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38
AMERICAN HEGEMONY AND BUSINESS
EDUCATION IN THE ARAB WORLD
Mark Neal
Sultan Qaboos University, Oman
Jim L. Finlay
Lebanese American University, Lebanon
To what extent is American business education hegemonic in the Arab world?
To answer this, the authors examine whether Lebanese people exposed to
American-style business education share the values implicit in their textbooks
and teaching resources. Finding evidence for such values among Lebanese busi-
ness students and working people alike, they argue that American business edu-
cation is not only externally dominant; it is also internally hegemonic in its
influences on local Arab values. The authors examine the problems American
hegemony causes in Arab classrooms and discuss how problem-based learning
provides an alternative and more relevant learning experience for Arab students.
Keywords: hegemony; problem-based learning; Arab; Lebanese; leadership
Contemporary discussions of globalization often center on the ongoing
influence of the United States of America on the economic, political, and
social systems of developing countries (Augelli & Murphy, 1988; Chomsky,
1987, 1999a, 1999b; Robinson, 2005). Much of this discussion is framed in
terms of hegemony: domination through sustaining values and ideologies
sympathetic to, or isomorphic with, those of the dominating body or hege-
mon (Gramsci, 1971, 1975). Americas influence on the developing world
has been cast in this wayas domination through the propagation of eco-
nomic and political values (such as accountability, transparency, choice) and
Authors Note: We would like to thank Kathy Lund Dean and the anonymous reviewers fortheir insightful and helpful comments, and for their encouragement throughout the develop-
ment of this article. We would also like to thank Evangelos Afendras of Sultan Qaboos
University, Oman, for leading the way in problem-based learning.
JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT EDUCATION, Vol. 32 No. 1, February 2008 38-83DOI: 10.1177/1052562906297075 2008 Organizational Behavior Teaching Society
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Neal, Finlay / AMERICAN HEGEMONY 39
ideologies (such as free trade, consumerism, democracy) that encourage
dependency on U.S. systems and institutions (Goodstein, 1981; OBrien,
2003; Panitch & Gindin, 2004).
Mir (2003) has argued that American business education is hegemonic
in such terms. Although American textbooks, journals, and institutions nowdominate business education throughout the world, Mir (2003) and Grey
(2004, 2002) have observed that business education is rarely value neutral
but is infused with procapitalist, probusiness values (see also Engwall,
2004; Kieser, 2004; Schlie & Warner, 2000; Tiratsoo, 2004). As the rise of
Business Ethics as a core subject attests, however, the kind of capitalism
implicitly espoused by American-style business schools is not capitalism in
the raw: the unbridled, amoral exploitation of free markets to maximize
profits. The kind of capitalism encouraged is gentler than thatmore eth-ical. Business education throughout the world is thus suffused in what can
best be termedprogressive Western business valuesthose values feted by
business ethics as a discipline: transparency, accountability, consultation,
tolerance, and equity.
The notion that value-infused American business education is increasingly
dominant throughout the world raises the question of its influence on indige-
nous business values. Most regions of the world are not at all like the West,
with its values (if not always its realities) of transparency and account-ability. Many parts of the world are characterized by nontransparency and
nonaccountability evidenced by endemic corruption and runaway criminality
(Transparency International, 2005). Many people labor under conditions of
despotism, that is, the absence of consultation or accountability, and most
parts of the world are characterized not by gender equity but by high levels
of discrimination and violence against women (Pillinger, 2005). With the ongo-
ing domination of value-infused American business education throughout
the world, it is thus important to ascertain not only its scope but its effects
on those involved in it. There is little doubt that American business education
is externally hegemonic, in that it renders overseas educational systems
accountable to its standards, resources, and practices. But is it also internally
so, in that its influence extends to altering peoples values as well? In other
words, does the spread of American business education involve the spread of
progressive business values to unprogressive parts of the world?
