention and

completion as a “problematic area” for all Australian universities and suggest this

trend is in need of immediate attention. Further, the retention of Indigenous students

in higher education is reported as being between 19% and 26% below the rate of

non-Indigenous students and the proportion of the Indigenous population

participating in higher education is less than half that for the non-Indigenous

population (Anderson, 2011; ABS, 2008b).

2.1.2 Indigenous people: A great diversity

The current (2011) Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population is

estimated to be 576 000, with approximately 10% claiming to be of Torres Strait


Islander origins (ABS, 2009; Taylor 2011). Portrayals and media representations

may give the impression that Indigenous people are a monolithic group who are

similar in most respects; however, socially and culturally there is great diversity

amongst them (Due & Riggs, 2011; Patterson, Jackson, & Edwards, 2005). Martin

(2005) points out that there is no pan-Aboriginality, therefore regional, group, and

individual differences occur. There are two distinct groups of Indigenous peoples of

Australia: Aboriginal people and Torres Strait Islander people. It is estimated “700-

plus Aboriginal languages were in use in Australia in 1788 and only a mere handful

could be said to constitute the living language of any Aboriginal clan today”

(Herbert, 2006, p. 73). However, there are many differences between the cultures,

languages and histories of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples (Aboriginal

and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner 2008; Taylor 2011).

Accordingly, this diversity needs to be acknowledged and understood when working

with Indigenous peoples and communities to provide more effective development

and understanding. To know Indigenous people, those seeking knowledge must

interact with Indigenous communities, in all of their past and present complexities;

this interaction cannot be replicated or properly expressed by a single person

“objectively” studying isolated parts of the reality (Alfred, 1999, pp. 16-17).

2.1.3 Educational achievement of Indigenous peoples

There have been gradual improvements in educational achievements for

Indigenous Australians in recent years with increases in participation (ABS, 2011;

SCRGSP, 2009). However, these achievements continue to remain below those of

non-Indigenous people in all levels of education as previously stated (Anderson,

2011; ABS, 2008a; Hauser, Howlett, & Matthews, 2009; SCRGSP, 2009). Non-

Indigenous people were twice as likely as Indigenous Australians to attain a tertiary


qualification and, in 2006, more than four times as likely to attain a Bachelor degree

(21% compared with 5%) (ABS, 2008a). This gap widens between Indigenous and

non-Indigenous students participating in higher education as the level of study

increases. Although much has been done to close educational gaps between

Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples (Myers, 2007; Sarra, 2011; see also Council

of Australia Governments, 2008, July; Council of Australia Governments, 2009), a

significant reduction in the gap between Indigenous and non-Indigenous educational

attainment has not occurred (Reconciliation Australia & Dusseldorp Skills Forum,

2009).

The Department of Education, Science and Training (DEST) Report Achieving

Equitable and Appropriate Outcomes (as cited in Hong & Cousins, 2003, p. 1297)

focuses on the issues of access, retention and successful outcomes, stating “there is

no more important an issue facing Australian higher education than the participation

and whole-hearted involvement of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students and

staff within the sector”. There is a need to address the continued underrepresentation

of Indigenous people in higher education and low rates of success, retention and

completion for Indigenous students (IHEAC, 2006; Trudgett, 2009). Burgess (2009)

refers to Australia facing a “crisis” in its failure to improve education outcomes for

many Indigenous Australians and further suggests that addressing this educational

gap “must be our most important priority over the next decade” (pp. 2-3).

The report Australian Directions in Indigenous Education 2005–2008

(Ministerial Council on Education, Employment, Training and Youth Affairs

[MCEETYA], 2006) indicates that far too many Indigenous students continue to

“drop out” at or before Year 10 and far too few remain at school to complete Year 11

and Year 12, or its vocational equivalent. Of the students who do complete Year 12,


few obtain the scores needed to gain entry into university. The report also highlights

that most Indigenous students, regardless of their completion year, leave school

poorly prepared for tertiary study relative to their non-Indigenous counterparts. An

explanation for this may be that there has been a shift in education, increasingly

narrowing education to an employment-orientated outcome “which has limited

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people’s access to their own Indigenous

knowledges and philosophies” (Arbon, 2008, p. 61). Put another way, education and

training has narrowed to respond to “employment for economic imperatives alone”

with Indigenous people increasingly subjected to training for employment through

national uniform training courses (Arbon, 2008, p. 131). Chester et al. (2009)

indicate that descriptors of Indigenous secondary school students as likely to leave

school early and unlikely to pursue tertiary education have a negative impact on how

students identity themselves and their future opportunities. This aspect is further

played out in the media with descriptors provided for Indigenous Australians

generally concerning violence, abuse and dysfunction (Due & Riggs, 2011). It

follows from these descriptors then, that Aboriginal young people belong to such a

culture and therefore need to be “uplifted” to education to eradicate the deficiencies

associated with their poor quality environments (Ford, 2010). Such descriptors

continue “perpetuating intergenerational cycles of social and economic

disadvantage” (IHEAC, 2006, p. 4) with poor educational outcomes limiting the

post-school options and life choices of Indigenous young people.

Improving employment prospects increases wellbeing, long-term economic

security and access to tertiary education. The Reconciliation Action Plan 2011-2014,

National Goals for Indigenous Education (DEEWR, 2011) indicates a series of long-

term goals including:


9. To ensure equitable access of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people

to post-compulsory secondary schooling, to technical and further education,

and to higher education.

16. To enable Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students to attain the

same graduation rates from award courses in technical and further education,

and in higher education, as for other Australians.

20. To enable Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students at all levels of

education to have an appreciation of their history, cultures and identity.

Whilst these goals are critical to Indigenous young people’s participation in

tertiary education, there are a number of factors that influence their access and

transition to universities. Access to tertiary education has been affected by a variety

of historical, social and political factors as is evident in national statistics of

educational achievement and participation levels (MCEETYA, 2006). Buckskin

(2008) argues that these effects cannot be addressed as “business as usual” within

mainstream educational institutions, and states that in order for a major turnaround in

the achievement of educational equality for Indigenous Australians, a focus on

strengths and riches that support and inspire Indigenous communities needs to

become central, as opposed to a focus on weaknesses and poverty.

Atweh and Bland (2007) highlight limitations centred around two main types

of barriers to access to university for underrepresented groups such as Indigenous

students. The first type are systemic barriers which may include: monetary costs

involved in enrolling at a university, a possible loss of income in order to undertake

study, travel costs and/or enrolment requirements that do not take into account the

possible special conditions that students from disadvantaged backgrounds may face.

The second type of barrier outlined is cultural or symbolic which relates to the gap

between the habitus of marginalised students and the institution’s habitus which can


either prevent or promote student participation in tertiary education. Briefly, habitus

refers to how individuals “act and respond in the course of their daily lives”

(Bourdieu, 1977, p. 13). Atweh and Bland (2007) argue that a lack of knowledge

about university life and requirements and a lack of role models of people who have

successfully completed tertiary education amongst underrepresented groups impact

on students’ access.

2.2 JOURNEYING INTO TERTIARY EDUCATION: FACTORS

AFFECTING INDIGENOUS PEOPLE’S PARTICIPATION

When looking at the journey that Indigenous students take when embarking on

tertiary studies, Hong and Cousins (2003) highlight that most Indigenous Australians

do not follow the “normal route” from primary and secondary school into higher

education (p. 1298). Generally an Indigenous Australian higher education student is

likely to be “older than a non-Indigenous student” (meaning it is quite possible that

older students have families to support and undertake a form of employment while

participating in their studies which may add further pressure) and is also less likely to

have “previous relevant qualifications” (Encel, 2000, p. 9). Many Indigenous adults

feel underprepared to provide the much-needed support to their younger community

members because of negative experiences associated with their own education

(Schwab & Sutherland, 2001; Sarra, 2011). Approximately 70% of all beginning

Indigenous tertiary students gain entry through alternative arrangements rather than

through formally recognised qualifications and are more likely to be admitted to

tertiary education through a special entry scheme (DEST, 2002; Hong & Cousins,

2003). This is compared to 24% of non-Indigenous students. Other factors impact on

making the transition to tertiary education. These include differences in world views

of Indigenous peoples and their economic status.


2.2.1 World views of Indigenous peoples

Differences in the world view of Indigenous peoples and that of non-

Indigenous peoples exist. Lloyd and Norrie (2004) state that when different world

views collide there is often a conflict of interest, which can lead to a series of

problems on both sides. Spark (1999) and Martin (2008) further point out that it is

important to understand that Aboriginal people are situated between two quite

different worlds; one as a sub-group of mainstream Australian society, the other

belonging to a traditional world of Aboriginal culture, with each of these worlds

having different educational practices, operations and values. Achieving success and

transitioning from one to the other can be a challenging process. The DEST Report

(2002, as cited in Hong & Cousins, 2003, p. 1298) states that “mainstream

educational provision in Australia does not naturally support traditional Indigenous

approaches to learning”, reinforcing the comparatively subordinate participation and

completion rates of Indigenous students at all levels of education, particularly tertiary

education. Although there is recent recognition of the value of traditional knowledge

systems and increasing attempts at co-management, there persists a lack of

acceptance and integration of traditional and non-traditional Indigenous information

into current decision making (Lloyd & Norrie, 2004). Consequently, the cultures and

knowledges of Indigenous peoples are often disregarded, disrespected and devalued

(Moreton-Robinson, 2009). Walker (2002, as cited in Lloyd & Norrie, 2004, p. 103)

supports this notion by reinforcing that Indigenous knowledges are often

undervalued due to differing world views which can impact on communication and

negotiation success with various government and non-government organisations.


2.2.2 Economic factors affecting transitions to tertiary education

Indigenous tertiary students are more likely to be disadvantaged by low

economic status with an estimated 32% of all Indigenous students identified as

having low socio-economic status. It is little wonder that Thomas (2002, as cited in

Zepke & Leach, 2007) describes Indigenous students who have arrived at tertiary

institutions where their cultural practices are deemed inappropriate or incongruent as

likely to experience “acculturative stress”, or to feel like a “fish out of water”, which

further reinforces why a majority of Indigenous students enter tertiary education with

values and skills that fail to prepare them smoothly to succeed at tertiary level.

2.2.3 Cultural isolation and prejudice in universities

Cultural isolation and prejudice have inhibited Indigenous tertiary students. In

some cases, Indigenous tertiary students are automatically expected to adopt and

comply with all of the institution’s expectations and requirements regardless of the

cultural differences that may be present (Zepke & Leach, 2007). Hong and Cousins

(2003, p. 1302) explain that such students may feel “culturally isolated and treated

differently on the basis of their cultural background” because it is expected that

students meet university culture as opposed to some middle ground being reached.

Although education systems have implemented policies to promote greater

levels of commitment to equity and diversity with regard to employment and

education, discriminatory practices still remain. Such practices give legitimacy to the

dominant culture and language group at the expense of others (Burnett, Meadmore,

& Tait, 2000). Educational institutions may not only mirror discriminatory practices

embedded within their curriculum, but also within the behaviour by which their


“teachers and students marginalise those who demonstrate difference” (Burnett et al.,

2000, p. 78).

Educational achievement has been shown to be influential to health and to

creating and making informed life decisions and opportunities. Poor education is

generally associated with poor employment outcomes, and both are closely

connected with low income. However, disadvantage in one area does not necessarily

cause poor outcomes (SCRGSP, 2009). Building community pride and self-esteem,

being culturally appropriate and promoting success appear to be positive steps in

improving Indigenous students’ attendance, engagement and life opportunities

(Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner 2008; AIATSIS

2008; Commission for Children and Young People and Child Guardian, 2008;

Indigenous Education Leadership Institute 2008; Lamb, 2009; Sanderson &

Thomson, 2003; Sarra 2007, 2009).

2.2.4 Geographical isolation and access to tertiary education

Geographical isolation and lack of access to tertiary institutions for Aboriginal

communities impacts on successful participation and access for Indigenous students,

who are more likely to come from rural and isolated areas (ABS2011; ABS, 2007)

(see Appendix D). Thirty-one per cent of Indigenous Australians are reported as

residing in a major Australian city, and the remaining 69% reside in regional and

remote areas of Australia (ABS, 2007; Trudgett, 2009). In 2006 it was reported that

approximately 30% of all enrolled Indigenous higher education students were from a

rural area and a further 15% were from isolated areas (ABS, 2007). The geographical

gap between Indigenous people and educational facilities means Indigenous young

people are disadvantaged due to the lack of access to quality educational services


(Reconciliation Australia & Dusseldorp Skills Forum, 2009). Biddle, Hunter, and

Schwab (2004) argue that individuals who live in the urban south-east of Australia

are more likely to “undertake and ultimately succeed in school and adult and tertiary

education than their counterparts in rural and particularly in remote areas” (p. 36). As

this study focuses on a Bundjalung community located on the far north coast of New

South Wales, geographical isolation could be a factor that impacts on their access to

tertiary education.

2.2.5 Accessing the curriculum

Another major factor impacting on educational success for Indigenous

Australians is the curriculum. Howard (1997) suggests that in the past, little effort

has been made to appreciate Aboriginal people’s views and the nature of learning

from mainstream education. Parbury (2005) explains that unless there is a change in

the curriculum that addresses issues of appropriateness and relevance, Indigenous

people’s educational needs will not be addressed. Furthermore, non-Indigenous

students will be excluded from learning about Indigenous perspectives and the truth

of our shared history.

2.3 HISTORY

The previous sections focused on the current situation; however, understanding

of the present is strengthened by an understanding of history. In what follows

Indigenous learning prior to European contact is discussed along with the period of

post-colonisation/invasion, to provide an understanding of how the present

positioning and views of mainstream education for Aboriginal Australians has been,

and continues to be, affected by the past, and how this has impacted current tertiary

educational outcomes.


Bin-Sallik (1989) and McConaghy (2000) suggest that Aboriginal tertiary

education has only really developed since the mid-1970s. Prior to this period, there

was a scarcity of Indigenous people studying in tertiary education and only a few

Aboriginal students had been awarded undergraduate degrees, the first in 1966 (Bin-

Sallik, 1989; Rigney, 2003). Bourke (1994) argues that Indigenous Australians

rarely, if ever, participated in higher education courses in the first 175 years of

European settlement and, historically, poor relationships have existed between

Indigenous peoples and universities (Quartermaine, 2003, as cited in Rigney, 2003).

2.3.1 Indigenous learning prior to European contact

There is widespread societal belief that Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander

education did not exist prior to the colonisation of Australia (Castellano, Davis, &

Lahache, 2000; Smith, 1999). However, this fiction is dismissed with literature

indicating the exact opposite. In fact advanced education systems were in place prior

to the invasion of Australia (McConaghy, 2000; Wray, 2006). These systems of

Indigenous education can be viewed as highly developed and complex. They

continued well beyond first European contact and involved great intricacy in

Indigenous knowledge and learning. They required highly developed cognitive skills,

and used oral and symbolic means to educate members (Broome, 2005; Crawford &

Tantiprasut, 2003).

Prior to colonisation, Indigenous education could be viewed as mostly informal

with learning occurring during the daily life of the community through processes

such as: observation, imitation, participation and casual instruction (Battiste, 2002;

Martin, 2008). Formal instruction was employed for learning aspects such as ritual,

when initiates were taught aspects such as sacred knowledge, the meaning of


symbols, the language of ritual and the text of stories (Berndt & Berndt, 1992).

Naturally, Indigenous education continues today: learning is passed on from one

member of a community to another through robust oral customs where songs and

stories of the way of “Dreaming” pass on the wisdom, beliefs and values of the

people (Hoff, 2006). This learning ensures the culture and knowledge remains active

and alive (Queensland Indigenous Education Consultative Body, 2003). Through

both formal and informal education, a sophisticated and complex cultural heritage is

taught and passed on from one generation to the next (Blacklock, 2008).

As indicated earlier, Indigenous academic Karen Martin (2005) points out that

while there is no pan-Aboriginality (therefore regional, group, and individual

differences occur), the focus of knowledge for Aboriginal people is about relatedness

to everyone and everything in their environment, where “a child is guided, or

parented, through the various stages of lifehood, fulfilling the expectations and

conditions, the roles, rites and responsibilities of relatedness” (p. 28). Battiste (2002)

suggests that Indigenous knowledge is both empirical (based on experience) and

normative (based on social values), embracing both the circumstances people find

themselves in and their beliefs about those circumstances in a way that is “unfamiliar

to Eurocentric knowledge systems which distinguish clearly between the two”

(p. 19).

The favoured traditional learning methods of storytelling, learning by

observation, imitation and group activities have been in place for many thousands of

years and form the Indigenous education system. Unlike Western educational

practice today, this system does not include a written component, but instead is

comprised of “non-textual product of knowledge” (Janke, 2008, p. 14). Herbert

(2006) suggests that there were approximately 700 Indigenous languages present in


Australia prior to colonisation, comprising somewhere between 500 and 600 dialects.

Trudgen (2001) adds further insights, claiming it was not uncommon for Aboriginal

people to learn as many as 15 languages and dialects throughout their life. This

demonstrates the multifaceted learning that was very much a part of Indigenous daily

life prior to colonisation.

2.3.2 Aboriginal peoples and education – post-colonisation/invasion

The term Aboriginal was first used by Europeans to refer to the first peoples of

a particular area or region. According to Smith (1999), constructing Aboriginality

was, and continues to be, an action of colonisation. The invasion of Australia altered

and initiated a new path of educational practices for Indigenous peoples that were

both dramatic and rapid (Bamblett, 2002). With such a foray came new morals and

ethics of educational practices that were imposed onto Indigenous people by

colonialists who failed to understand, recognise, or value Indigenous societies or

their educational methods and ways of operating (Parbury, 2005; Partington, 1998).

Partington (2003) argues that few people understand the relevance of the historical

process to the lives of Indigenous people today: a history of “dispossession,

oppression and racism” which has been instrumental in shaping their lives and

continues to “constrict their educational opportunities” (p. 1). Biddle et al. (2004)

further add the significance of bearing in mind the history of Indigenous education

policy in Australia in order to gain a further understanding of contemporary patterns

in educational outcomes for Indigenous people today.

