Bruning’s Chancellorship to

Schleicher

Between 1929 to January 1933, four men held the

position of German Chancellor:

Hermann MullerJune 1928 – March 1930

Heinrich BruningMarch 1930 – May 1932

Franz von PapenJune 1932 – November 1932

Kurt von SchleicherDecember 1932 – January 1933

Hermann Muller

Muller was a Social Democrat (SPD) and led the government

for almost two years.

Muller faced huge difficulties, largely caused by the economic

crisis. He oversaw the implementation of the Young Plan but faced Hindenburg

trying to replace him.

Muller struggled to get his coalition to agree on actions,

including welfare spending. He resigned after Hindenburg

refused to use Article 48 powers to support him.

Muller’s five party coalition government was the last one to

have a working majority in the Reichstag.

Heinrich Bruning

In March 1930, Bruning replaced Muller as Germany’s

Chancellor.

Bruning came from the German Centre Party and was head of two separate minority

coalition governments (the first with six parties, the second

with five).

Bruning’s government was centre-right and included

most ministers from Muller’s government, except the SPD.

He faced similar problems to Muller – being unable to get his

finance bill agreed by the Reichstag – and so persuaded

President Hindenburg to enforce this using Article 48.

The use of Article 48 caused outrage in the Reichstag, who

demanded this decision be reversed.

Instead Bruning persuaded Hindenburg to call new

elections, which the Chancellor believed would result in

support for his policies, making it easier to govern.

The September 1930 Reichstag elections had the opposite effect

that Bruning intended.

The Nazis (in particular) and the Communists both

increased their representation. This made it impossible for

Bruning to govern without the regular use of presidential

decrees (Article 48).

Bruning’s economic policy was focused on reducing spending to

overcome Germany’s crisis.

Bruning cut government spending, including civil servants’ wages, and also introduced tax rises. He

eventually started a programme of public works after

reparations were suspended.

Bruning’s foreign policy was more aggressive than

Stresemann’s.

He arranged for reparation payments to be suspended due

to the Depression.

Bruning also demanded changes to the disarmament section of

the Versailles treaty, although no firm action happened.

Bruning refused to work with the Nazis and in 1932 banned the Nazi paramilitary group,

the SA.

Bruning’s plan to distribute spare land to unemployed workers was opposed by

Prussian Junkers. Hindenburg refused to back Bruning and he

resigned in May 1932.

Some historians see Bruning as the last defender of German

democracy, believing there was no alternative to his policies

(Edgar Feuchtwanger).

Bruning’s own memoirs (published in the 1970s) claim

he was trying to rebuild Germany’s greatness and

restore the monarchy.

Others say he was Weimar Germany’s ‘undertaker’.

Bruning used the economic crisis to achieve his own goals

– ending reparations and ending social welfare (Ruth

Henig). He also introduced the concept of governing by decree (Hans Mommsen). All of this helped Hitler achieve power.

Historians’ views

• Evans and Jenkins: Bruning was anti-socialist, monarchist but ‘a democrat at heart’.

• Stephen Lee: Bruning ‘was well aware of the plans being made to undermine the Republic’.

• Ian Kershaw: ‘the decision to dissolve the Reichstag was one of breath-taking irresponsibility’.

• Richard J Evans: Brüning fatally underestimated the potential of the Nazis; and the political reliability of Hindenburg.

Franz von Papen

Franz von Papen was an inexperienced politician but

became German Chancellor in June 1932.

During his chancellorship he was originally a member of the

Centre Party but eventually became an independent.

Papen was appointed due to Kurt von Schleicher

persuading Hindenburg to do so. Schleicher then played a prominent role as Defence

Minister in Papen’s Cabinet.

His government did not include any members of the

Reichstag, consisting of members of Germany’s elite.

Papen’s actions in government included gaining Nazi support.

He lifted the ban on the SA and in July 1932 Papen launched a

coup against the centre-left government of Prussia, using

Article 48 powers to take it under federal control. This

caused Communist versus SA riots in Berlin.

Ongoing divisions in the Reichstag – and the demands of

Hitler – led Papen and then Hindenburg to agree to hold

early federal elections.

In July 1932 the Nazis (37%) and Communists gained more

than half of the seats in the Reichstag. Hitler demanded to

be made Chancellor.

After the elections, Papen struggled to run Germany.

In September 1932 the Reichstag passed a vote of No

Confidence in Papen. The Reichstag was dissolved and Hindenburg considered not

having new elections but eventually changed his mind,

fearing civil war.

The November 1932 elections saw Nazi support fall slightly

(to 33%) and the Communists gain more backing.

Several elite members of Germany demanded that

Hindenburg make Hitler the Chancellor. Hitler could not get

a Reichstag majority so the President refused.

Papen proposed scrapping the Reichstag and using the army

to control the country. Hindenburg again feared this

would cause civil war.

In November 1932 Papen was forced to resign as Chancellor, with Schleicher persuading President Hindenburg to not

support Papen.

Kurt von Schleicher

Kurt von Schleicher was an army General and also served as Defence Minister in Papen’s government. He helped found

the Freikorps.

Schleicher was appointed Chancellor by President

Hindenburg in December 1932.

Papen hoped that Hindenburg would reappoint him. He was

also angry at Schleicher, believing that he had been

betrayed.

Papen was involved in various efforts to undermine

Schleicher’s time as Chancellor, seeking revenge for his own

problems.

Schleicher believed that the real danger facing Germany

was Communism. As such he was supportive of the Nazis.

Schleicher aimed to gain NSDAP backing, including making the Nazi Gregor

Strasser vice-Chancellor. Hitler ultimately undermined

Strasser within the Nazi Party.

As Chancellor, Schleicher implemented numerous

policies, including continuing Bruning’s land plans.

He also introduced a public works programme that would

ultimately create around two million jobs. However these did

not come to fruition until into 1933, so Hitler gained credit.

Schleicher had been close friends with Oskar

Hindenburg, the President’s son. This gave Schleicher good

access to the President.

The two men had a falling out – said to be about a joke – and this meant that Schleicher’s

access to and influence over the President was lost.

Papen’s plans to hurt Schleicher now began to take effect. Papen

began to push Hindenburg to dismiss the Chancellor.

In order to stay in power, Schleicher tried to get

Hindenburg’s backing for an authoritarian government –

headed by Schleicher – ruling by decree.

The military feared that an authoritarian government

headed by Schleicher could not succeed. They withdrew their

backing for him.

Rumours spread that Schleicher planned a putsch against the President. Hindenburg then

dismissed Schleicher and appointed Hitler as Chancellor.

Historians’ views

• Eberhard Kolb: Schleicher and others did not struggle to deal with their circumstances – their actions were designed to change Germany’s constitution to favour the country’s elites

• Sir John Wheeler-Bennett: Schleicher believed that Germany needed a strong leader and that it should be him. His actions were designed to achieve this.

• Edgar Feuchtwanger: Schleicher played a role in undermining the Bruning and Papen governments.