To address this question, this article looks at American business educa-
tion in the Arab World,1 a region often defined as being at odds with many
progressive Western values (Huntingdon, 1993; Laffin, 1975). We focuson the case of Lebanon, where rampant corruption means that transparency
and accountability are often in short supply (Transparency International,
2005), and widespread gender discrimination means a lack of equity for
many women (International Labour Organization [ILO], 2004; Khalaf, 1993a,
1993b). By examining the views of those exposed to American business
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education in Lebanon, it is possible to see to what extent such peoples val-
ues are supportive of the progressive ideals infused in their education.
Doing so, we are able to determine whether Americanized business educa-
tion is not merely externally hegemonic but whether it is also internally so.
Does American Business Education Involve Changing Values?
Our job as business educators is to change attitudes . . . particularly
those towards leadership. Thus spoke an American-educated Arab female
faculty member with long-standing experience of teaching management in
the Arab world. These words succinctly reflect the views of many educators
working in the Middle Easta group well known to the authors, who have
worked in American-style business schools in the region for 6 years and
8 years, respectively, in Lebanon, Oman, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).
In dealing with colleagues on a daily basis, the authors noticed that faculty
of all backgrounds often talked of the importance of education in social
change, particularly with reference to (a) the role and perceptions of women
and (b) the broad issue of corrupt leadership. There was a conviction among
most educators that they could, and were, changing attitudes and values in
these two areas, leading to greater concern for accountability, gender equity,
transparencyeven democracy.Such views are understandable. In Middle Eastern countries such as
Lebanon, students are taught business using American ideas, case studies, and
texts. Although these are often comparative and international in nature, the
ethos and ideologies running through their presentation and analysis are over-
whelmingly and uniformly progressive. Although students are increasingly
asked to take relativist and critical positions on modern business issues, edu-
cational discourses tend to be absolutist on issues such as equality of opportu-
nity for the sexes, accountability, transparency, and the overall merits ofconsultative/democratic forms of leadership (see Kjonstad & Wilmott, 1995).
It is understandable, then, that many educators feel that three or four years of
exposure to such ideas will have an effect, perhaps resulting in attitudinal
changes that challenge local mores. The prognosis implicit in such views is
that enlightened students will then enter the workplace and change things
for the better by creating a more gender-equal, transparent, and equitable
workplace. Although the problem is thus defined as Arab traditional values,
the solution is seen at least partlyto lie in American business education.
The ProblemTraditional Arab Values
What, then, is the nature of this problem? Scholars such as Muna (1980),
Ali (1990, 1995, 1996, 1998), Ali and Azim (1996), and Weir (2001) have
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done much to dispel the stereotypical view of Arab business managers as
being mere autocrats. Arab countries do have high power distance levels
(Hofstede, 1980; Hofstede & Hofstede, 2005; Ronen, 1986), but to interpret
this as a cultural predisposition for linear top-down power relations is mis-
leading. Arab business cultures are highly complex, having their roots intrade, tribe, family, desert conditions, and religion. The resultant sustained
nexus of power and authority relations has been characterized by Ali (1995)
as sheikocracy:
The characteristics of sheikocracy include hierarchical authority, rules andregulations contingent on the personality and power of the individuals whomake them, an open-door policy, subordination of efficiency to humanrelations and personal connections, indecisiveness, informality among lower-
level managers, and a generally patriarchal approach. Nepotism is oftenevident in the selection of upper-level managers, but qualifications areemphasized in the selection of middle- and lower-level personnel. Chain ofcommand . . . and division of labor are also characteristics of the sheikocracy.They are not as strictly observed as in the West. (p. 7)
Sheikocratic power distances can thus be high. However, power and
authority relations between ruler and ruled, leader and follower, are sys-
temic and multifactorial rather than dyadic and linear. For instance, aBedu
(Bedouin) tradition common to the Arab world is that any tribe member, nomatter how humble, is able to secure an audience with the sheik. At such
interviews, the supplicant seeks favor, money, marriage, or action, and it is
understood that the sheik will do everything in his power to oblige. This
supports Hofstede and Hofstedes (2005) observation that Arab culture is
highly collectivist, scoring 38 on their individualism dimension, as opposed
to 91 for the United States (see Gillespie & Riddle, 2003). Conversely, the
sheik is expected to consult with fellow tribe members on important deci-
sions. The relationship between ruler and ruled then is one of mutually con-sultative paternalism. The sheik is afforded power and authority by the tribe
but is obliged to consult and to allow petitioning within an overall obliga-
tion to secure or enhance the well-being of subordinates. As the great Arab
polymath Ibn Khaldun observed, although an Arab leader is afforded
absolute power and authority, it is in everybodys interest that he uses this
for the benefit of all: Excessive harshness harms the State and in most
cases leads to its decay (Ibn Khaldun, 1967, pp. 188189; see also Ahmed,
2002; Chapra, 2003, p. 23).We can thus distinguish betweenpowerand authority in the Arab world.