Atweh and Bland (2007) suggest that access to institutions such as universities

by traditionally underrepresented students, based on their “socioeconomic, ethnic or

geographical background” is a key concern to many developing countries such as


Australia (p. 1). Tripcony (2003) highlights that educational inequality within the

structure of Australian society places Indigenous people in a position without power,

with Indigenous people often being referred to as “the lowest rung on the ladder”.

From initial contact to the present day, Indigenous people have had their “freedom

restricted by legislation, regulation and social ostracism” (Partington, 1998, p. 2).

Nakata (2002, p. 281) describes the knowledge that Indigenous peoples possessed

throughout colonial times and in the post-colonial era as being “largely ignored or

suppressed”. Because of a dislocation from the land and traditional practices, much

of the way of life of Indigenous peoples was systematically brutalised, leaving many

Indigenous peoples dispossessed, alienated and forced to adopt foreign ways of

learning within a foreign educational system (Nakata, 2002).

2.3.3 Valuing Indigenous peoples, culture and knowledge

Several reasons exist for the failure of the majority of Western imperialists to

recognise or value Indigenous people, culture and knowledge. In Australia, the

British colonialists arrived with deeply rooted, preconceived attitudes and beliefs

about their racial superiority and need to civilise the natives of the Port Jackson area

which resulted in establishing a school in 1814 (Rowley, 1972). Ah Sam and

Ackland (2005) reveal the British colonialists’ attitudes towards Aboriginal people

on one occasion as believing that they were “uneducable blacks and a dying race ...

who suffered from cultural deprivation or deficit which had the effect of

impoverishing their linguistic and cognitive abilities” (p. 84). The dying race

philosophy was used as justification to segregate Aboriginal people onto reserves.

Further, Aboriginal schools were established to exclude Aboriginal children from the

state education system and colonisers planned to use education as a controlling

mechanism through which Aboriginal families would conform to British social


traditions (Rowley, 1972). Ultimately, between 1883 and 1972, Aboriginal children

were excluded from New South Wales schools and similar exclusions occurred

across settled Australia (Parbury, 2005).

2.3.4 Aims to achieve equitable educational outcomes

The implementation of the 1967 Referendum came about in many ways from a

culmination of a period of activism and an increasing uneasiness within Australia

about international perceptions regarding the mistreatment of Indigenous people. It

was a growing call for equity, for improving aspects of life for Indigenous

Australians and providing them with the benefits and duties of citizenship (Huggins,

2007; Patton, 2009). While Fox (2008) states that the referendum is widely

celebrated as a turning point in Australia’s history for Aboriginal people’s struggle

for human rights, today many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people still live

in a cycle of poverty. This poverty includes inadequate education which leads to high

unemployment or poorly paid employment, inadequate accommodation, insufficient

and often inadequate diet and eating habits, recurring illness and great personal and

family stress (ABS, 2011; Purdie & Buckley, 2010; SCRGSP, 2009). The

interrelated nature of these life experiences, where one aspect interconnects and

affects all other aspects, can be compared with the holistic perspective of life of the

Indigenous world view. If there remains a denial of history, if limited challenges to

social assumptions about what counts as valuable knowledge still occur, if the trans-

generational trauma in Indigenous communities continues, and Western models of

child development persist in dictating curriculum and pedagogy, Indigenous students

“will always be viewed as deficient and in need of remedial efforts” (Martin, 2005,

pp. 38-39).


2.3.5 Constructing identities

Throughout history Indigenous identities have been constructed by the

dominant powers through what Phillips (2005, p. 13) calls “colonial fabrications”,

using ethnocentric views such as Darwin’s (1879) beliefs, which argued that

biological differences caused differences in intellectual abilities; and pseudo sciences

like phrenology, also known as “craniology”. That is, a psychological theory or

analytical method based on the belief that certain mental faculties and character traits

are indicated by the configurations of the skull, to “prove” the superiority of “white”

races (Partington, 1998, p. 31). These constructions have worked to create solidarity

within and amongst the colonialists because of their grouping and the dominant

language spoken. Therefore, assumptions labelled as “truths” (Hall, 2001, p. 76)

about Indigenous people are made easier because of the similarities in the dominant

group and the language spoken. That is, shared meanings of Indigenous peoples are

taken as givens and work to form a taken-for-granted view. As these constructions of

identity form powerful concepts, they impact on who and what people believe in a

particular social context or surrounding, how individuals behave and how they

interpret their behaviour. Identity has been described as an essential element of one’s

sense of self, and an important contributor to an individual’s self-esteem (Kickett-

Tucker & Coffin, 2011). Identities are learned and for social contexts, they are social

constructions (Hogg, Martin & Weeden, 2004).

2.3.6 “Westernising” Indigenous peoples

The process of Westernising Indigenous peoples has left legacies of

colonialism that have negative implications for Indigenous education (Tatz, 2004).

Even as late as the 1970s, statements such as “our basic objective is not to preserve

aboriginal culture, but to educate children so they may enjoy greater social and


economic independence” (Partington, 2003, p. 104) are further evidence of non-

Indigenous values promoting assimilation of Indigenous Australians. Aboriginal

academic Pearl Duncan (as cited in Whatman & Duncan, 2005) writes about the role

of Indigenous Australians, including herself, who in 1973 began formally agitating at

a federal level about Indigenous education reforms. As a result, in 1974 the National

Aboriginal Education Committee (NAEC) first advised the Federal Government

about how major improvements could be made towards Indigenous education.

At the same time as changes were occurring in Australian schools regarding

school-based curriculum and decision making (to enable schools to address local

needs and circumstances), the NAEC was promoting a change from assimilation to

self-determination and self-management by Indigenous peoples regarding education

policy. Another significant change that emerged from the NAEC was an increase in

Indigenous representation in Australian universities and schools. This was a

significant achievement, as non-Indigenous teachers had limited notions of how to

teach Indigenous children. This meant Indigenous children were met with a system in

which their own culture and ways of learning were not represented.

2.3.7 Improving representation of Indigenous teachers

To address the issue of underrepresentation of Indigenous teachers, in 1972 an

alternative entry scheme to boost numbers of Indigenous teachers was implemented

by some educational institutions. In 1972 across all academic disciplines, seventy-

two Indigenous university students were enrolled. By 1989 this number had

increased to 3,307 (Bin-Sallik, Blomeley, Flowers, & Hughes, 1994). Other

strategies proposed to advance Indigenous self-determination and self-management

in education included: parental participation in education, the appointment of


Aboriginal liaison officers and teacher aides in schools, teaching of Indigenous

languages, the implementation of Aboriginal studies courses for trainee teachers in

schools for all students, and establishing curriculum units with state education

departments for the development of Indigenous curriculum materials. In 1979, a

conference was held by NAEC. The conference was significant because “it was

conducted by Indigenous people for Indigenous people ... (which) was a major

turnaround in the control of education for Indigenous people” (Partington, 2003,

pp. 108-109).

A National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Education Policy (NATSIEP)

first came to fruition in 1990 and was updated in 1993. A major development with

this policy was that funding to the states for the improvement of educational access,

inputs and outcomes for Indigenous students was tied to quantifiable targets as

proposed in the goals of NATSIEP. In 1994, the Ministerial Council for Education,

Employment, Training and Youth Affairs (MCEETYA) appointed an Indigenous

taskforce to develop a national strategy for the education of Indigenous peoples.

Some of the national goals and strategies which followed the MCEETYA report

included: recognition that Indigenous students need to attain skills to the same

standard as other Australian students, that all Australian students need to develop an

understanding of and respect for Indigenous traditional and contemporary cultures,

and that funding needs to provide increased teacher and support numbers, resources,

facilities and specialist programs (Craven, 1999).

2.3.8 Social justice reforms

Other social justice reforms since the 1990s have also identified educational

restructuring as core to improving equity and life choices for Indigenous Australians.


In the 1991 report for the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody,

Commissioner Elliott Johnston stressed how vital it was to promote changes in

Australian attitudes through all education systems and levels to address the root

causes of social disadvantage in Indigenous communities (Craven, 1999).

The Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation (1991) noted that one of the main

functions of the Council was to educate all Australians about historical and current

issues related to Indigenous dispossession and disadvantage in order to restore these

inequities and come to terms honestly with our history as a nation. The Australian

Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission (HREOC) is a key advocate for

education as a means of combating racism and discrimination. As a result of the

HREOC inquiry into the separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children

from their families, a recommendation was made that every school in Australia teach

compulsory units on the “history and continuing effects of forcible removal”

(Craven, 1999, p. 21).

Penny Tripcony (2003) and Cathryn McConaghy (2000) suggest that enormous

changes and some improvements in Indigenous education have occurred since the

early 1970s. They state that the government should build on continued Indigenous

community participation in decision making and in-class representation as a way

forward. The Federal Government has had to take a lead role in getting state

education departments to adopt policies and practices to improve education for

Indigenous students. In its most recent recommendations the key document,

Australian Directions in Indigenous Education 2005-08 (MCEETYA, 2006), states

that past practices of engaging Indigenous students in education reflected slow and

incremental gains only. The report states that there is a need to accelerate the pace of

change by engaging Indigenous children in learning. Five areas of improvement the


document indicated needed addressing were in the areas of: “early childhood

education; school and community educational partnerships; school leadership;

quality teaching; and pathways to training, employment and higher education”

(MCEETYA, 2006, p. 4).

Empowered by these improved educational provisions, Indigenous peoples

should have a broader range of post-school opportunities and life choices, “allowing

them to contribute their skills and talents to their own communities and the

Australian community as a whole” (MCEETYA, 2006, p. 32). Key recommendations

to empower Indigenous people in education were expressed; however, the report

emphasised that these key areas will only be effective, or sustained, if Indigenous

education is “built in” and becomes a fundamental government focus (p. 4).

The establishment of a Western education structure that was imposed on all

Indigenous peoples of Australia is reflected in the low achievement levels of

Indigenous students at all levels of education today. Learning is still represented in

accordance with mainstream educational outcomes and lacks Indigenous input and

involvement (Jewell, 2008; Lester, 2006). In the case of Indigenous people, in

particular Indigenous students, the injustices of history continue to permeate and play

a major role in their present lives and circumstances. The educational methods of

defining and segregating Indigenous peoples have been identified as a dominant form

of practice. Such processes of generalising, depersonalising and dehumanising

Indigenous Australians continue and form the basis of the racism and prejudice

which “has far reaching impacts on the potential for young people to achieve their

best and to lead happy, balanced and fulfilling lives” (Irving, 2005, p. 3).


Practices enforced on Indigenous peoples through prestigious cultural

authorities such as political systems and educational institutions are designed to

denigrate, dispose and disenfranchise certain groups in society, such as Indigenous

peoples. In doing so, they work to keep control of such systems and institutions in

the hands of the dominant power structures. Such actions are supported by using

colonialist constructions of cultural differences and cultural deficit (Moreton-

Robinson, 2009) to propose that white hegemony is the natural state. Hegemony

describes “how the relations of power operate” (Lewis, 2002, p. 31). It indicates how

groups maintain their power through processes of negotiation with subordinate

groups (Gramsci, 1977; Hall 1982). The maintenance of consensus is achieved by

strategic management. That is, when subordinate groups have been included in the

negotiation process, they are said to go along with their own oppression (Hall, 1982).

However, this is not always the case, as pointed out by de Certeau (1984). This usage

of hegemony neutralises dissent and instils the values, beliefs and cultural practices

of social structures (Hall, 1982).

These processes are still enacted today to some degree as Irving (2005, p. 1)

notes “past interactions between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people are relevant

to the work of present day educators and systems and impact on society as a whole”.

Although Partington (2003) concedes that some non-Indigenous “visionaries”

recognised the needs of Indigenous education, it was years before aspects of this

occurred at a systematic level. Whatman and Duncan (2005, pp. 119-120) note that

the experience of Indigenous students varied significantly from state to state,

and that despite the differences between education systems across the

country, the overwhelming experience of Indigenous students was limited,

particularly regarding progression through the standard school curriculum.


The authors clarified policies through different phases of Indigenous education,

including models such as compensatory education, assimilation, cultural deficit,

cultural difference, self-determination, bilingual programs, two ways/both ways

education, bi-cultural education and educationally-at-risk theories.

2.3.9 Curriculum reform

Martin Nakata (Nakata, Nakata, & Chin, 2008) states that a curriculum for

Indigenous students that focuses only on traditional knowledge is limiting as

Indigenous students need to develop knowledge and skills (such as English literacy

and numeracy) which will equip them for the reality of a future in a Westernised,

global economy. This manner of othering Indigenous peoples, of constructing them

as inferior, is “used to support taken-for-granted understanding about what is

normal” (Phillips, 2005, p. 20). Phillips argues that educational institutions are chief

agents of this process, although it is also important to note that they are also powerful

agents for people to oppose racism and discriminatory practices.

Poor educational participation and achievement limits the capacity of

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people to make real choices about their

participation in the economy. A diminished educational opportunity effectively

denies Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people access to the full range of

resources, which could help them shape their lives and communities according to

their own vision and aspirations (Bin-Sallik & Smallacombe, 2003).

2.4 RECOMMENDATIONS SUGGESTED IN THE LITERATURE

To create sustainable and effective change it is essential that educational

institutions utilise and draw on the perspectives, practices and participation of local


Aboriginal community members (Bourke, Burden, & Moore, 1996; Encel, 2000;

Generation One, 2010). Alba (1983, as cited in Lloyd, & Norrie, 2004) and Sarra

(2011) states that many processes fail to take into account community and

stakeholder groups’ schema or expectations, cultural factors, their abilities to

influence outcomes, their roles in the final decision making processes and the

expectations of what can be reasonably achieved. In their reviews of Aboriginal

education, Watts in 1982 and Yunupingu in 1995 (Whatman & Duncan, 2005)

highlight the deep desire of Indigenous peoples to have more involvement in their

own community’s education. This is despite a long history of exclusion of parents

and community members. Nicholson (1980) emphasises the importance of having

Indigenous members of the community directly involved in the education of

Indigenous students. Nicholson argues that the presence of Indigenous community

members gives them an assurance that someone understands their personal needs and

problems.

2.4.1 What is best practice for Aboriginal people to improve tertiary education

enrolments and successful outcomes?

According to the literature there are numerous recommendations regarding

Indigenous disadvantage in the Australian education system. The idea that tertiary

institutions’ use of Indigenous ways of operating and learning are scarce. Also, it

appears consultation with local Indigenous communities to assist in the education of

Indigenous students is lacking, as is awareness of the cultural factors impacting on

educational opportunity (Board of Studies New South Wales, 2001; McConaghy,

2000). The literature also reveals that Indigenous educational operations are quite

different to Western ways of operating. Nash (2009, p. 26) states that “stories,

artwork and the voices of the people themselves communicate an Indigenous


perspective in ways that other media cannot”. It must also be noted that in various

situations Indigenous male and female cultural learnings and practices are to remain

a separate practice as this has been the way they have been practiced for thousands of

years (Martin, 2008). Overall it appears that educational institutions do not draw on

understandings of the cultural factors that impact on the transitional experiences of

Indigenous young people nor Indigenous educational ways of operating to counteract

low participation and retention of Indigenous students, or to address any other major

issues in tertiary education.

2.5 CONCLUSION

While the literature recognises that it cannot meet the challenge of closing the

gap alone, it fails to recognise and suggest strategies to enhance young people’s

transitions into tertiary education. With much of the literature stressing the

importance and need for tertiary institutions to work more closely with Indigenous

communities to help bridge the gap on tertiary educational outcomes for Indigenous

peoples, there is limited literature relating to the transitional experiences of young

Aboriginal people into tertiary education. Further, limited literature that has focused

on consultation with Aboriginal communities and their knowledges exists. Little

attention has been given to identifying what Indigenous groups perceive as best

practice in relation to how better to support, equip and encourage successful

transition into and completion of tertiary education.

There is a general agreement in the literature that issues such as cultural

factors, improved access, retention and educational outcomes need addressing. The

literature has revealed that these complex issues have a wide range of suggested

practices and recommendations from a range of sources. After reviewing the


literature it has also become apparent that there is very limited literature which

focuses on tertiary transitions for young Indigenous men in particular Indigenous

men from the Bundjalung Nation of northern New South Wales, therefore this study

attempts to respond to this gap by focusing on a Bundjalung community and what

can be done to improve retention and access for young Koori men in the tertiary

context.

2.5.1 My standpoint

A range of recommendations have been made via various reports that highlight

needs and identify gaps. There appears to be consensus that the Federal Government

needs to take a lead role in motivating state government education departments to

adopt policies and practices for the improvement of Indigenous education. It is

important to note that the literature points to success only occurring through a

partnership of all stakeholders at a national, state, local and grassroots level. The

literature has suggested that if systemic changes are to challenge issues of Indigenous

education, focus on Aboriginal community involvement and partnerships with

tertiary institutions must intensify. This would allow for more culturally recognised

practices that support Indigenous peoples. One issue of concern that has emerged

from the literature is that while universities and educational departments state that

their objective is to improve Indigenous retention and access in collaboration with

Aboriginal communities, no literature was found that described the extent of such

collaboration or revealed how effective this process had been.

This chapter has focused on the issues and challenges of current Aboriginal

tertiary education. This critical analysis positions the present research in relation to

Australia’s historical context. The overview of historical events that relate to


Aboriginal people and education, both pre- and post-invasion, were highlighted to

situate this study correctly against the background of current circumstances and

issues of Aboriginal people’s transitioning into and achieving success in tertiary

education. From the literature review a gap emerges showing the limited research

conducted on Aboriginal community perspectives and more specifically Bundjalung

perspectives in terms of best practice for supporting, equipping and encouraging

successful transition into tertiary education courses. The literature does make some

suggestions for addressing issues related to tertiary success for Aboriginal people.

However, these suggestions may not be conducive for people living in the

Bundjalung region of northern New South Wales. Therefore, research that focuses on

this particular community’s strengths, wisdom and knowledges may better support,

encourage and equip young Aboriginal members to succeed in tertiary education.