The power of an Arab leader depends very much on situational variables:
personal wealth, family, contacts, willingness to use force, and the avail-
ability of people willing to act in his name. Authority, however, rests pri-
marily not on situational resources but on the historical and cultural
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definition of the status and role of the Arab leader. I have power because
I can force my will on you. I have authority because I am the Sheik. In
traditional Bedu societies, the ruler was the locus and source of secular
power and authority. The concentration of these in one man sustained a
complex web of secondary power and authority networks. In particular, theabsence of the secular and systematic regulation of power and authority
relations in traditional Bedu societies encouraged the evolution of wasta
(Abdalla, Maghrabi, & Raggad, 1995; Hutchings & Weir, 2006; Weir,
2001), power or authority secured and sustained by personal relationships
with powerful others. What would be characterized as patronage or nepotism
in Western societies was secured primarily through family relations
brothers, cousins, and so onand, secondarily, through personal friend-
ships with members of other families who in turn had relationships withthose close to the power source. Members of the extended family of the
sheik thus had high levels of power and authority, whereas the power of
those below was determined by whether this network of family and friends
extended to them.
This historical-cultural prototype (Dunning, Perie, & Story, 1991;
Gerster & Day, 1994; Khadr, 1990; Lord & Maher, 1991) of Arab leader-
ship and authority is a key to understanding contemporary Arab business
values. The Arab understanding of work is very much an open-systemsanalysis, where external collective factors such as family, tribe, friendships,
and wasta can take precedence over procedures, practices, and action
within the organization (Ali & Wahabi, 1995). It is not surprising, then, that
Ali (1989) found that to get things done, Arab executives used traditional
management styles that were highly influenced by history and culture.
State and economic activities in Arab countries are highly bureaucratized
(United Nations Development Program [UNDP], 2003). This fits in with
Hofstede and Hofstedes (2005) characterization of Arab societies as having
high uncertainty avoidance, scoring 68 versus 46 in the United States (see
Gillespie & Riddle, 2003). Within bureaucratic organizations there exists a
technocratic division of labor, and procedural rules and regulations mediate
functional activities (Weber, 1947). Arab organizations are, however, any-
thing but bureaucratic in the classic Weberian sense, for power and authority
rarely correspond directly to functional and hierarchical divisions of labor.
External factors ensure that a second web of power, influence, and authority
overlaps with, and often overrides, bureaucratic structure and procedure:
People are parachuted into jobs because of familial connections; promotionsfavor the dominant tribe, whereas those without wasta may be repeatedly
passed over (Abdalla & Al-Homoud, 2001, p. 511; Abdalla et al., 1995). Such
are the negative aspects of sheikocracy.