Chapter 3: Methodology 59

Chapter 3: Methodology

The previous chapter addressed the first and second research questions by

reviewing and critiquing the research literature that focused on the transitioning

experiences of young Indigenous people into tertiary education. This chapter presents

the methodology and the research design to provide a conceptual basis for the

conduct of the study.

As mentioned in Chapter 1, the study seeks to identify insights about the

cultural factors that impact on young men’s educational opportunities by drawing on

local knowledges from different groups of people, including young Indigenous men,

Indigenous Elders and community members from the Bundjalung region. The study

is interpretative and descriptive (Arbon, 2008), grasping the ontologies at work

within education and beyond to the cultural knowledges and lived worlds of young

people. This approach uncovers the implicit ontologies of Indigenous knowledges

and the opportunities for young Indigenous people in the future to take up education

and training.

This research draws on the work of Torres Strait Islander scholar, Martin

Nataka (2007) on Standpoint Theory and his understandings of the “cultural

interface”. The work of Aboriginal scholar, Lester-Irabinna Rigney (1997), relating

to Indigenist research methodology is also utilised to guide the research to maintain

cultural appropriateness when conducting research with Indigenous communities.

Rigney outlines that Indigenist Research is research by Indigenous Australians

whose primary participants are Indigenous Australians and whose objectives are to

serve and inform the Indigenous struggle for self-determination and for emancipation


of Indigenous Australians. This perspective connects strongly with Nakata’s (2007)

conceptualisations of Indigenous Standpoint Theory.

To understand Indigenist research and the cultural interface in this study, a

toolbox approach – taking what is useful for the job at hand (Foucault, 1974) – has

been adopted; that is, ideas or aspects of relevant frameworks from other scholars

have been drawn on where necessary to develop a more useful and effective

understanding of such research. For example, the study draws on relevant aspects of

the works of other Indigenous scholars Karen Martin (2008) and Veronica Arbon

(2008) who emphasise the struggles that Indigenous peoples are confronted with

within an epistemological framework of education that is non-Indigenous and

aligned with Australia’s imperialistic past. They argue for a more equitable

understanding between Indigenous and Western knowledge systems to address such

issues.

3.1 FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES OF INDIGENIST RESEARCH

The principles outlined by Rigney (1997) were used to guide the researcher

throughout the research process. The research took place in an Indigenous context as

described in Chapter 1 and provided what Rigney describes as a culturally

appropriate methodology. Indigenous Australians and Indigenous people are

arguably the most over-researched people in the world (Bessarab & Ng’andu, 2010;

Rigney, 1997; Smith, 1999). Associated with this type of research are entrenched

negative implications from historical research methods which have left many of the

world’s Indigenous communities with uneasiness and feelings of apprehension

towards research that involves Indigenous peoples and communities. To account for

past research malpractice, Rigney (1997, p. 115) calls for Indigenous peoples to be


directly involved in “defining controlling and owning epistemologies and ontologies

that value and legitimate the Indigenous experience”. Guiding this research are three

principles as described by Rigney: resistance, political integrity, and privileging

Indigenous voices (see Figure 3.1). Each principle will now be discussed.

Figure 3.1. Indigenist research principles.

3.1.1 Resistance as the emancipatory imperative

As part of the struggle for Indigenous Australians to gain recognition for self-

determination, Rigney (1997) outlines that Indigenist research involves the issues

which have arisen out of the long history of oppression of Indigenous Australians,

dating back to the invasion of Australia in 1788, and connects with the story of the

survival and resistances of Indigenous Australians to racist oppression. With this

research targeting cultural factors and Indigenous peoples, some of these aspects

have been highlighted throughout the literature in Chapter 2. This research will seek

resistance as the emancipatory imperative

privileging Indigenous voices: lived, historical experiences, traditions, dreams, interests and struggles of Indigenous

Australians

political integrity as appropriate and culturally

sensitive research


to gain a better understanding of the continuing forms of oppression which confront

and inhibit Indigenous Australians and their access, retention and successful

outcomes in tertiary education. It also seeks to address how Western tertiary

institutions, in partnerships with Aboriginal communities, can work towards

improving educational outcomes in the tertiary context to further support the

“personal, cultural and political struggles of Indigenous Australians” to build

individual and community pride, promote resilience and bring about healing from

past oppressions and support cultural practices in the future (Rigney, 1997, p. 118).

3.1.2 Political integrity

Rigney (1997, p. 119) does not suggest in any way that “critical research by

non-Indigenous people should not continue or that such research cannot serve to

inform the struggles of Indigenous Australians for genuine self-determination”;

however, he argues that the inappropriateness of such research contributions to the

political cause solely stems from non-Indigenous Australians. There is a real need for

more research contributions to be undertaken by Indigenous Australians and for

research centred on political aspects to not come only from non-Indigenous people

but to be framed by the needs of the Indigenous communities (Rigney, 2003). The

need for Indigenous Australians to determine their own political agenda for liberation

can be achieved most effectively when it derives from Indigenous Australians who

have a “simultaneous social link between the research and the political struggle of

the communities” (p. 118). As this research will be drawing on the lived experiences

of Indigenous men from the Bundjalung region and also their experiences associated

with the tertiary context, Rigney (2002) points out the complexity of such a task,

emphasising it is one of the most sensitive and complex tasks facing researchers.

Therefore, to maintain political integrity in research, Rigney points out the


importance of Indigenous researchers engaging themselves in the “heart of the

Indigenous struggle” (p. 119), thus making the researcher accountable not only to the

individual but also to the Indigenous community and its struggle. Rigney (2003) also

outlines that effective, appropriate and culturally sensitive research is vital in relation

to ethics and cultural protocols and the need for “recognition and protection of

Indigenous cultural and intellectual property rights” (p. 12).

3.1.3 Privileging Indigenous voices

This research will be drawing on the lived, historical experiences, ideas,

traditions, dreams, interests, aspirations and struggles of Indigenous Australians.

Therefore, it is only fitting that Rigney’s (1997) third principle of privileging

Indigenous voices be adopted and widely used to inform this research. While Rigney

does not suggest that all Indigenous researchers are free of colonial hegemony or that

being Indigenous will automatically present a better representation of the Indigenous

people and communities they work with, he does, however, state that Indigenous

Australians tend to be “more aware of each other’s cultural traditions” (p. 119) and

are more accountable to the communities and institutions they represent. Rigney

(2003) and Smith (1999) emphasise that past malpractices of research pertaining to

Indigenous people and Indigenous communities have a history of exploitation,

suspicion, misunderstanding and prejudice. Nakata (2007) emphasises the

importance of conducting research that is productive in explaining the authentic

position of Indigenous people in relation to historical systems of thought which have

been complicated by and resulted in a “plurality of meanings” (p. 197). These have

been produced in the interactions between these systems and have been shaped by

such systems for several generations. Therefore, Nakata states that it is necessary for


new sets of understandings to be generated by Indigenous peoples to inform new

analysis.

Rigney (2003) expresses his concern that more “Indigenous Australians access

and make public the voice and experience of other Indigenous Australians” (p. 119)

while Drake (2002, p. 9) elaborates on the importance of such stories and how they

can “inspire us and challenge us to think in new ways”. Therefore, this research will

be drawing on the stories, perspectives and views of a range of Bundjalung

participants to draw on these important and valuable stories that often go unheard.

The next section discusses Indigenous Standpoint Theory.

3.2 INDIGENOUS STANDPOINT THEORY

For this study, where the aim was to develop a rich understanding of the

complexities associated with the cultural factors that impact on young Indigenous

men’s opportunities for engaging in tertiary education, Indigenous Standpoint

Theory (Nakata, 2007) is foregrounded because of the centrality it places on the

experiences of the participants. Although Nakata largely makes reference to

Indigenous Standpoint Theory in relation to Torres Strait Islanders, this study will

apply this understanding to the Bundjalung Nation.

Indigenous Standpoint Theory has been described as a distinct form of

analysis, and is both a “discursive construction and an intellectual device to persuade

others to elevate what might not have been a focus of attention by others” (Nakata,

2007, p. 214). This approach considers both the context and perspective as shaped by

the colonial and assimilationist history of schooling and education for Indigenous

people in Australia. Two elements of this standpoint will be applied in this study –

the cultural interface and my standpoint (as shown in Figure 3.2). These concepts are


theoretically distinct from those related to cultural difference and disadvantage.

Nakata (1998) and McGloin (2009) emphasise the importance of understanding

competing knowledge systems or standpoints so that an appreciation of, and further

insights into, aspects that support or hinder a particular group can be forged.

Figure 3.2. Indigenous Standpoint elements.

3.2.1 The cultural interface

The cultural interface is specifically concerned with the projection of

Indigenous knowledges about Indigenous people’s experience at the cultural

interface (Nakata, 2007). It is described as the meeting point of “Western and

Indigenous domains” (Nakata, 2007, pp. 195-217). This meeting point is a complex

space where we “live and learn ... and are active agents in our own lives – our

lifeworld” (Nakata, 2002, p. 5). It is described as a space of possibilities as well as

constraints which can have both positive and negative consequences for different

people at different times. This space can be a place of immense complexity and

confusion for many who are required to combine both traditional and Western ways

Indigenous standpoint theory

cultural interface

my standpoint


of knowing (Nakata, 2002). It is comprised of multiple interwoven, competing and

conflicting discourses, which are a fusion of both traditional and non-traditional

discourses. Differentiating between the two can be a difficult process. If there are

positive experiences for Islanders at the cultural interface, then these experiences can

speak back to provide a greater understanding for other community members and

peers (Nakata, 2007).

Nakata (2007) suggests that the position of Indigenous men at the interface can

only be understood via their experiences of it. In relation to tensions at the interface,

the everyday constructions that position Indigenous people either limit or facilitate

them (Nakata, 2007). Young people are trained to view and comprehend the

positions of Indigenous people in the “same systems of thinking, logic and rationality

that have historically not served Indigenous interests at all” (Nakata, 2000, p. 12). He

therefore emphasises the need for both Indigenous and non-Indigenous people to

understand these constructions. It is through this understanding that an appreciation

of the present positioning of Indigenous people can be better understood, so that

Indigenous people can be freed from colonial histories that serve only to limit them

at the interface and so that more useful approaches can be made (Nakata, 2007). One

of the difficulties facing Indigenous research is that any “contestation or expression

of unease must be conducted within the framework of Western understanding, logic

and rationality” (Nakata, 2000, p.12). This study is concerned with the standpoints of

young Bundjalung men’s experiences at the cultural interface.

The young people involved in the study navigate the cultural interface and

tensions on a daily basis. Nakata’s approach therefore contributes meaningful

knowledge by reflecting and sharing the participants’ perspectives and experiences

on transitions into the tertiary context. An approach that values the lived experiences


of Indigenous men transitioning at the cultural interface endeavours to eradicate

deficit views of Indigenous learning and eliminate tokenism. At the same time, this

approach maintains the participants’ cultural standpoint.

In line with Nakata’s (2007) inclination to use more Islander accounts of their

experiences and positioning which has been subjugated largely by Western attempts

to explain the experiences and positioning of Islanders, also expressed was a concern

for more useful theories of the Islander position to be generated. This study draws

from Bundjalung community members’ accounts of their experiences and

standpoints at the cultural interface to generate useful and personal knowledges from

Bundjalung men.

3.2.2 What is my standpoint?

My standpoint is a shared positioning between Aboriginal people from within

my home community, which is situated on the far north coast of New South Wales,

the Bundjalung Nation, as discussed in the Preamble. Situated within this standpoint

are embedded multiple roles, firstly as an Aboriginal community member and

secondly as an Aboriginal researcher with an interest in the research topic. Other

roles which make up my standpoint include: a current and active member of the local

Aboriginal Lands Council within the region; and an active community member who

is involved in organising sporting events, particularly rugby league competitions, at

various times throughout the year within and for the local Aboriginal community.

Because of the researcher’s strong connection to the community and family

members, this research was accountable to my community Elders, Indigenous

community members and the Narlumdarlum Local Aboriginal Lands Council, which

is situated in the area where this research took place. In recognising my


accountabilities, I have employed an Indigenist (Rigney, 1997) approach to this

research, researching from within and respecting my Bundjalung community and

cultural obligations and practices. In doing so, I utilise three approaches for this

research: (a) ways of knowing, (b) ways of being, and (c) axiology (see Figure 3.3

below).

Figure 3.3. Approaches to research with community.

Ways of knowing: Epistemological approach for this research

The epistemological approach that is informing this research is one that is

based on relationality in an Indigenous context, but is informed by what Moreton-

Robinson (2009) describes as one that is intrinsically linked to relations to others by

descent, ancestors, country, place and shared experiences. Innately embedded within

the epistemology of the researcher is a shared commonality of perspectives, such as,

valuing Indigenous community and its members, shared concerns and aspirations to

improve higher educational access and retention, and successful outcomes. This

approach will be guided by and conducted in consultation with the Elders located

within the community itself, who are widely respected by the Indigenous community

members throughout the region.

Ways of knowing

Ways of being

Axiology


Ways of being: Ontological approach for this research

The ontological approach of this research acknowledges that this research has

strong connections to country, in this case the Bundjalung region. This approach also

acknowledges the Bundjalung Nation’s ancestral links to country. This significance

stems from the researcher’s cultural beliefs that the land, people and all life forms

that encompass the Bundjalung Nation have been created and are all interconnected

and associated with a blood line to country (Hoff, 2006).

An ontological approach focuses on “ways of being”. In this case, the “ways of

being” are built around an understanding and connection of how Bundjalung

ancestors lived and their ways of operating. These ways of operating continue to

influence and provide a way of life for people today. Their stories and yarns of the

past remain closely linked and relevant to the lives of present Bundjalung

Australians. These stories reinforce the connection to country. This connectivity is

based on principles of reverence, reciprocity and responsibility and is valued because

it provides connection to the world for Bundjalung people.

The ontological approach of the researcher affirms that Bundjalung men and

women are both valuable and distinct knowledge holders regardless of age,

qualification or social status within the community. For the purpose of this research

and for cultural appropriateness, young male participants’ stories are drawn upon,

recorded, transcribed and analysed to inform the research, together with stories of

community Elders and other male and female community members where

appropriate. As outlined in chapter 1, this study has been undertaken with the

permission of the Aboriginal community through the Local Aboriginal Lands

Council as well as in consultation with community Elders. The intentions and

methods were both discussed with the lands council and community Elders and they


informed the researcher that only young male participants’ stories should be used,

despite the researcher being an Aboriginal male from the area. They explained that

interviewing young females would be inappropriate culturally and for safety reasons

and may lead to a higher risk of miscommunication which would not benefit the

research. They also informed the researcher that involving older female community

members and Elders would be suitable so this guidance was respected by the

researcher and used.

Ways of doing: Axiological approach to the research embedded in

Indigenous value systems

The axiological approach to this research is closely related to the researcher’s

ontological positioning. The focus topic and values of the research are intrinsically

tied to the researcher’s position as an Aboriginal man from the Bundjalung Nation.

The axiological approach to the research was accountable to the Indigenous Elders

and community members of the Bundjalung region. The research was strongly

influenced and informed by Indigenous knowledges that derive from within the

community (Hoff, 2006). Moreton-Robinson and Walter (2010) emphasise that

“ways of doing” are an “extension of our communal responsibilities” and we are

“therefore accountable to our respective communities for our knowledge production,

and the values we bring to our research are bounded by our understanding that all

things are connected” (p. 7). In completing this study, the researcher acknowledges

his accountability and responsibility to community as an insider but also as an

outsider conducting a study project with this community.

Whilst the methodological framework draws on various works as described

previously to inform the study, as an Indigenous researcher, my voice also features in

this study, and positions the views, experiences and knowledges drawn from local


Indigenous participants to inform the research. As an Indigenous researcher from the

Bundjalung region, I have extensive access to the area as well as access to

Indigenous community Elders and key Indigenous community members to gain an

inside perspective and to draw on viewpoints and perspective that would otherwise

not be available (Deyhle & McKinley-Brayboy, 2000).

My positioning as an Aboriginal researcher and insider provides a contextual

understanding of the communities being researched that outsiders do not possess

(Innes, 2009). While there has been debate concerning the scholarly validity of using

insider/outsider research (Innes, 2009; Smith, 1999), the insider position, as an

Aboriginal researcher, allows the opportunity to develop and work closely within the

nominated Aboriginal communities located on the far north coast of New South

Wales. By providing Aboriginal people with the opportunity to become involved in

the research process, this research allows for the development of meaningful

Aboriginal perspectives, establishes positive and respectful relationships and gives

authenticity to local Aboriginal perspectives. The research also recognises the

importance of observing appropriate protocols when working with Aboriginal people

and their communities to establish positive and respectful relationships (Board of

Studies New South Wales, 2001; Martin, 2008).

The use of insider/outsider research allows myself as the researcher to exercise

influence on an issue that has significant importance not only to benefit Indigenous

communities on the far north coast of New South Wales, but also to the broader

scholarly community. This is because the research focus is an area that is in need of

local, national and international attention (Innes, 2009). This study seeks to

understand “inside” community perspectives on how young Aboriginal men can be

better supported, equipped and encouraged to transition into tertiary education


courses and achieve successful and measurable outcomes through semi-structured

interviews with the researcher. It aims to capture the voices and perspectives of a

wide range of Aboriginal community members. The literature in the field is

juxtaposed with the participants’ voices to gain an understanding of the effectiveness

of support for making successful transitions. The next section addresses the methods

of analysis.

3.3 DATA ANALYSIS: RESTORYING AND RETELLING

Much of the data that has emerged from the research is in the form of

interviews/yarns that were held with the participants. How this data was analysed is a

critical part of the methodology. After the interviews/yarns were collected by the

researcher they were analysed using Creswell’s method of restorying and retelling.

This is a method that is often used in research that contains a narrative component

(Creswell, 2008). Restorying is the process used to gather, categorise and analyse

narratives for key themes that become a focus of the research. Creswell (2007)

argues that this method is used to effectively “interpret the meaning of a particular

research focus” from participant interviews (p. 157). The process of restorying and

retelling provides links between key ideas that have been expressed amongst the

participants and emerge from the interviews. Restorying allows these key ideas to

surface and it assists in categorising such key ideas more efficiently and effectively.

Creswell’s method of restorying is divided into three phases and is used in this

research as shown in Figure 3.4.


Figure 3.4. Restorying process.

Phase 1. The first phase of the restorying process involves the researcher

conducting the interviews/yarns with the nominated participants. These

interviews/yarns were audio recorded and the entire conversations were

electronically transcribed from the digital audio recorder. The transcriptions of all the

interviews/yarns were collated and grouped under a column headed “transcription

from audio – raw data”. If participants used terms or words that involved the

Bundjalung language, these terms or words were translated into English by the

researcher and then rechecked with the participants to see if this is what they meant.

Phase 2. The transcriptions of raw data were retranscribed by the researcher

identifying key elements of the stories. Codes were used to highlight elements such

as: factors that facilitate transition, factors that hinder transition, and age of the

young person. The retranscriptions of raw data were placed into a second column

under the heading “retranscription by the researcher”.

Retranscribing and Restorying a Transcript (Creswell, 2008)

Transcription from audio recorder

(raw data)

Phase 1 Phase 2

Retranscription by the researcher

Restorying by the researcher

Phase 3


Phase 3. The researcher restoried or retold the young people’s accounts and

organised the key codes into groups and emerging themes. Codes were divided into

relevant categories. This allowed major themes and sub-themes to become clear and

links and common themes between key ideas suggested by participants to emerge.

The information was placed into a third column under the heading “restory by the

researcher”.

The following sections describe the participants in the study and provide

further details of the data collection techniques.

3.4 PARTICIPANTS

The main participants in this study were nine young Koori men aged 17-27

years from the Bundjalung region of Narlumdarlum on the far north coast of New

South Wales. The reason that only young males were chosen to participate in the

study was mainly for maintaining cultural appropriateness, as outlined in the

ontological approach for this research. Indigenous Elders and community members

were also interviewed and their accounts form part of the study. Community

members were not necessarily Elders in the community but were referred by the

Elders in the study as suitable people to participate in the research. The participants’

accounts of their educational transitional experiences were collated and analysed.

The group was homogeneous in nature, with all participants involved in the study

possessing a “similar trait or characteristic” to add insight and value to the research

(Creswell, 2008, p. 216). In this case, individuals who were transitioning into the

tertiary context were sought. For the purpose of this study “convenience sampling”

was utilised (Walters, 2006, p. 198); that is, gaining access to the participants was

convenient to the researcher and they were available for the study (Creswell, 2008).


The participants were selected in consultation with the chairperson and board

members of the local Aboriginal Lands Council. The chairperson and board members

were able to advise and guide the researcher on which participants would be most

suitable to fit the criteria of participants the researcher was seeking. The participants

needed to fit the following criteria:

participants were Koori males aged between 17-27 years;

participants had expressed an interest in studying, were currently studying

or had previously studied at a tertiary education level; and

participants derived from the Bundjalung Nation.

The researcher studied this sample group with the intention of uncovering the

cultural factors that facilitate or hinder effective transitions into the tertiary education

context. The sample also presented the “complexity of the information provided by

individuals” (Creswell, 2008, p. 217). The sample size was chosen in order to fulfil

the requirements of a Masters by Research thesis at the Queensland University of

Technology.

3.5 DATA COLLECTION TECHNIQUES

The data collection techniques used in this research comprised semi-structured

interviews and yarning (Martin, 2008; Minichiello, Aroni, Timewell, & Alexander,

1995). Each of the young people participated in a series of interviews throughout the

study. These interviews were audio recorded when deemed appropriate by the

researcher.


3.5.1 Semi-structured and unstructured interviews

Semi-structured and unstructured interviews (Minichiello et al., 1995) were

used as the main data collection instrument. The interviews were conversational in

nature as this is considered to be a better method for participants to express their

views and insights in a way that surveys often do not allow (Creswell, 2005). During

the interviews all participants in the research were informed that pseudonyms would

be used to maintain confidentiality and the researcher attempted to make all

participants feel as comfortable as possible during the interview process. The

research also aimed to be sensitive to the community and an understanding was

sought on whether or not culturally sensitive information obtained would be shared.

The questions guiding the semi-structured interviews are included in Appendix E.

3.5.2 Yarning

Yarning, an informal and relaxed discussion, can be used as a semi-structured

interview. Yarning is described by Bessarab and Ng’andu (2010, p. 38) as a “journey

together visiting places and topics of interest relevant to the research study for both

the researcher and participant/participants”. Yarning is an Indigenous cultural form

of conversation, as outlined by Bessarab and Ng’andu (2010), and may be used in an

Indigenous context as a more appropriate data gathering tool when working with

Indigenous peoples. Yarning can be used not only to collect information during

research interviews, but also to establish a relationship with Indigenous participants

prior to gathering their stories through storytelling, also known as narrative.

It must be highlighted, however, that while the researcher commenced

discussion early in the research phase with the young Bundjalung men in small

groups, the researcher found it much more effective to gather information by


conducting interviews on a one-on-one basis with participants. The researcher found

that, when conducting interviews in small groups, participants seemed to be more

apprehensive to speak openly about their experiences with the group as opposed to a

one-on-one approach which was adopted. Two interviews were conducted with each

participant over a 4-week period. According to Ollerenshaw and Creswell (2002),

collecting stories has emerged as a useful way to interpret such stories in qualitative

research and gain legitimacy in education research.

3.5.3 Audio recording and transcribing interviews

Participants’ accounts were captured using an audio recorder. Recording

responses helps to provide detailed and accessible accounts of participants’

experiences (Perakyla, 1997). The audio recordings are considered a public record

and accessible for others to scrutinise (Silverman, 2003). Due to the rich language

used by the participants to generate accounts of their experiences, interviews were

transcribed and an analysis of the transcripts was made. Creswell (2008) suggests

that when using audio recorders during interviews the researcher should record both

the questions and answers to give an accurate record of conversations and to make

transcribing more convenient. As suggested by Creswell (2008), the researcher took

notes in the event that the audio recorder malfunctioned. Interviews were conducted

in a quiet and suitable location and consent was obtained from all participants (see

section 3.7). The researcher’s approach to the interviews was flexible to allow

conversations to follow the interviewee’s line of thought. The researcher also

attempted to complete the interview within the time specified as a sign of respect

towards participants. The technique of using probes or sub-questions to obtain

additional information was followed. All participants were thanked for their

participation in the interviews.


3.6 PROCEDURE

The conduct of the project is outlined below. The project commences at phase

1 where community access and permission is sought through the identified key

Aboriginal stakeholder. As the research develops through each of the research

phases, the research is finalised with what Smith (1999) outlines as integral to

research involving Indigenous peoples; that is, as the final phase, reporting back to

the community on the outcomes and findings. The project consisted of six main

phases as follows:

1. Phase 1: Selection of the research site;

2. Phase 2: Visiting the context;

3. Phase 3: Conduct of interviews/data collection;

4. Phase 4: Analysis of data;

5. Phase 5: Documentation of findings;

6. Phase 6: Reporting to community.

These phases are illustrated in Figure 3.5.


Figure 3.5. Phases of research.

A map of the research study is provided in Figure 3.6 on the following page.

Phase 1: Research site chosen and access

sought

Phase 2: Contextualisation

Phase 3: Interviews/data collection

Phase 4: Data analysis

Phase 5: Documentation of

findings

Phase 6: Reporting back to community

Figure 3.6. Map of the research study.

Young people’s stories of their

experiences of transitioning

Themes the researcher looks for

Identity Belief and fear Influence family, peers &

community (role models)

Analysis (Restorying)

Restorying process (Creswell, 2008)

(Bundjalung) Young men Community Elders Community members

Participants

Semi-structured and unstructured interviews

Yarning

Organising the story elements into the problem solution Narrative Structure Setting

Collection

1. Transcription from audio (raw data) 2. Retranscription by the researcher

(identify key element of narrative) (codes used)

3. Restorying by the researcher

Indigenist Research (Rigney, 1999)

Method of application Resistance Political integrity Privileging Indigenous voice

Cultural factors affecting tertiary education access for Bundjalung men

Method of inquiry Analytical instrument Research process

Cultural interface My standpoint

Indigenous Standpoint Theory (Nakata, 2007)

Map of Study

Researcher

Insider/Outsider Research (McKinley-Brayboy & Deyhle, 2000)

Methodological Framework

Reporting back to the community on the findings of the research


It is important to note that, although the diagrammatic representation of the

phases of research may suggest that the process was orderly, occurred in a sequential

format and flowed logically, it did not necessarily follow an ordered line of events;

for example interviews/data collection were conducted over a period of time that

overlapped with the data analysis and documentation of findings. The phases in the

research process crossed over simultaneously and did not always follow an ordered

structure. Each phase is now described in more detail to show the steps taken in the

study.

3.6.1 Phase 1: Research site chosen and access sought

The context in which to conduct the research was chosen for several reasons.

First, there is a high population of Aboriginal people living in and around the

surrounding town. Second, there is a university and TAFE located in the region and,

as an Aboriginal researcher and through previous contact with local Aboriginal

Elders and community members within the community, the researcher is aware that

the focus area of the research, to further support, equip and encourage young

Aboriginal people to transition into tertiary education, was a common community

goal. Third, the researcher’s relationship and status in the community allowed access

and entry to the community and its members. Access and community consultation

was sought though the Narlumdarlum Local Aboriginal Land Council and through

the Bundjalung Elders Council for cultural appropriateness and to inform the

community of the research intended to take place.

3.6.2 Phase 2: Contextualisation

Getting to know the context of the research, that is, the research area and

surrounding regions, a group of young Indigenous people and the programs offered


in their social contexts, was a vital step before the interviews commenced. This was

achieved using Indigenist research methodologies, including building rapport and

trust.

3.6.3 Phase 3: Interviews/data collection

The interviews involved working with the young people, community Elders

and key community workers to gather data on their situation using narrative research

design. The interviews were recorded when appropriate and annotated notes taken.

Further details of the data collection techniques were provided in section 3.5.

3.6.4 Phase 4: Data analysis

Following the initial interviews, reflection, additional interviews or questions

as a result of the data were used where deemed necessary. Data was organised and

coded for themes or categories that emerged as a result of the analysis. Full details of

the data analysis process were provided in section 3.3.

3.6.5 Phase 5: Findings documented

Key findings from the conduct of the study are to be reported in line with

university guidelines and the requirements of the Masters Research process through

the writing of this thesis.

3.6.6 Phase 6: Reporting back to community

Reporting back to the local Aboriginal community is a key component of the

research and may occur through an informal presentation to the local Aboriginal

Land Council monthly meetings as well as being presented to the Elders and other

members of the Bundjalung community.


3.7 ETHICS AND LIMITATIONS

In academic institutions, researchers are required to adhere to strict codes of

conduct and ethics. This means that the identities and location of individuals and

places are not identifiable. The data collected has been labelled and held

anonymously to ensure confidentiality. The researcher ensured that the interviews

met ethical requirements according to the Queensland University of Technology

ethical guidelines, and were culturally appropriate and sensitive in relation to the

community and its participants. In every university, ethics processes can be time

consuming, and this is even more so when the keyword ‘Indigenous’ appears in an

application. These extra institutional precautions are completely understandable

considering past injustices involving research of Indigenous peoples and non-

Indigenous researchers.

The ethics application for this research was approved on 29 June 2011, as

follows: Ethics Category – Human; Ethics Approval Number – 1100000363. The

ethics forms are included in Appendix F.

3.7.1 Anonymity of participants

The participants were promised anonymity at the commencement of the

project. Any data collected from participants was coded with a pseudonym.

Therefore, the identities and location of individuals and places is not identifiable.

The data collected was labelled and held anonymously to ensure confidentiality. The

participants’ interviews and yarns were captured using a digital audio recorder and

later transcribed.


3.7.2 Obtaining consent from community

Access and community consultation was sought through the Narlumdarlum

Local Aboriginal Land Council. The Bundjalung Elders Council for cultural

appropriateness was also consulted in order to better inform the local Indigenous

community of the intended research. Obtaining consent from participants

acknowledges that they “understand the purpose of the study” and that the researcher

will “treat them ethically” (Creswell, 2008, p. 157). The researcher had previously

worked with the Narlumdarlum Local Aboriginal Lands Council and local

Aboriginal Elders, supporting young Aboriginal people to transition into tertiary

education. Therefore the researcher was aware that the issue of transition had been

identified as a community concern. The researcher’s relationship and status in the

community allowed access and entry to the community and to community members.

3.7.3 Limitations

The following limitations are to be considered in this research. Past research

methods that have been conducted in Indigenous communities have disempowered

Indigenous peoples. As suggested by Smith (1999, p. 1) Indigenous peoples have

been mere “objects of research” and “do not have a voice or do not contribute to

research or science”. These past practices have been resented by Indigenous peoples

and communities who are tired of being treated as objects. Furthermore, research to

date has given little back to Indigenous peoples who have been the source of

information (Porsanger, 2004). In this study, every effort has been made to

counteract past inappropriate practice by valuing Indigenous voice, reporting back to

the community and observing culturally appropriate conduct throughout the research

process. It is also hoped that recommendations for change arising from this research


will improve the transition process, thereby giving something back to the Indigenous

peoples.

It must be stated, however, that despite all efforts from the researcher to remain

objective throughout the project, Hitchcock and Hughes (1995, p. 164) state

“whatever kind of interview is used the fact that an individual, the researcher or

interviewer, is directly involved with another individual means, inevitably, that the

presence of the researcher will have some kind of influence on the findings or data”.

Conducting the research from my position as an Indigenous researcher, from an

Aboriginal community, ultimately meant that the data and results were exposed to a

level of uncontrolled bias. However, it must also be highlighted that as an Indigenous

researcher who grew up in the community in question, a level of rapport with

community members had been established. This may have facilitated dialogue,

promoted further discussion and served to gain further insights from interviewees.

My knowledge and position may have also provided additional understanding,

particularly when local community aspects were referred to, or where Aboriginal-

English or Aboriginal definitions of words were used.

In summary, this chapter has described the research methods, the research

process and its social setting in which the accounts occur. It has taken into account

the ethical considerations necessary when conducting this research project. In the

following chapter, restorying and retelling are applied to an examination of the

participants’ accounts, making sense of their particular experiences.

Chapter 4: Results and Analysis 87

Chapter 4: Results and Analysis

The previous chapter presented the methodology and the research design to

provide a conceptual basis to address the research questions. Martin Nataka’s (2007)

work on Standpoint Theory and his understandings of the cultural interface were

examined. Further, the work of Aboriginal scholar Lester-Irabinna Rigney and his

Indigenist research methodology (1997) has been drawn on to guide the research in

order to maintain cultural appropriateness when conducting research with Indigenous

communities and their participants. Rigney (1997, p. 109) argues that this form of

research contributes to the “self determination and liberation struggles as defined and

controlled by their communities” by having Indigenous people analyse and critique

epistemologies (ways of knowing that reality) that are commonplace in higher

education. To achieve this, the study draws on insights from Indigenous community

members to find out how access to tertiary education is influenced by cultural

factors. It draws on local knowledges from different groups of people, including

young Indigenous men, Indigenous Elders and community members from the

nominated area within the Bundjalung region.

This chapter draws on the participants’ interview responses to respond to the

third research question: What cultural factors that facilitate and/or hinder effective

transitions can be traced in the accounts of young Bundjalung men and how do they

relate to those previously traced in the literature?

To answer this question, this chapter applies the methodological framework

developed in Chapter 3 to the participants’ interview responses. It describes the

cultural factors relating to the transitioning experiences of young Indigenous men.


The three principles of Indigenist research described in Chapter 3 – resistance,

political integrity and privileging Indigenous voices – frame the analysis in this

chapter. However, as this study focuses on young Indigenous men describing their

experiences, the analysis will draw primarily on the third principle.

4.1 PRIVILEGING THE BUNDJALUNG VOICE

The privileging of the young men’s voices allows for a focus on their lived

experiences, ideas, interests, aspirations and struggles. This principle will be further

organised into cultural factors. For example, factors related to culture include

identity, role models, family, community and peers, belief and fear. Each of these

elements reveals the barriers and enablers to access and transition to tertiary

education for young Bundjalung men.

The methods of analysis previously discussed in Chapter 3 and drawn on in

this analysis include restorying and retelling (Creswell, 2008). Restorying refers to

gathering, categorising and analysing interview responses for key themes and

information in the participants’ stories. This information is then retold to describe the

factors enabling and/or impeding young Indigenous men trying to access and

transition to tertiary education. In doing this, the following four-step process of

analysis provides the organising framework for the analysis: (a) the key theme is

identified; (b) there is a brief discussion of what that theme shows; (c) the theme is

traced in the interview response; and (d) its significance to access and transition is

addressed.

To contextualise and situate the voices of the participants represented in this

chapter, a brief introduction to who they are is provided to assist the reader.


Michael is 26 years old. He is a father of four young children all under the age

of four years. Michael currently works as a fork lift driver at a warehouse and has

expressed a strong interest to study physiotherapy at university but says that he is not

sure if he can afford to study and provide financially for his family and is not sure of

the processes involved or how to get started.

Kane currently work in disability services. He is 25 years old and has

expressed an interest in studying fashion. Kane says that in order for him to study

fashion he would need to relocate as there are currently no university fashion courses

available in his area.

Kerry says he is a proud father of five young children. He is 26 years old and is

currently completing a 12-month electrical worker traineeship with an energy

company. As part of his traineeship requirements, Kerry studies at TAFE one day a

week. Kerry says he is really enjoying his traineeship and would like to study at

university in the future.

Craig is 27 years old and has previously completed a social science degree.

Craig will soon commence a Master’s degree in social work. He is a single dad with

three young children.

Jerry is 25 years old and is currently in his final year at university studying a

Bachelor of Business degree. He has previously studied several courses at TAFE

prior to commencing university. Jerry also has ambitions of playing professional

rugby league. He is married with no children.

Ryan is 25 years old and is currently unemployed. He is a single dad and takes

care of his 6-year-old son who is living with a disability. Ryan has expressed an


interest in studying at university but is not sure of the processes involved to get

started.