Some writers have written more positively about the system. Weir (2001)
in particular has characterized the Arab system as a fourth management
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paradigm, a coherent and locally effective alternative to the other dominant
paradigms (American, European, and Japanese) (Ohmae, 1990). According
to Weir (2001), Arab management is personalized, loyal, and networked,
with rapid dissemination of information and influence throughout the nexus;
the sheikocratic imperative to consult subordinates encourages consultativedecision making, and the custom of open access to the sheik sustains open-
door policies at all managerial levels. As Weir (2001) pointed out:
There may be a radical and fundamental change occurring in managementstructures throughout the world as a whole. These changes are mirrored inequally fundamental philosophies of management development. But the stylesand approaches of management in the Arab world may be nearer to the epi-center of this new way of doing things than we have hitherto realized. (p. 17)
Arab leadership and management thus possess both positive and nega-
tive characteristics. Weirs (2001) characterization of Arab management as
consultative, open-system, networked, and personalized is largely accurate.
So is the characterization of it as being corrupt, inefficient, nepotistic, and
unfair (if you happen not to have wasta) (Abdalla et al., 1995). As with the
other three management paradigms (Weir, 2001), Arab management thus
has pros and cons at both the situational and macro levels. There is no
doubt, however, that Weir is right to characterize Arab management as acoherent socioeconomic open system rooted in tribe, family, and religion.
Indeed, its systemic nature and deep historical-cultural roots suggest that
although it may be flexible in practice, it is unlikely to change without fun-
damental transformations of the wider societal institutions that sustain it.
This casts doubt on the belief that we in business education are indeed able
to change traditional attitudes. If Arab peoples views on gender and cor-
ruption are sustained at the broader cultural and institutional level, then
enhancing approval of gender equity, accountability, and transparency may
be more difficult than previously thought.
Webers Ideas About Authority and Their
Implications for the Arab World
One of the key areas of difference between Western and Arab business
cultures, then, concerns the traditional role and authority of the Arab leader.
We thus chose this key issue as an analytic prism through which to view busi-ness values in Lebanon. To do this, the authors operationalized Webers ideal
types of authority: rational-legal, charismatic, and traditional (Weber, 1947),
categories with proven theoretical depth and analytic scope. A common prob-
lem with some modern classifications of leadership authority is that they can
leave unexamined patterns of authority that do not correspond with current
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Western conceptions of modernity or postmodernity (see Bass, 1997). Weber
developed categories that go far beyond Western modernity and modern man-
agement practices (Hunt, 1999). Indeed, that is the strength of his concept of
traditional authority, a category that turns out to be extremely powerful in the
analysis of developing regions such as the Arab world (see Ali, 1989).Traditional authority, according to Weber, refers to premodern power
relationships that are rooted in culture and custom, and are embedded in
social institutions such as family, tribe, and religion. Such systems are not
simple top-down power vectors but are complex nepotistic systems of
patronage, usually within overall conditions of paternalism and patriarchy.
The leader enjoys authority through the customary veneration of his role
and through subordinates expectations of symbolic, spiritual, or material
benefits. Such systems can be highly dynamic, as subordinates jostle forpower and influence through ingratiation or networking with those close to
the leader, usually through familial networks.
Rational-legal authority, as envisioned by Weber, is firmly rooted in
notions of Western modernity; indeed, it is defining of it (Kelly, 2004). Weber
observed that this form of authority was reflexively related to what he called
zweckrational action: the impersonal, rational pursuit of goals that are them-
selves rationally determined. Like Webers other categories, rational-legal
authority and its related form of zweckrational action are ideal typesextremetheoretical constructs to which reality is unlikely to correspond fully or exclu-
sively. Following Weber, we used the category rational-legal to refer to author-
ity systems based on technocratic divisions of labor, the rules that mediate
between and systematize the various organizational functions, and rule-
governed zweckrational actions and policies that are applied impartially, with-
out reference to nontechnocratic factors such as gender, family, influence,
race, wealth, or age.