Jim is 26 years old. He currently works for an employment agency and has

previously completed a one-year bridging course at university as well as completing

his first year of a four-year education undergraduate degree. Jim gained employment

at his current job and decided to defer his studies. Jim says he would like to complete

his degree if he can obtain a scholarship to support him financially.

Gerald is currently completing a 12-month traineeship as an Aboriginal family

support worker with a local organisation. He is required to attend TAFE one day a

week as part of his traineeship and is undertaking a Certificate III in Community

Welfare. Gerald says he would like to commence a social science degree part-time

upon completion of his traineeship. Gerald is 27 years old and is married with four

children.

Kyle works in construction. He previously completed an entry level

construction course with a local employment organisation and says he was fortunate

enough to gain full-time employment in the construction industry as a result of

completing the course. Kyle is 25 years old and has three young children.

The following three community members also participated in the study.

Mary Wright has worked with the education department for 17 years. She has

expressed a strong interest in studying at university. Mary has previously completed

several courses at TAFE. She is 44 years old and is a single mother with one teenage

son.


Roger Peters is currently retired. He has worked in the welfare industry for

over 25 years. Roger is actively involved in the Aboriginal community helping

mentor Aboriginal youth who are coming through the youth justice system and he

also coaches a local rugby league team. Roger is 60 years old.

Roberta Gill is a registered nurse. She has worked in the community health

industry for over 30 years. Roberta has four children and six grandchildren.

The following two Aboriginal Elders participated in the study.

Uncle Ray is an Aboriginal community Elder. He is highly respected in his

community and is active in promoting and encouraging young Aboriginal people to

study at university and TAFE. Uncle Ray is 68 years old and has recently completed

a Diploma in Community Development and uses this achievement to encourage and

challenge Aboriginal youth in his community to take up tertiary study.

Aunty Tina is also an Aboriginal community Elder. She is highly respected in

her community and is a current board member of the local Aboriginal Lands Council.

Aunty Tina has been highly active in fighting for Aboriginal rights in the local area

for over 40 years.

The next section will respond to their voices.


4.2 CULTURAL FACTORS

The cultural factors discussed in this section are related to giving voice to the

voiceless; here the majority of the voices will be from young Indigenous men, with

support and insight from Indigenous Elders and Indigenous community members.

The factors have emerged from their stories and experiences through yarns and semi-

structured interviews and are discussed through the Indigenous researcher. The

cultural factors include identity, belief and fear, and role models such as family,

peers and community. Each factor will be described to expose the continuing

struggles that Indigenous young people face such as those in this study. In the

following analysis, these factors are discussed, beginning with identity.

4.2.1 Identity

Identity is described in this study as who and what people think they are in a

particular social context or community, what they do in consequence, and how they

interpret what they do. Identity has been described as an essential element of one’s

sense of self, and an important contributor to an individual’s self-esteem (Kickett-

Tucker & Coffin, 2011). Identities are learned and for social contexts, they are social

constructions (Hogg, Martin, & Weeden, 2004). For example, when Kerry was asked

about the factors that impacted on young people accessing tertiary education, he

began by discussing who and what he thinks being Aboriginal means in a range of

contexts and communities and what they do in consequence.

Number two is we need to move away from where we think that, that’s white

fella styles. It’s not white fella styles. It might be the white way of life but if

you look at black fella tradition, you weren’t allowed to be an outcast in

society in black fella days, you had to play your role. It’s just a modern

society now and we need to learn to adapt. (Kerry, young person)


Of significance in Kerry’s response are the cultural factors that impact on what

it means to be Aboriginal. For example, he classifies “white fella styles”, “white way

of life”, and “black fella tradition” to emphasise that in “black fella days”, people

were not allowed to be outcasts, rather they had a role to play. Aunty Tina

exemplifies further,

If you don’t know who you are and where you come from then you are lost...

Ownership of where you are coming from and where you are going is one

thing you need to know. (Aunty Tina, community Elder)

Both Kerry and Aunty Tina highlight the importance of knowing who “you”

are, “your role” and “where you come from” – ways of being (Hoff, 2006). They also

reveal the significance of tradition and not being allowed to be an outcast as well as

taking ownership of who you are and where you are going. This reference supports

the views expressed earlier in the Preamble by Indigenous Elders at Camp

Bundjalung around the importance of young men knowing who they are and where

they come from. Where Kerry begins with the differentiation of people and practices

from one another and how they are placed in opposition to one another, he and Aunty

Tina emphasise the importance of identity and knowing who “you are” as shown

below.

Being a Koori boy you learn from a young age that you are Aboriginal and

that you are different. (Kerry, young person)

This contrast places “being a Koori boy” in opposition to other groups and in

doing so gives rise to negative feelings and practices, which may be the focus of

struggle, for example,

The worst thing about the whole scenario is people like my grandparents

they were all hard working Kooris and they worked for nothing. They all

came from good values and they suffered and you look today and we have


got everything, we don’t have everything but we have a lot more than what

we have ever had, but yet we are lazier. Do you understand where I am

coming from my brother? I have seen old Koori photos of old aunties and

uncles, milking goats at the age of four, doing farm work, boys driving

tractors at the age of ten. Fencing, ringbarking, shearers, stockman, do you

know what I mean and all young fellas and they got paid smidgens to do it.

They had to fight for their wages, their own children had to fight for their

wages once they had died. We have got stuff but a lot of them don’t want to

put their front foot forward, and I was guilty of that myself, but that came

from a misguided self-interpretation of I didn’t want to be a part of the white

man’s world and this and that do you know what I mean, but all I was doing

was fooling myself and here I am now just kicking off when I should have

been kicking off back when I was sixteen. (Kerry, young person)

Here, Kerry signifies the struggles of his family to compare what “we” have

today. For example, the phrases “worked for nothing” but “came from good values

and they suffered” work to show the adaptation of his “grandparents” and others

from previous generations. According to Arbon (2008) Aboriginal people who

survived the initial invasion, adapted to working in a range of areas, but many others

were either unable to access or were not wanted in an emerging workforce. Many

were unable to “access the new or the old Indigenous ways of being, knowing and

doing in the world” (p. 56). Indigenous people were progressively “dispossessed and

denigrated” as authority was taken by the State (p. 56). This era of civilisation and

assimilation has impacted on “all Indigenous peoples” (p. 56) and is visible in

Kerry’s responses. It is particularly evident in education. In the past, education

served the purposes of others to transform Aboriginal people to “the invaders’

ontological and culturally defined beliefs of who we should be as individuals” (p. 57;

see also Norris, 2011, for a comprehensive discussion of the thinking behind the

decades-long regime that limited Indigenous Australians’ participation in the colonial

society established by the British in 1788). Schooling for many had become a


negative and degrading failure. The impact of this failing process goes to much

deeper issues of struggle and identity.

The issues affecting Indigenous young people’s disengagement with education

and how they identify themselves as learners are many (Schwab & Sutherland,

2001). For example, one issue stems from many Indigenous adults feeling

unprepared to provide the much-needed support to younger community members due

to negative associations and experiences in their own schooling as a result of past

practices as discussed previously. When Jerry, one young person interviewed in the

study, was asked his thoughts on the issues preventing young Indigenous men in his

community from participating in tertiary study, he reflected back on his own

experience growing up and living with a message that was relayed on to him from his

own family surrounding engagement with tertiary education.

Even for me there is always that story that I lived with when I was younger

that only smart people go to uni but there are simple things that we just

didn’t get, I didn’t get it, well the world that I lived in didn’t get it. (Jerry,

young person)

Highlighted in Jerry’s account is a belief that “only smart people” attend

university. This statement works to reinforce what Schwab and Sutherland (2001)

argue. That is, the result of unsuccessful past engagement with education for many

Indigenous families lies in an ill-equipping by family members to provide their

children with the “necessary assistance and direction for their children’s education”

(p. 4), which may be due to themselves having low levels of “literacy and numeracy

skills and also little experience with the knowledge and processes that underpin

formal education” (p. 4). This process can, therefore, generate a negative outlook

towards their own children’s directions and attitude towards formal education. The

belief that Jerry has held towards tertiary education is revealed as being embedded


within him as he emphasises the placing of himself and others within his immediate

family as not in the “smart people” category. This self-representation indicates a low

academic self-concept and leaves him doubting his ability to study at a tertiary level.

The impact of Jerry’s home and family views and the negative outlook associated

with tertiary education became trans-generational. That is, the negativity that has

been historically accumulated reinforces a self-negative construction with feelings of

self-doubt and uncertainty. This in turn leads to negative views about his ability and

self-concept of what he sees as achievable academically. He concludes that “I didn’t

get it, well the world that I lived in didn’t get it”. This conclusion is further

reinforced in the following statement to indicate that he was not an isolate with this

doubt,

There is a high Aboriginal population where I come from and I wouldn’t be

able to think off the top of my head anyone who has gone to uni. (Jerry,

young person)

Jerry uses the term “high Aboriginal population” to further reinforce his

previous statement about “smart people”. A presupposition, that is, a reasonable

inference that can be drawn here is that, because he does not know anyone who has

gone to university, the “high Aboriginal population” does not belong in the “smart

people” category. If this is the case, it further denigrates the identities of Aboriginal

people and how they see themselves and their capacity to achieve and access

education. Craig’s response below reinforces Jerry’s statement. His view of young

Indigenous men participating in tertiary education indicates that there is a majority of

Indigenous people in his community not participating at a tertiary level and

engagement is being viewed by members of his community as a difficult task.

I think at least 90 percent of people around here are going to think that uni is

too big a step for them to achieve... If you have got someone who left school


in Year 8 or Year 9 and they don’t have any family members who have gone

to uni or even work, university is not even an option. University is seen as

something that is for people who finished school and even white fellas see it

as the same thing. If you don’t finish Year 10, they see uni as impossible as

you can never get there. (Craig, young person)

Both Jerry’s and Craig’s responses indicate that family, peers and Indigenous

community members are not accessing and or transitioning to tertiary education.

Their responses support Bain’s (2011) argument that many Indigenous students drop

out of school before completing Year 12. Year 12 retention rates are much lower

than those for non-Indigenous students, as identified in the literature. Although Bain

identifies some positive trends for Indigenous students, with Indigenous retention

increasing from 1998 to 2008, he argues that there are still too many Indigenous

students dropping out of school before they complete Year 12. Their chances of

obtaining well-paid jobs, or obtaining employment at all, and/or accessing tertiary

education are minimal (Bain, 2011). Anderson (2011) asserts that there are high

proportions of young Indigenous people reaching the age of 15 without obtaining

adequate numeracy and literacy and who experience limited opportunities to move

into employment or tertiary education. This argument is evident in both Jerry’s and

Craig’s statements. Jerry uses the term “high” and his phrase “I wouldn’t be able to

think off the top of my head anyone who has gone to uni” supports Craig’s statement

that “90 percent of people around here are going to think that uni is too big a step for

them to achieve” and that studying at university is being seen as “impossible” and

“you can never get there”. These terms and phrases reinforce Bain’s (2011) argument

about the under-representation of young Indigenous people in higher education.

Access and transition to tertiary education is important for Indigenous students

so that they can then begin to believe that they possess the ability to study at such a


level (Di Gregorio, Farrington, & Page, 2010). Without the belief that they can

transition successfully and achieve, feelings of low self-confidence and low self-

concept prevail. As stated in Aunty Tina’s response earlier in this section,

“ownership of where you are coming from and where you are going is one thing you

need to know”.

Several authors have indicated reasons for why young Indigenous people are

not accessing education and give weight to the claims in the participants’ responses

(Andersen 2011; Bin-Sallik & Smallacombe, 2003; De Bortoli & Thomson, 2010;

Lowe 2011; Rigney, 2011). These reasons have included: low achievement at school,

low socioeconomic status, and low expectations of academic ability and academic

success to name a few. Ryan, a young person in the study, provides his reasons for

why this might be the case.

Just really no confidence about us. We haven’t had that experience of going

out and doing it and being up front. It’s shame bra you know. (Ryan, young

person)

In this statement, Ryan expresses his views about himself and his peers,

categorised as “us” and “we” which suggests inclusivity and by using the terms

“just”, “no confidence”, “haven’t” and “shame” to indicate that the problem is

related to “really no confidence” to engage in tertiary education. His comments are

supported in the literature, which states that Indigenous men are identified as less

likely to enter higher education over other socio-economic groups (Woodin & Burke,

2007). The lack of confidence with the statement “just really no confidence about us”

is further reinforced with Ryan stating that “it’s shame”. This statement can be

interpreted as more than feeling embarrassed or ashamed, but also as made to feel

different or singled out, thus emphasising the wider effects of “social exclusion,


reduced self-esteem and self-respect that result from a lack of access to material and

cultural resources” (Centre for Community Child Health The Royal Children’s

Hospital, 2009, p. 1).

Low self-confidence and feelings of shame further erode how young

Indigenous people identify themselves and is reinforced by one community Elder,

Uncle Ray. He provides insights into the high proportion of Indigenous young

people’s non-participation in education and the associated low self-confidence,

respect and exclusion that he has witnessed amongst his community members.

What I think the problem is, is that a lot of these young fellas have got no go

in them, you know. Well there are some that want to do something but I

would say that about 75 percent don’t want to do anything...but like I said

some young people want to do it [participate in tertiary education] but some

just don’t want to, especially the young girls, a lot of them would rather be

out having kids instead of studying. (Uncle Ray, community Elder)

Issues of low self-confidence and esteem are evident in Uncle Ray’s

interpretations of the “young fellas”. If young people have had negative experiences

in school that are largely framed by disappointment and negativity, the impact on

self-confidence and esteem is likely to result in a lack of self-respect and motivation

and eventually self exclusion as the likely outcome (Sarra, 2011). This impact is

identified in the phrases “have no go in them” “75 percent don’t want to do

anything” and “the young girls, a lot of them would rather be out having kids instead

of studying”. These phrases prompt the necessity to enhance Aboriginal young

people’s identity, resilience, engagement and wellbeing as an outcome of schooling

(Andersen, 2011). Without these aspects young people will continue to find

themselves in unbreakable cycles of failure, and lacking a strong sense of themselves

as young Aboriginal people.


Uncle Ray’s phrases “about 75 percent don’t want to do anything” and “a lot of

them would rather be out having kids instead of studying” emphasise that high

numbers of Indigenous young people are not participating in education within the

community and that tertiary education may not necessarily be a priority amongst

them. He provides added weight to the claims about “these young fellas” using the

terms “about 75 percent” and “a lot” to signify an exactness that reinforces his

authority to speak about the young people. Roger, a community member, further

supports Uncle Ray’s view about high numbers of Indigenous youth in the area not

completing high school:

A lot of these kids [Indigenous] are dropping out [of school] at 13, 14, 15

[years of age] and it doesn’t mean a thing to them because it’s at that age

when they dip out until when they really start to realise it, it could be 10 or

20 years. (Roger, community member)

Roger uses the term “a lot of these kids are dropping out at 13, 14, 15” and “it

doesn’t mean a thing to them”. These statements work to reinforce what Anderson

(2011) argues about the high proportions of Indigenous teenagers (15-19 years): that

are not fully engaged in work or education, being three times the rate of non-

Indigenous people and nearly 70% of young Indigenous adults (20-24 years) not

fully engaged in work or education (p. 99).

This section has identified in the accounts some of the issues affecting

Indigenous young people’s identities and how they view themselves and others

academically and in terms of capability of accessing and transitioning to tertiary

education. The issues which emphasise struggle and exclusion include young people

not knowing who they are and what their role is, being “Koori”, low self-concept,

self-esteem and confidence. They also describe young Indigenous people as deficit.

An alternative explanation might be, that if most young Indigenous people


experienced schooling that was good and culturally appropriate, they would be less

likely to experience negative and degrading failure in school which has become “a

major social and educational problem” that needs to be addressed (Arbon, 2008,

p. 58). Because of the processes associated with failure in school, it flows onto the

crisis in tertiary education, resulting in fear and the underrepresentation of

Indigenous people as role models. The following sections address these aspects more

fully.

4.2.2 Fear and its influence on access to education

The previous section discussed in detail aspects around identity and how this

plays out into participants’ engagement with tertiary education. This section will

focus on fear and its influence on access to education. Fear has been described as

resistance towards something that a person may experience when considering or

attempting to let go of familiar ways of doing things in order to embark on or

embrace new and unfamiliar terrain (Zariski, 1996). Such associations linked to

tertiary educational engagement for new students may also bring feelings of doubt

and uncertainty and may be considered intimidating or threatening for these students.

McNaught (2005, p. 2) explains that when feelings of fear are experienced by

students in a tertiary context, it is important that they are recognised and dealt with in

order for sufficient strategies to be developed by academic staff and institutions so

that “confidence, motivation, and adequate support and training opportunities” can

be instilled. Fear is described in this study as feelings of apprehension relating to the

responses generated from community participants surrounding the issues of why

young Indigenous people from the Bundjalung region are avoiding engagement with

tertiary education.


For example, when Roger, a community member, was asked what he sees are

the factors that are holding young men back in his community from participating in

tertiary education he begins by outlining the following:

People are afraid, even these young people they are afraid to leave their own

environment because they are safe. Young fellas that are roaming around

they can always get a bed at aunties or uncles or nephews or cousins. They

can always get a drink around the place. And I would say about 80 percent

of young people in these towns have gone away for holidays but never ever

lived away. They have never ever done it tough because it is like their own

... and that is like what it was like 100 years ago you didn’t go away but

things are too comfortable for them in their own area. And it’s frightening to

even think about, a young fella going away for a job or to study. (Roger,

community member)

Of significance in Rogers’s response is how he describes the young people as

being fearful by using the term “afraid” and “because they are safe”. This statement

supports Zariski’s (1996) argument as mentioned earlier, that fear can be experienced

when considering embracing new ways of operating. Roger also uses the figures “80

percent of young people in these towns” and “they have never done it tough”, to

emphasise a very high number of Indigenous young people not having experienced

being in uncomfortable and unfamiliar environments. The phrase “things are too

comfortable for them in their own area” may provide a reason for why young

Indigenous men are not participating in tertiary education, because of fear of the

unknown and getting out of their comfort zone. He provides added weight to this

claim about the “young fellas” and “young people” by stating “I would say about 80

percent of young people in these towns” to signify an exactness of young people that

are fearful.


Roberta’s statement also supports Roger’s comments about a high number of

young people in their community unwilling to embrace new and unfamiliar

experiences.

Many of them if they are that way inclined will go and play sports but they

are too frightened to leave the area and leave the family behind because of

the lack of self-esteem. (Roberta, community member)

Roberta uses the term “many” when referring to the young people in her

community which signifies high amounts of young people and “they are too

frightened to leave the area”. She also refers to this fear as being due to a “lack of

self-esteem” amongst the young people. This statement also works to reinforce what

Zariski (1996) argues, that is, resistance occurs when people are fearful of

considering or attempting to let go of familiar ways of doing things in order to

embark or embrace on new and unfamiliar terrain.

This section has focused on fear that has been identified amongst young

community members and its possible impact on access to tertiary education for

community members. The next section focuses on role models.

4.2.3 Role models as mentors: Family, community and peers

The previous section discussed the issues that impacted on young Indigenous

people accessing tertiary education. In this section, the influence of role models,

family, community and peers are elaborated in order to describe how these groups

support or otherwise influence the young people’s access and transitions to tertiary

education. Arbon (2008) describes how Indigenous societies are founded within and

on “the symbolic, performative and interpretational where dialogue, mentoring and

responsibility are critical” (p. 53). Mentoring is seen as central and as a backdrop to

who is mentored and with what responsibility. “Mentoring is a component of


dialogue and dialogue is a factor within mentoring” (p. 53). What this means is that

with the responsibilities of role models as mentors, comes the responsibility of

affirming and ensuring “continuity and sustainability” (p. 53).

Role models

Through observing family, community and peers, there are mentors or role

models who have the responsibility of helping to mentor others. Solomon (1997)

emphasises the importance that role models play in the lives of young people, family

and community. He highlights that they “inspire others to believe that they too may

be capable of high accomplishments” (p. 396). In the following statements this

aspect is explored. For example, Roberta describes her views on why she believes a

lot of young Indigenous men in her community are not accessing tertiary education.

The other big problem that we have here and I think that it is part and parcel

of why they [young Indigenous men] don’t carry on to tertiary education and

that is that there are very few role models here that go on to do that.

(Roberta, community member)

In Roberta’s statement she highlights “that there are very few role models here

that go on to do that”. Of interest is that this statement reinforces what Stewart

(2009) argues, that is, for educational success for Indigenous students studying at

university, positive role modelling from within the community is important, which

may shed some light as to why young men in the community are not accessing

tertiary education. This aspect is further identified in Craig’s response below, that is,

what is being perceived as one of the major contributing factors to young people’s

lack of participation in tertiary education in their community.

There is a lack of role models. There is a lack of support when it comes to

studying. I think it is a lack of family members and friends that have

achieved anything that is above and beyond. (Craig, young person)


Craig’s statement supports Anderson’s (2011) and Stewart’s (2009) argument,

that there is a lack of visible mentoring, with Anderson (2011) emphasising that “a

lack of role models” is a key factor to why young people are not participating in

tertiary education. Craig points to a “lack of support when it comes to studying” and

“lack of family members and friends” as causative factors towards engagement and

transition into tertiary education. This point gives weight to Anderson’s (2011)

argument of why Indigenous students are not completing compulsory years of

schooling and going on to higher education; that is, “parents are not being actively

involved” and there is a the lack of external “resources to support participation”

which needs to be addressed (p. 101).

Kane and Michael, two other young people interviewed in the study, also

provide insight about what they perceive as factors affecting tertiary participation.

Identified in their accounts is a shortage of mentors in the community. For example,

There is no one really showing them the way. People can be quite negative

about it [tertiary studies]. (Kane, young person)

With me I know that I have had no role models in my immediate family or

nobody really there to keep pushing me to do it [tertiary study]. Thinking

back I should have just gone and did it. (Michael, young person)

Where Kane begins by stating “there is no one really showing them the way”

both Kane and Michael also emphasise the lack of role modelling occurring in the

community as the reason behind the lack of tertiary engagement. Stewart (2009)

highlights the importance that role modelling plays to “counteract negative

community expectations” and states that positive role modelling “inspires personal

ambitions in gaining a rewarding career as part of a healthy life balance” (p. 187). Of

significance in Michael’s response of why young men in his community are not


participating in education is his identification of having “no role models in my

immediate family” and “nobody really there to keep pushing me to do it”. However,

Jerry provides an alternative view when asked about members of his family that he

has looked up to and which has contributed to him enrolling in university; he states,

I don’t think dad finished school and none of his brothers or sisters finished

school. (Jerry, young person)

Here, Jerry highlights that his dad did not finish school and “none of his

brother or sisters finished school” which indicates that he has several of his family

members not modelling successful engagement in education. A conclusion can be

drawn here, because Jerry has grown up not witnessing or experiencing any of his

immediate family engaging in tertiary education, let alone completing high school,

he has used this experience to upwardly mobilise himself; that is, creating his future

life and opportunities. In doing so, he is demonstrating just what a young Indigenous

person can do despite not having a family history that has engaged in formal

education.

Rose, O’Malley, and Valverde (2006) highlight the key role that mentors

contribute in Aboriginal communities and the vital importance they play in the lives

of their members, assisting them to manage problems affecting their community

autonomously. As also indicated earlier by Arbon (2008) and Solomon (1997),

positive mentoring within Aboriginal societies is fundamental. It is especially

relevant if academic success and growth of tertiary education is to be achieved

together with parity of participation and outcomes. The Indigenous Higher Education

Advisory Council (2008) indicates that enrolments of Indigenous students need to

triple and completions need to increase by at least six hundred percent, because

currently, the largest inequity of achievement for Indigenous people rests at the


highest level of the education system (Anderson, 2011). The role of mentors and role

models is critical to supporting young people into education. The next section

discusses the role of family in such modelling.

Family as role models

The importance of family as role models for engaging children and young

adults in formal education is critical to their future life opportunities. Through the

process of modelling, children and young people learn the practices and processes

that are historically and culturally accumulated which serve as inspiration and

encouragement in the present and future (Anderson & Cavallaro, 2002). If one

accepts this premise, that modelling and engagement in education and learning is

significant to the future lives of young people, then the questions arise, what happens

with families who do not have the resources and skills to instigate and maintain such

modelling? How does such a lack of family modelling of education and learning

impact on the young people in this study? Aunty Tina’s account provides some

insights into these questions.

A lot of people in the community don’t go to school because of issues

surrounding family life... A lot of young people have 3 and 4 kids and they

are not even 20 [years old]. But we have got a lot of young girls and boys

and they are not even ... the average age would be about 21 and they have

got between 3 and 4 kids. (Aunty Tina, community Elder)

Of significance in this account is the use of the term “a lot of” to emphasise the

significance of the issue that Aunty Tina is communicating. That is, there are a lot of

young people who do not go to school and who have “3 and 4 kids” and they are not

yet 20; with an average age of 21 and repeating “3 and 4 kids”. In this account,

Aunty Tina provides an interpretation of what is happening to the young people in

her community. This evidence reinforces the argument of Rose et al. (2006) stated


previously. That is, of critical importance is the role that mentors and role models

play in the lives of young people and in addressing and managing the social

problems affecting Aboriginal communities. Where young people are disengaging

from school and then confronted with parenting of 3 and 4 children at a young age,

their likelihood of active participation in education and employment is critically

reduced, thus reproducing and reinforcing their exclusion from further opportunities

(Alston & Kent, 2003). This cycle of exclusion then becomes trans-generational and

serious, as Roger explains,

I think if you were to ask the majority of Koori kids’ parents they are going

to say all of the right and positive things yes I want this and that for my kid

to have an education but there has got to be something from the home, some

commitment. I don’t agree about making them suffer financially but if you

have got mum and dad who is on drugs and alcohol and there is jail in there

and they are on welfare, gee it makes it hard to motivate that parent. And

you have got so many kids today reared by grandparents too. (Roger,

community member)

Roger’s account highlights the difficulties for “Koori kids” and their parents.

He emphasises that “to say all of the right and positive things” is not sufficient. A

presupposition here is that simply stating words is not enough to support children

with their future lives and that parents have got to be actively engaged – “some

commitment”. Like Roger, Jim’s response indicates the characteristics surrounding

the family and home life and the influence they have on young Indigenous people

participating in tertiary education.

Home life, if you have a good home that is good to study, if you have people

who drink and take drugs or come in and out early in the morning it is a lot

harder to study or to work if you are getting no sleep... It was when I was

growing up with a lot of my friends, there was only a couple of us who had

stable households. There was a lucky few of us. (Jim, young person)


Jim highlights the importance for young Indigenous people to be living in what

he terms “a good home that is good to study” if they are to be successful in engaging

in tertiary education. Jim further reveals that if young men have family members that

display the following behaviours, “who drink or take drugs” or “come in and out

early in the morning”, it makes it “a lot harder to study”. Such behaviours being

modelled and stemming from the home environment can be viewed as disruptive and

work to reinforce Anderson, Bunda, and Walter’s (2009) argument that providing

supportive learning environments in the home and at institutions is imperative to

increasing Indigenous higher education participation and success which is currently

one of Australia’s puzzling and complex problems (Buckskin, 2008). Jim’s account

emphasises that from “a lot of my friends” there were only a “lucky few of us” who

grew up in households that he considers supportive households, which may give

further insight into why so few of Jim’s peers with whom he grew up are

participating in tertiary education.

Kerry elaborates his educational experiences and the role his family played in

his outlook towards tertiary education.

With me, my school experience wasn’t a happy time in my life. As a

teenager you go through hormonal changes and stuff like that. I felt that as

an Aboriginal boy growing up in a predominantly white area that I wasn’t

supported enough by my family, so it was a pretty painful time for me going

through school. I didn’t finish school. I only went to Year 9. It wasn’t a

happy time for me, so more or less as soon as I was able to leave school I

did... With me, my mum was an alcoholic. She was strong in the part where

she believed in good education for me, but because she was suffering from

addiction herself and although she wanted me to have a good education but

there was no way she was able to support me. She had her own struggles in

her life with her addiction... The main thing for me, it’s about family

structure. This is one thing that is really big for me and where I come from.

It’s all about family structure is what I believe and having support from our


family. If there is a breakdown in the family structure young fellas aren’t

going to have a chance. (Kerry, young person)

Kerry reflects on his experience growing up and not being “supported enough

by my family”. Due to this lack of support, Kerry associates his schooling as a

“pretty painful time” and resulted in Kerry not completing school. He also states that

his “mum was an alcoholic” and therefore due to her behaviours, she was unable to

provide sufficient educational support because of her addiction, which is highlighted

with the following statement “there was no way she was able to support me”. Kerry

attributes the strength in the family structure of Aboriginal families and places

emphasis on young men needing support from family. He also states, “if there is a

breakdown in the family structure young fellas aren’t going to have a chance”.

Kerry’s statement reinforces what Arbon (2008) highlights regarding the importance

that family plays and their obligation in mentoring younger members to ensure

positive pathways are shown, interpreted and understood for what she terms “proper

way” (p. 38). If these positive pathways are not being shown by older family

members, it works to reinforce what Kerry views as greatly minimising young people

opportunities and the young fellas in the community “aren’t going to have a chance”.

Jerry’s statement also highlights the influence of family modelling behaviours,

using the words “from the roots”.

Growing up as a Koori man and living with them and going to school with

them, the main one for me is from the roots. Things have to change in the

home where they are seen differently with uni and further education, the

value of education in school and the value of education has to change and

that is the key. (Jerry, young person)

Jerry highlights that the thinking within the home and what is modelled from

family relating to education and the value placed on education “has to change” and


he indicates that this “is the key”. Roberta’s statement below gives insights into the

barriers that affect access to education.

The other thing is the numeracy and literacy and a lot of the local people

here can’t read or write and the other thing you will find is the grandparents

are rearing the children, their children’s children. (Roberta, community

member)

Of significance in Roberta’s account is the use of the term “a lot” to emphasise

the significance of the issue relating to why many of the local people in her

community are not accessing tertiary education stating that many members are not

able to “read or write”. This evidence reinforces Anderson’s (2011) argument that

low levels of literacy are impeding academic success in many Indigenous

communities. Where Indigenous young people are significantly behind with literacy,

their likelihood of accessing tertiary level of education is greatly reduced (Atweh &

Bland, 2007). The next section discusses community as role models.

Community as role models

The previous section discussed the role of family as role models. While several

community members indicated that a lack of role models within the family affected

the participation of young Bundjalung men in tertiary education, there were mixed

responses with how this would be received amongst their peers and the community.

One community Elder elaborated on her thoughts with the following statement:

I think that if a young person wanted to study at university that would be just

grand. You know what that young person would be a great role model and

that is what it is all about and we haven’t got many of them. (Aunty Tina,

community Elder)

Identified in Aunty Tina’s comment is the significance of a “young person”

studying at university. The use of the term “just grand” works to emphasise her


positive view of young people in her community expressing an interest in wanting to

engage in study at university. However, this comment is accompanied by the phrase

“we haven’t got many of them”. Thus, whilst she recognises the importance of young

people attending university there are very few doing so in the community, which

results in limited or no role models who can mentor young people into the

importance that education plays in providing a successful transition to employment

and wellbeing. Kerry discusses the importance of role models.

All I can do is play my part and do the best that I can do with what I have

got. Be there for my kids and not only my kids but if my kids have a friend

or a mate from school and they need a home to stay I will try and be a role

model for not just my own kids but to other Koori kids as well and that’s all

I can do. (Kerry, young person)

Kerry uses the phrase “all I can do is play my part”. Here, he indicates that he

has a role to play within his community as a mentor and he places importance on

such a role by stating that he aims to “do the best that I can do with what I have got”.

Of significance in his response is that he does not limit this role to his own

immediate family but rather to others within his community, highlighted with the

following statements “be there for my kids and not only my kids but if my kids have

a friend or a mate from school” and “I will try and be a role model for not just my

own kids but to other Koori Kids as well”. Kerry also uses the words “I will try and

be a role model” to emphasise that within his community such a role is something he

places importance on and is striving towards. This statement reinforces what Winkler

(2010) emphasises about the structure of many Aboriginal communities, which may

oppose a Western view of the family unit and often includes varying roles amongst

older members as there is often a “close intersection between the community and the

individual”. These roles and community structures may include family values, where


raising and taking care of a child is everybody’s responsibility including discipline

and education (Winkler, 2010, p. 15). Community member Mary indicates in her

response that within her community, Elders are placing great value on education.

Our Elders in the community are certainly advocating that education is the

key to our future, so our Elders in our community are certainly advocating

for education and employment. (Mary, community member)

Mary’s response signifies the importance of education and that it is strongly

advocated in her community. The use of the term “certainly” twice adds weight to

her claim. That is, education and employment is “key to our future” – for the benefit

of the community. However, in her next response she indicates what some of the

issues might be for why the young people do not access tertiary education.

If you were a young person out at Marimgar [who] took themselves off to

uni everyday and caught the bus in to Laguwan everyday and back home to

Marimgar everyday and stuck your head in a textbook everyday and didn’t

associate with your family, because most uni students are head down bum up

in their books; then the community feels like they are losing that young one

because that young one is spending more time in the town than on the

community and so they can create rifts for the young ones to achieve goals

like that. It can make it harder for them not deliberately, but that is how it is

seen as though they have grown up on this community, they have been a part

of this community all of their lives and now they are a part of the big life in

town and they are off to uni big noting themselves and yeah that cannot have

the desired response that our young ones need. (Mary, community member)

In this response Mary highlights several aspects, namely, the differentiation

between young people in the community and “most uni students” and also young

people in the community and the young people as “part of the big life in town”. Such

differentiation works to emphasise several issues; in particular, the geographical

location of the young people’s community to the city and the impact that this has on

the community and family.


Kerry, who is a young person in the community and aware of what the

community Elders are advocating, says:

They (Elders) see education as a positive thing. It’s number one. (Kerry,

young person)

Kerry highlights that the Elders “see education as a positive thing” and that

“it’s number one” to indicate the great importance being placed on education by

community Elders. Of interest in this statement is the use of the binary term

“positive” to compare how education is viewed by the Elders. The significance of

identifying binary oppositions as shown in the statement above is that they work to

differentiate between the importance of having and not having an education. Having

an education is reinforced with the use of the term “number one”. This term worked

to emphasise and evaluate how Kerry has interpreted the Elders’ views of education,

thus providing added weight to his statement. The use of this term expressed an

exactness that reinforced Kerry’s authority to speak about what the Elders had stated.

In the following account, Jim states what he does to encourage the young

people to engage in education.

I tell them [young Indigenous men] about all of the courses they can do and

how easy it is to enrol in them and that there is someone that they can always

speak to, but I think they need that encouragement from their close family

members and friends because I don’t think they get enough encouragement

from them. (Jim, young person)

Of significance in Jim’s response is the claim that he informs the young

Indigenous men in his community about courses available and that there are people

who they can talk with about their educational aspirations. Jim is also a young

person, and thus appears to be acting as a role model for his peers. From this

position, he identifies that young people need encouragement from their “close


family members and friends”, something which he claims they are not receiving. As

stated earlier by Di Gregorio, Farrington, and Page (2010), encouragement is vital for

young Indigenous students so that a belief of accomplishing successful transitions is

viewed as attainable. Kerry and Mary have highlighted that Elders in the community

place great importance on education for community members, however this is

negated by Jim’s statement that indicates there is a lack of encouragement from close

family members and friends. The next section discusses peers as role models.

Peers as role models

The previous section discussed the community as role models. While several

community members stated that community Elders emphasised the importance they

placed on education it was also identified that within the community more

encouragement was needed from within the family and peers. This section discusses

how peers are perceived as role models within the community. For example, Kyle,

one young person identified in the study by community Elders as having successfully

transitioned into tertiary education, elaborates this aspect.

They think I am up myself now, because I have gone on and got a full time

job and moving along in life. I don’t hang around the lads now who say that

to me. I don’t really do nothing except go to work and come home. They all

think we are all gammin [not-real, pretending, kidding] now and up

ourselves now. Yeah because I am getting ahead in life and because I am not

hanging out with them I suppose. It’s probably a good thing I didn’t and I

stopped hanging around them. (Kyle, young person)

Kyle elaborates his engagement and participation in employment. In doing so,

he indicates that he is “getting ahead in life”. However, this statement is also

evaluated by the use of the terms “suppose” and probably”. These terms work to

indicate a median probability to his claim about getting ahead. Whilst he indicates

that he is achieving, they also allow for considerations of what might exist that


causes or has caused him struggle, that is, a sense of belonging and alignment with

his peers. Broadly he is situated like his peers, given that who and what he is, is

derived from his social grouping; however, because he identifies with another

grouping, that is, those who have a full-time job and are progressing in life, he does

not identify with his peers. Thus, feelings of not being like them may cause him

struggle. This struggle is identified in the phrase “they all think we are all gammin

now and up ourselves now”. This statement is in opposition to what community

Elder Aunty Tina expressed earlier about a young person such as Kyle who has

successfully transitioned into tertiary education and who would be considered a

mentor with the community. She indicated that he would be warmly accepted by his

community, however Kyle has a different view, indicating that “I” and other peers,

“we”, who are achieving academic success, are not being accepted positively by their

peers. Kyle’s decision to separate himself from negative influences within his

community in order to achieve academic success supports the Elders’ advice which

was highlighted earlier in the Preamble. The influence of peers is further emphasised

in Roberta’s response below.

If they [young people] want to go to high school and they get peer pressured

by others saying what do you want to go and do that for and all of that kind

of stuff. (Roberta, community member)

Roberta’s response highlights the struggle for young people who want to

achieve like Kyle previously. Here, she identified that for these young people,

experiences of peer pressure may influence young people’s participation in

education. The pressure from peers may be so powerful that when a young person

chooses to rebuke such pressure, they risk losing affiliation and alignment with the

group which, in turn, impacts on their identity. On the other hand, if they choose to

succumb to the pressure, they risk losing the chance to engage and participate in


beneficial opportunities with positive role models that will support them in their

current and future lives. Jim explains,

It takes a bit of motivation. They need someone to lead them in the right

direction. It is hard when all of your mates party and drink. If your mates are

doing that it becomes natural. A lot of young Indigenous men are good until

they hit 18 and then they legally allowed to drink. They need that extra

motivation or that extra kick in the bum to tell them there is more out there

and more opportunities. I am not saying that they are all like that but a lot of

my cousins and my nephews are going that way at the moment. It is hard

because they don’t care but if [I] can tell them that there are these

opportunities available it would be that extra motivation. (Jim, young

person)

Here, Jim emphasises the importance of motivation and role models as leaders.

In doing so, he uses binaries to exemplify his point. For example, the use of the terms

“a bit of motivation” and “extra motivation” work to frame the negative concept that

Jim has of the young people of which he is one. Such a framing impacts on

motivation and self-respect with exclusion and negative life choices the likely

outcome. Jim uses the terms “right direction” and “hard” work to differentiate

between right and wrong choices and belonging and not belonging with “mates” who

party and drink. Being led by “mates” who drink and party is identified in the

statement as “natural”. This arbitrary classification orders the practices that “mates”

see as natural and taken-for-granted, and who join a sense of belonging, but may

limit how they negotiate their world. However, those who challenge these powerful

practices can do so by controlling their use of the practices (de Certeau, 1984). For

example, the phrase “there is a lot more out there and more opportunities” is used by

Jim to challenge the current practices that “a lot of my cousins and my nephews”

engage in. Bain (2011, p. 72) argues that “often” Indigenous young people have less

exposure to role models in families and with friends who have completed school and


gone onto further education. As a consequence, the motivation to engage in

education may be low with young people identifying with their peers in similar

situations. Kyle explains,

They are just following suit. They all have older brothers and they are all

following the same path. It’s just continuous. Younger brother sees older

brother not going to TAFE and doing what he does get a job, have kids and

that’s just the normal thing. They just follow suit. I had friends and they all

had older cousins and older brothers and stuff and they were all exactly the

same. There were no expectations of them to go to uni or get anything so

they don’t go. (Kyle, young person)

Kyle’s response reinforces Jim’s comments previously. In doing so, he uses

evaluative terms such as “just” “all” “same” “not going” “exactly the same” and “no

expectations”. These terms worked to emphasise what is considered “natural”. That

is, where practices are seen as everyday and natural, they are taken for granted. The

more taken-for-granted the practices are, the more powerful they are in social life,

reinforcing routine tasks as natural and thus creating particular views (Bourdieu,

1977). They guide people on what they think, say and do in daily life. Such

reinforcement is identified in the phrases, “just following suit”, “following the same

path”, “it’s just continuous”, “just the normal thing”, “all exactly the same”. Kyle has

collectively identified the young people negatively. Beneath the surface of these

phrases are issues related to less exposure to role models, low expectations and low

academic self-concept. Although there are many other factors that impact on the

choices that young Aboriginal people make, these factors work to deter them from

engaging in further education (Bain, 2011).


4.3 CHAPTER SUMMARY

This chapter has highlighted issues which have impacted on the struggle and

exclusion of young Koori people. Issues surrounding identity include not knowing

who they are and what their role is, as a Koori, which in turn can lead to issues

around low self-concept, self-esteem and confidence, impacting heavily on

participants’ engagement with tertiary education. Concerns around fear amongst

participants within the community were also identified as a central issue, impacting

on participants’ engagement with tertiary education.

The chapter has also identified the influences of role models, and their

importance for supporting or otherwise young Indigenous men with accessing and

transitioning to tertiary education in the study. In doing so, a consistent theme has

emerged amongst many of the participants involved in the study. That is, it is evident

that there is a lack of visible and active mentors within the identified community who

are demonstrating successful engagement and transitioning into tertiary education

and which are being witnessed by young men in the community. The accumulative

effects of this kind of experience is that by not accessing and transitioning into

tertiary education, the young men are contributing to negative trans-generational

issues that further reinforce how they identify themselves and their community. This

in turn continues the cycle of self-doubt, low self-confidence and low academic self-

concept.

Chapter 5: Conclusion 121

Chapter 5: Conclusion

The overall aim of this study was to critically reflect on the cultural factors

affecting Indigenous men’s access to tertiary education by focusing on the following

research questions:









Chapter 1 argued for the significance of these questions and the value of the

study that responds to them. Chapter 2 reviewed the evidence, claims and counter-

claims and arguments around the factors influential to Indigenous men’s transition to

tertiary education. It found that the research questions and the critical issues they

raised had not yet been adequately addressed by studies that focused on the

Bundjalung Nation. Hence, rather than seeking to resolve that debate, it proposed to

present the range of positions advanced by the literature in terms of the experiences

reported by the participants in this study. A gap in the literature was identified which

could be resolved by a comprehensive framework for addressing forms of Indigenous

men’s participation in tertiary education and the processes that inhibit and support

sustained participants over the duration of studying for a degree. Chapter 3 proposed


a methodological framework that was suited to the task, the context and method of

the study. The analysis and discussion in Chapter 4 addressed the third research

question and related issues. In this chapter, the research questions are reviewed, and

the overarching research question is addressed in terms of the contribution of the

study: How can this study contribute to understandings of the cultural factors that

impact on the transitional experiences and access to tertiary education for young

Bundjalung men? The limitations of the study are then assessed, and the chapter

concludes with recommendations and suggested areas for further study.

5.1 SUMMARY OF MAJOR FINDINGS

Three cultural factors about the barriers and enablers to access and transition to

tertiary education were identified in the participants’ accounts of their experiences.

These factors were identity, fear, and role models – family, community and peers.

The factors differed in their influence as identified in the participants’ accounts.

These findings are briefly discussed before addressing research questions two and

three and the discussion of the contribution of the methodological framework.

5.1.1 Identity

Identity was identified as a significant contributor to how an individual viewed

themselves. Identities are learned and constructed in social contexts – who and what

people think they are, what they do, and how they interpret what they do, all

contribute to the kinds of identities constructed. From the participants’ accounts of

their experiences, it was evident that several issues affect Indigenous young people’s

identities and how they see themselves and others academically. Such issues

emphasised struggle and exclusion; for example, young people not knowing who

they are and what their role is, being “Koori”, low self-concept, self-esteem and


confidence. However, an alternative explanation might be that if young Indigenous

people experienced schooling that was culturally appropriate, they might be less

likely to experience negative and degrading failure in school which has significantly

impacted on their future opportunities for education, training and employment.

5.1.2 Fear

From the participants’ accounts, fear was identified as linked to feeling

frightened, low self-esteem, and feeling uncomfortable if they had to leave “their

own environment” and family. Fear was identified as a barrier to accessing further

opportunities in education and training and consequently the kind of identity

constructed as young people. The interaction with community afforded the young

people with opportunities of safety and comfort in their community.

5.1.3 Role models

Positive role models were identified as critical to playing a role in the lives of

the young people. Role models help to inspire others to believe that they too can

achieve success and are capable of accomplishments. From the participants’

accounts, family, community and peers were major contributors to the kinds of role

models that they interacted with. Where there was an identified lack of positive role

models there were also major barriers to accessing further education and training.

Such models play a key role in the lives of Indigenous community members,

assisting them with making decisions about their lives and how to manage problems

affecting their community autonomously.

5.1.4 Responding to research questions two and three

Drawing on the relevant findings from this study, as presented in Chapter 4 and

briefly discussed above, it is now possible to respond to the research questions.


What cultural factors that facilitate and/or hinder effective transitions can be

traced in the literature relating to young Indigenous men?

As discussed and reviewed in Chapter 2, several factors were identified in the

literature and discussed. There was general agreement that cultural factors, improved

access, retention and educational outcomes need addressing. In particular, that to

bring about effective change that is sustainable in Indigenous communities,

educational institutions need to consider the perspectives and practices of local

Aboriginal community members and Indigenous educational ways of operating to

counteract low participation and retention of Indigenous students. There is a strong

desire with Indigenous people to be involved in their community’s education,

regardless of the history of exclusion from education in Australia. Where there is that

presence, it provides assurance that someone is there who understands their personal

needs and problems.

What cultural factors can be traced in the accounts of young Bundjalung

men and how do they relate to those previously traced in the literature?

The analysis in Chapter 4 identified several major cultural factors that were

influential to Indigenous people transitioning to tertiary education. These included

identity, fear, and role models – family, community and peers. At issue was their

application in the lives of the participants interviewed. That is, where the young

people identified themselves or it was referred to by community members and

Elders, so too were issues of no confidence, shame, and feelings of low self-

confidence and exclusion. Such feelings can be traced in the literature and how

through history Indigenous people have been excluded from an effective education

that considers their ways of learning and world views.


5.1.5 The contribution of the methodological framework to the study

Indigenist research methodology (Rigney, 1997) and Standpoint Theory

(Nakata, 2007) contributed to understanding the accounts of the participants in this

study. It was most significant for privileging Indigenous voices – their lived and

historical experiences, traditions, dreams and struggles influential to accessing

further education opportunities. It has meant that the participants’ experiences of

education can be attributed to the influence of schooling and its lack of recognition

of the ways of learning and world views of Indigenous people.

5.2 ADDRESSING RESEARCH QUESTION ONE

Research question one, the overarching research question, draws together the

findings of Chapters 2 and 4 to develop deeper insights into the accounts of the

young Bundjalung men and other community members.

How can this study contribute to understandings of the cultural factors that



This research has supported the findings of a number of other studies as

identified in Chapter 2. This has included support for the findings of negative

associations between education and Indigenous people (Lester, 2006; McConaghy,

2000; Moreton-Robinson, 2009) and support for findings that effective education can

lead to changes of this failure (Nicholson, 1980; Whatman & Duncan, 2005).

With reference to access to tertiary education identified in the findings

summarised in section 5.1, the following points reoccur in the accounts by

Bundjalung young men, community members and elders:

struggle and exclusion lead to low self-concept, esteem and confidence;


cultural inappropriateness of schooling leads to failure and negative beliefs

about capability in tertiary education;

comfort and safety in staying in community leads to not taking

opportunities to access tertiary education; and

difficulties occur if community and family do not include role models that

instil a belief in capability with respect to tertiary access or if role models

are characterised in ways that estrange them from community.

At the same time, there is evidence that Indigenous young people’s

engagement in education could be established and improved in programs that bring

together, through partnerships, stakeholders at a national, state, local and grassroots

level. If systemic changes are to challenge the issues of Indigenous education, there

is a need to intensify the focus on Indigenous community involvement and

partnerships with tertiary institutions. This process would allow for more culturally

recognised practices that provide sustained and well-maintained support for

Indigenous people.

To gain insight into culturally recognised practices, two issues will be

discussed, interaction of factors and role of family and community. The implications

of these for access to tertiary education are then discussed.

5.2.1 Interaction of factors

Three factors adversely affect access to tertiary education: (a) identity negative

in terms of tertiary education; (b) fear of change in terms of studying and leaving

community, low self-esteem and confidence; and (c) visible lack of role models in


terms of tertiary-trained Indigenous people. Each factor has an effect on young

people engaging with tertiary education as follows:

young Bundjalung men described identities which were unfamiliar with

tertiary study, not intelligent enough to handle tertiary education, or not

resilient enough to handle failure if this was the case;

community members described young people as being afraid and

frightened to leave community and family because they feel safe and

comfortable;

young Bundjalung men and community Elders and members described

how the young men are frightened to leave their community and family

because of low self-esteem and self-confidence; and

young Bundjalung men, community Elders and members described not

having tertiary-educated role models in the family and community and

how any peer role models became estranged from community.

Though the factors are strong individually, it is evident from the transcripts that

it is the interaction between them that works to reinforce the influence and impact of

any one factor thus weakening the likelihood of accessing tertiary education. For

example, a tertiary-educated role model may appear but young people feel that they

could not be like that person because of how they identify themselves as negative

with respect to tertiary education, so low academic and self-concept remains to

prevent action.

A new community program may cause young people to feel better about

themselves in the short term but lack of role models over the longer term does not


direct action towards tertiary education with low academic and self-concept

remaining.

Young people may feel that they have to try something and overcome fear of

tertiary education but negative identity and lack of role models means that this

cannot be sustained over the longer term.

In summary, the factors lead to fear of tertiary access, which in turn leads to

characterising possible role models as rejecting family and community.

Opportunities to change lack of access are diminished. It is this interaction effect that

has to be challenged.

5.2.2 Role of family and community

The importance of family and community was evident in the interview

transcripts from young Bundjalung men, community members and community

Elders.

The young men reported that it is the attitude of family members that has given

them their beliefs about themselves, for example “my father said ...”. The reasons

given about fear are related to safety in the community, for example, “because young

fellas roaming around can always get a bed at Aunty’s or Uncle’s”. Also reported

were showing respect to Elders in family and community, whilst those outside of

these relationships, including peers who have taken up tertiary education, tend to be

discounted.

The insight in Chapter 4 of the attitude towards young people who leave for

tertiary education, particularly community attitude, is particularly important – the

characterising of these young people as leaving the community and no longer being


part, or wanting to be part, of the community is powerful in damaging the university

enrolled young people’s positions as role models. The impact works to reinforce fear

in other young people, limiting their access to tertiary education.

From the accounts, it appears that community and family work to reinforce

negative identities, role models and fear of tertiary access as seen in such comments

as “It was when I was growing up with a lot of my friends, there was only a couple

of us who had stable households”, “There is a lack of role models. There is a lack of

support when it comes to studying. I think it is a lack of family members and friends

that have achieved anything that is above and beyond” and “They are just following

suit ... Younger brother sees older brother not going to TAFE and doing what he does

get a job, have kids and that’s just the normal thing ... There were no expectations of

them to go to uni or get anything so they don’t go”.

This experience of role of community is different to that of the researcher. As

the preamble shows, my interaction with Elders in the camp Bundjalung was positive

with regard to their support for my undertaking tertiary education. Thus, the

Bundjalung community can be a strong support for young men enrolling in tertiary

education if the culture of the community is strong and positive.

5.2.3 Implications for access to tertiary education

The implications of interaction, and the cycle of reinforcement, are that

programs to improve tertiary access amongst Bundjalung young men have to

challenge all three factors together and prevent the cycle of reinforcement in terms of

transitional experiences and access to tertiary education.


The implications of family and community are that programs to improve access

of young Bundjalung men to tertiary education cannot focus only on the young men

but must, as a priority, focus on the role of family and community in that process. In

other words, to be sustainable and successful, effective programs have to change and

challenge the family and community as well as the young men.

However, there is one more factor that emerges from sections 5.2.1 and 5.2.2,

and that is the importance of place and culture. Many of the identity, fear and role

model factors are based on the community’s place – where the community is

situated. The identity is about being in the community’s place, the fear is often about

leaving, and the role models are in the community. Any component of not being in

the place of the community tends to discount effect. As well, the Bundjalung culture,

particularly as espoused in camp Bundjalung style activities, can provide strong

community support for accessing tertiary education.

This leads to the model, illustrated in Figure 5.1, that effective access to tertiary

education requires together: (a) action on all three factors, (identity, fear and role

models); (b) a focus on the young person, family and community; and (c) an initial

component, at least, operating in place and in harmony with culture, that does not

require the student to leave.


Figure 5.1. Components of effective access-to-tertiary programs.

5.3 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

The contributions made by this study have to be considered in the context of its

limitations. This study has only provided data from a small sample of participants,

being nine Indigenous young men, two Indigenous community Elders and three

Indigenous community people from the town of Narlumdarlum. No claims have been

made that the results presented in the study can be generalised to all of the young

Indigenous men living in Narlumdarlum or the surrounding region where the

research has taken place.

The study could have been strengthened by including Indigenous participants

from neighbouring towns and communities to gain a wider range of perspectives. It

would also have been useful to include interviews from community members who

work at educational and employment bodies within the region to gain their

Community

Family

Student

Role Models

Identity

Fear

Place and culture

EFFECTIVE ACCESS

TO TERTIARY

PROGRAMS


perspectives and insights on the issues surrounding Indigenous people’s access to

tertiary education. The study could also have been extended to increase the number

of participants in each group: young men, community Elders and community people,

to further strengthen this study. As this thesis only focused on the cultural factors

affecting Indigenous men’s access to education, the findings of this thesis could have

been strengthened by including the systemic factors affecting Indigenous men’s

access to tertiary education.

5.4 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR IMPROVING TERTIARY ACCESS FOR

BUNDJALUNG MEN

By gaining inside perspectives of young Indigenous men, Indigenous

community Elders and community people and focusing on the cultural factors that

inhibit and/or promote tertiary education participation, this study has demonstrated

that greater understanding of these factors is necessary for programs to improve

access to and engagement in tertiary education.

The understandings in section 5.2 indicate that these programs must have an

integrated focus on three components:

1. all three factors – identity, fear and role models together;

2. young person family and community together, for example, community-

based in terms of the program; and

3. started in place and culture, that is, in the community so that students have

success in the home before having to move, the cultural strength of the

Bundjalung community is behind the program, and cultural structures of

the community are part of the program.


5.5 DIRECTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH

This study has critically reflected on the cultural factors affecting Indigenous

men’s access to tertiary education by focusing on the following research questions:









The analysis has identified several major cultural factors that were influential

to Indigenous people transitioning to tertiary education. These included identity, fear,

and role models – family, community and peers. To increase understanding of these

cultural factors affecting tertiary education access for Bundjalung men, the following

significant issues have been identified for further research:

1. a further and more in-depth investigation, with a particular focus on

identity, fear, and role models – family, community and peers;

2. a longitudinal study which includes a larger participant group of

Bundjalung young men, community members and community Elders, in

order to gain a larger group of perspectives, insights and knowledges of

the cultural factors affecting tertiary education for Bundjalung men;


3. a longitudinal study of how Indigenous men participate in tertiary

education over time and the processes that inhibit and support them over

the duration of their enrolment; and

4. research into institutional barriers facing Indigenous men perhaps by

interviewing Bundjalung men who have gone on to tertiary study and

drawing out their experiences to gain a further understanding of this issue.

References 135

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Appendices 149

Appendices

Appendix A

Aboriginal Australia Map

Retrieved September 14, 2010, from Google Images

http://www.reconciliationsa.org.au/images/Aboriginal-Australia-Map-small.gif


Appendix B

Regions of New South Wales

Retrieved September 14, 2010, from Google Images

http://www.australianexplorer.com/australia/graphic_map_new_south_wales.gif

Appendices 151

Appendix C

Narlumdarlum Local Government Area Fast Facts 2008

Population

Age Narlumdarlum Total Indigenous New South Wales

No. % No. % % Census in Population

42,210 1,578 3.9

Est Residential Pop

44,225

0-4 2,387 5.9 211 13.4 6.4 5-9 2,667 6.6 228 14.4 6.6

10-14 2,941 7.2 188 11.9 6.8 15-19 3,142 7.7 164 10.4 6.7 20-24 2,547 6.3 132 8.4 6.6 25-29 2,052 5.1 110 7.0 6.5 30-34 2,332 5.7 93 5.9 7.1 35-39 2,671 6.6 111 7.0 7.2 40-44 2,976 7.3 100 6.3 7.4 45-49 3,362 8.3 83 5.3 7.3 50-54 3,173 7.8 59 3.7 6.6 55-59 2,759 6.8 36 2.3 6.1 60-64 1,911 4.7 31 2.0 4.8 65-74 2,888 7.1 (65+) 32 2.0 3.9 75-84 2,033 5.0 - - 3.2 85+ 824 2.0 - - 1.7

(Statistics made available from Narlumdarlum City Council website). http://www.Lismore.nsw.gov.au/content/uploads/FASTFACT2006Census__2_.pdf


Appendix D

Census Data

2006 Census, Indigenous population – Remoteness Areas

Major Cities ofAustralia

Inner Regional Australia

Outer Regional Australia

Remote Australia

Very Remote Australia

State/Territory % % % % %

New South Wales

42 33 19 4 1

Victoria 48 36 16 - -

Queensland 26 20 32 8 14

South Australia 48 10 23 5 14

Western Australia

34 9 15 15 26

Tasmania - 52 44 2 1

Northern Territory

- - 19 18 63

Australian Capital Territory

100 - - - -

Australia 31 22 23 8 16

Statistics taken from: The Australian Bureau of Statistics (2006). http://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/[email protected]/Lookup/4705.0Main+Features12006?OpenDocument

Appendices 153

Appendix E

Semi-structured Interviews

The semi-structured research interviews were a two-part process as follows.

First semi-structured interview

The first semi-structured interview with participants was very general and

aimed to ask participants questions based around themselves. This was done

primarily to build rapport with the participants and establish a deeper relationship.

This first interview was also useful to explain the project and talk the participants

through the research and their involvement. Questions were also centred on their past

experiences both positive and negative and community views on education as well as

their own personal views of tertiary education. Questions asked included: Is tertiary

education valued within the community? Is it valued individually?

Second semi-structured interview

The following questions guided the second round of interviews:

Can you tell me about what you would like to do in terms of study and or

work?

What do you think is preventing Koori men from enrolling in and

completing courses? (general)

Thinking about obstacles and barriers, can you tell me what might be

preventing you from accessing study and/or work? (specific)


Can you tell me about the education support available for Koori men in

your community? Can you comment on whether you know of anyone who

has used this support? If so in what ways? If not why not?

If you are wanting to study what support and encouragement do you think

you need?

Are there any study support centres or people in place that you know of in

your community to support and encourage young Koori men to study at

TAFE or university? (general)

Are there any study support centres or people that you have used in the

past? Can you tell me about them? Were they useful? What support was

provided? (specific)

What are the main obstacles/hindrances that you believe are preventing

young Koori men from transitioning and achieving success in tertiary

education? (general)

What is preventing you from making the transition to tertiary education

and achieving success? (specific)

Appendices 155

Appendix F

Ethics Forms

PARTICIPANT INFORMATION FOR QUT RESEARCH PROJECT

Interviews: Bundjalung Young Men, Community Elders, Community Members

Access, retention and outcomes for Bundjalung men: What do local knowledges teach us?

QUT Ethics Approval Number 1100000363

RESEARCH TEAM

Mr Todd Phillips [email protected] 07 3138 5558

Professor Tom Cooper

[email protected] 07 3138 3331

Dr Bronwyn Ewing [email protected] 07 3138 3718

DESCRIPTION

This project is being undertaken from June 2011 to August 2011 in the city of Narlumdarlum and is part of a Masters of Education degree for post‐graduate student Mr Todd Phillips from the Queensland University of Technology. The project is a part of a grant awarded by the Australian Research Council. The funding body will not have access to the data obtained during the project.

The project is conducted by the above research team and only the research team will have access to the data obtained during the project.

The purpose of the project is to explore the perspectives and gain the insights of 15 young Indigenous men’s experiences as well as Indigenous Community Elders and Community members in order to gain their experiences and knowledges of how Indigenous men from Narlumdarlum can be better supported and equipped to access and achieve improved outcomes and tertiary education. The project aims to examine the transitional experiences of young Bundjalung men into tertiary education. The research will be drawing on the lived, historical experiences, ideas, traditions, dreams, interests, aspirations and struggles of Indigenous Australians therefore, it will be privileging Indigenous voices to inform this research. The team is seeking your permission to participate in this research. While the focus of the research is to examine the transitioning processes of young Bundjalung men into tertiary education, its central concern is to explicate from their accounts of their experiences of transitioning, those aspects that facilitate or hinder effective transition into the tertiary context. There are broader applications of this research; the findings that arise from the research may not only assist and benefit Indigenous peoples living in the Narlumdarlum region and tertiary institutions but it may be beneficial to Indigenous men throughout Australia and education institutions that work with Indigenous young men, as they are significantly under‐represented at all levels of education particularly in the tertiary context (ABS, 2010).


The research team requests your participation in an interview to discuss your experiences and thoughts on how Indigenous men could be better supported and equipped to access and achieve improved outcomes and tertiary education.

PARTICIPATION

Your participation in this project is entirely voluntary. If you do agree to participate, you can withdraw from the project at any time without comment or penalty. Any identifiable information already obtained from you will be destroyed. Your decision to participate, or not participate, will in no way impact upon your current or future relationship with QUT.

Your participation will involve an audio‐recorded interview, conducted by the principal researcher, at a convenient location in Narlumdarlum or other agreed location that will take approximately 45 minutes of your time. Questions will include:

What have been some of your experiences (both positive and negative) when attempting to access tertiary education?

In your opinion, how could you be better supported to access or study in tertiary education?

EXPECTED BENEFITS

It is expected that this project may not benefit you directly, however, it may benefit your community by highlighting the following:

1. By learning how to further support Aboriginal men in the future to gain access to tertiary education;

2. It is anticipated that future recommendations can be made that will further support Indigenous men to take up tertiary education and be further supported;

3. By learning together as a community it will enable you to educate and lead one small step towards self‐determination and emancipation.

RISKS

There are no risks beyond normal day‐to‐day living associated with your participation in this project.

PRIVACY AND CONFIDENTIALITY

All comments and responses will be treated confidentially. The names of individual persons are not required in any of the responses.

Audio recording that are obtained from participants will be destroyed at the end of the project.

The audio recording that is obtained from participants will not be used for any other purpose.

Only the investigator will have access to the audio recordings. At no stage will any data be discussed or revealed to another community member. Only the research team will have access to any data.

Any publication of results will be in a de‐identified form (no individual responses will be published).

All audio recordings will be verified by you prior to final inclusion in the project.

The audio recordings will be transcribed and will not be used as an instructional aide.

CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE

We would like to ask you to sign a written consent form (enclosed) to confirm your agreement to participate.

Appendices 157

QUESTIONS / FURTHER INFORMATION ABOUT THE PROJECT

If have any questions or require any further information about the project please contact one of the research team members below.

Mr Todd Phillips Professor Tom Cooper (Professor) Dr Bronwyn Ewing (Senior Lecturer)

School of Maths, Science and Technology – Faculty of Education – Queensland University of Technology

Phone: 3138 5558 Phone: 07 3138 3331 Phone: 07 3138 3718

Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected]

Email: [email protected]

CONCERNS / COMPLAINTS REGARDING THE CONDUCT OF THE PROJECT

QUT is committed to research integrity and the ethical conduct of research projects. However, if you do have any concerns or complaints about the ethical conduct of the project you may contact the QUT Research Ethics Unit on (07) 3138 5123 or email [email protected]. The QUT Research Ethics Unit is not connected with the research project and can facilitate a resolution to your concern in an impartial manner.

Thank you for helping with this research project. Please keep this sheet for your information.


PARTICIPANT INFORMATION FOR QUT RESEARCH PROJECT

Focus group / yarning circle: Bundjalung Young Men, Community Elders, Community Members



RESEARCH TEAM

Mr Todd Phillips [email protected] 07 3138 5558

Professor Tom Cooper

[email protected] 07 3138 3331

Dr Bronwyn Ewing [email protected] 07 3138 3718

DESCRIPTION

This project is being undertaken from June 2011 to August 2011 in the city of Narlumdarlum and is part of a Masters of Education degree for post‐graduate student Mr Todd Phillips from the Queensland University of Technology. The project is a part of a grant awarded by the Australian Research Council. The funding body will not have access to the data obtained during the project. The project is conducted by the above research team and only the research team will have access to the data obtained during the project.

The purpose of the project is to explore the perspectives and gain the insights of 15 young Indigenous men’s experiences as well as Indigenous Community Elders and Community members in order to gain their experiences and knowledges of how Indigenous men from Narlumdarlum can be better supported and equipped to access and achieve improved outcomes and tertiary education. The project aims to examine the transitional experiences of young Bundjalung men into tertiary education. The research will be drawing on the lived, historical experiences, ideas, traditions, dreams, interests, aspirations and struggles of Indigenous Australians therefore, it will be privileging Indigenous voices to inform this research. The team is writing to seek your permission to participate in this research. While the focus of the research is to examine the transitioning processes of young Bundjalung men into tertiary education, its central concern is to explicate from their accounts of their experiences of transitioning, those aspects that facilitate or hinder effective transitions into the tertiary context. There are broader applications of this research; the findings that arise from the research may not only assist to benefit Indigenous peoples living in the Narlumdarlum region and tertiary institutions but it may be beneficial to Indigenous men throughout Australia and educational institutions that work with Indigenous young men, as they are significantly underrepresented at all levels of education particularly in the tertiary context (ABS, 2010).

The research team requests your participation in a focus group / yarning circle (conducted by the principal researcher) with young Bundjalung men from the community, to discuss your

Appendices 159

experiences and thoughts on how Indigenous men could be better supported and equipped to access and achieve improved outcomes and tertiary education.

PARTICIPATION

Your participation in this project is entirely voluntary. If you do agree to participate, you can withdraw from the project at any time without comment or penalty. Any identifiable information already obtained from you will be destroyed. Your decision to participate, or not participate, will in no way impact upon your current or future relationship with QUT.

Your participation will involve a focus group/ yarning circle with other men from your region. The focus group/ yarning circle will be audio recorded and will take place at a convenient location in Narlumdarlum or other agreed location and will take approximately 1 hour of your time. Questions will include:

What have been some of your experiences (both positive and negative) when attempting to access tertiary education?

In your opinion, how could you be better supported to access or study in tertiary education?

EXPECTED BENEFITS

It is expected that this project may not benefit you directly, however it may benefit your community by highlighting the following:

4. By learning how to further support Aboriginal men in the future to gain access to tertiary education;

5. It is anticipated that future recommendations can be made that will further support Indigenous men to take up tertiary education and be further supported;

6. By learning together as a community it will enable you to educate and lead one small step towards self‐determination and emancipation.

RISKS

There are no risks beyond normal day‐to‐day living associated with your participation in this project.

PRIVACY AND CONFIDENTIALITY

All comments and responses will be treated confidentially. The names of individual persons are not required in any of the responses.

Audio recordings that are obtained from participants will be destroyed at the end of the project.

The audio recordings that are obtained from participants will not be used for any other purpose.

Only the investigator will have access to the audio recordings. At no stage will any data be discussed or revealed to another community member. Only the research team will have access to any data.

Any publication of results will be in a de‐identified form (no individual responses will be published).

All audio recordings will be verified by you prior to final inclusion in the project.

The audio recordings will be transcribed and will not be used as an instructional aide.

CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE


We would like to ask you to sign a written consent form (enclosed) to confirm your agreement to participate.

QUESTIONS / FURTHER INFORMATION ABOUT THE PROJECT

If have any questions or require any further information about the project please contact one of the research team members below.

Mr Todd Phillips (Principal Researcher)

Professor Tom Cooper (Professor)

Dr Bronwyn Ewing (Senior Lecturer)

School of Maths, Science and Technology – Faculty of Education – Queensland University of Technology

Phone: 3138 5558 Phone: 07 3138 3331 Phone: 07 3138 3718

Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected]

CONCERNS / COMPLAINTS REGARDING THE CONDUCT OF THE PROJECT

QUT is committed to research integrity and the ethical conduct of research projects. However, if you do have any concerns or complaints about the ethical conduct of the project you may contact the QUT Research Ethics Unit on (07) 3138 5123 or email [email protected]. The QUT Research Ethics Unit is not connected with the research project and can facilitate a resolution to your concern in an impartial manner.

Thank you for helping with this research project. Please keep this sheet for your information.

Appendices 161

CONSENT FORM FOR QUT RESEARCH PROJECT

Interviews



RESEARCH TEAM CONTACTS

Todd Phillips – Masters Student Professor Tom Cooper – Supervisor Dr Bronwyn Ewing – Supervisor

Maths, Science and Technology Education Faculty of Education Queensland University of Technology

Phone: 07 3138 5558 Mobile: 0434 495 918

Phone: 07 3138 3331 Phone: 07 3138 3718


STATEMENT OF CONSENT

By signing below, you are indicating that you:

have read and understood the information document regarding this project

have had any questions answered to your satisfaction

understand that if you have any additional questions you can contact the research team

understand that you are free to withdraw at any time, without comment or penalty

understand that you can contact the Research Ethics Unit on 07 3138 5123 or email [email protected] if you have concerns about the ethical conduct of the project

understand that the project will include audio recording

agree to participate in the project

Name

Signature

Date

MEDIA RELEASE PROMOTIONS

From time to time, we may like to promote our research to the general public through, for example, newspaper articles. Would you be willing to be contacted by QUT Media and Communications for possible inclusion in such stories? By ticking this box, it only means you are choosing to be contacted – you can still decide at the time not to be involved in any promotions.

Yes, you may contact me about inclusion in promotions

No, I do not wish to be contacted about inclusion in promotions

Please return this sheet to the investigator.


CONSENT FORM FOR QUT RESEARCH PROJECT

focus group / yarning circle



RESEARCH TEAM CONTACTS

Todd Phillips – Masters Student Professor Tom Cooper – Supervisor Dr Bronwyn Ewing – Supervisor

Maths, Science and Technology Education Faculty of Education Queensland University of Technology

Phone: 07 3138 5558 Mobile: 0434 495 918

Phone: 07 3138 3331 Phone: 07 3138 3718


STATEMENT OF CONSENT

By signing below, you are indicating that you:

have read and understood the information document regarding this project

have had any questions answered to your satisfaction

understand that if you have any additional questions you can contact the research team

understand that you are free to withdraw at any time, without comment or penalty

understand that you can contact the Research Ethics Unit on 07 3138 5123 or email [email protected] if you have concerns about the ethical conduct of the project

understand that the project will include audio recording

agree to participate in the project

Name

Signature

Date

MEDIA RELEASE PROMOTIONS

From time to time, we may like to promote our research to the general public through, for example, newspaper articles. Would you be willing to be contacted by QUT Media and Communications for possible inclusion in such stories? By ticking this box, it only means you are choosing to be contacted – you can still decide at the time not to be involved in any promotions.

Yes, you may contact me about inclusion in promotions

No, I do not wish to be contacted about inclusion in promotions

Please return this sheet to the investigator.