Charismatic authority, as envisioned by Weber, is often misrepresented
because of a conceptual blurring of the relationship between transformational
or charismatic leadership and charismatic authority (Bass, 1997; Bass &
Avolio, 1993). Weber was writing primarily about domination and authority,
not leadership styles, so analyses of Webers charismatic leadership are
bound to result in confusion (see the debate between Bass [1999], Beyer
[1999], Shamir [1999], and House [1999]). Although Weber acknowledged a
relationship between charismatic leadership and authority, he saw it as con-
tingent on particular leadership styles, characteristics and action, wider
socioeconomic institutions (state, legal systems, family, systems of produc-tion), and followers needs and authority values. For the purposes of this
study, we decided not to expand the charismatic category to stress actual or
embedded interaction with others, for to do so would have gone beyond
Webers meaning. Charismatic authority does notnecessarily involve actual,
embedded interaction with subordinates: One can be reclusive, distant,
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interactively incompetent, and nonparticipative and still have high levels of
charismatic authority (consider the hermit saint). We thus decided to
restrict our use of this ideal type to Webers original conception of it: to refer
to the possession of appealing, compelling, or attractive personal qualities
that sustain authority over subordinates, or rather, followers.Interactive authority was employed by the authors because of the restric-
tions they placed on charisma. Weber was writing before the rise of human
relations (Roethlisberger & Dickson, 1939; Mayo, 1945) and its evolution
into the participative/transformational ideologies of today. The subsequent
rise of delayering, teamwork, and flexible management structures (Ebadan &
Winstanley, 1997) has encouraged a recognized shift in authority patterns
away from rational-legal (du Gay, 2000; Boggs, 1997), but towards what?
Implicit in charismatic/transformational leadership studies is the notion thatauthority is based on a combination of charisma and interactive skills
(Charbonneau, 2004). As we have seen, however, interactive skills are in no
way a prerequisite for charismatic authority. As those same transforma-
tional/charismatic studies of leadership attest, authority in many sectors now
rests primarily on embedded social interaction, rather than charismaon such
things as participation and consultation (Bass, 1997; Bass & Avolio, 1993;
Charbonneau, 2004). Having decided to leave the ideal type of charismatic
authority true to Webers original vision of it, we thus decided to introduce afourth category, interactive authority, to capture residual non-Weberian ideas
about authority, centered primarily on embedded, contingent, social interac-
tive practices such as participation and consultation. In this way, the study
operationalized and expanded Webers original analytic framework, resulting
in the four categories of authority.
Progressive Values Embedded in
American Business Education
An overriding point of interest in this investigation was the extent to
which Arab students, embedded in Arab culture, were sympathetic to the
progressive values advanced in their American business courses. To deter-
mine the extent to which such values were accepted by Lebanese people,
the authors first had to identify and define the values typically advanced in
American-style business courses. For the purpose of this investigation, the
authors identified five progressive ideals commonly espoused in Americanmanagement texts and teaching resources: equity, tolerance, accountability,
consultation, and transparency.
Equity is a cornerstone of modern progressive business practices, enshrin-
ing fairness, impartiality, and equality of opportunity. Notions of equity have
driven many political and policy debates about gender, race, disability, and
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religiosity, and the ideal thus underpins much Western law. As previously dis-
cussed, the progressive imperative of gender equity appears to be at odds with
prevailing cultural norms in Lebanon, where many women still find them-
selves accountable to traditional patriarchal cultural expectations (see Jamali,
Sidani, & Safieddine, 2005; Joseph, 1996).Tolerance is another commonly advanced ideal in American business
textbooks and teaching materials. This ideal fueled the inclusiveness move-
ments that swept through the United States and Europe from the 1960s
onward, resulting in the advancement of groups traditionally experiencing
discrimination and the acceptance of previously unlawful or stigmatized
activities (see Davies, 1975). This secular ideal is at least partially consistent
with those Islamic teachings and practices that sustain the toleration of
other religions and customs as a core Muslim virtue (see Asali, 1994; Kurtz,2005). Given that most Lebanese are indeed Muslims, this ideal would thus
seem to be at least partially consistent with their cultural beliefs. As such, the
possibility exists that values concerning tolerance are held by undergraduate
students and employees alike.
Accountability is the ideal that decision makers actions should be
answerable to rules, regulations, or guidelines that apply impartially to all.
In a leadership context, this not only means answerability to such laws, reg-
ulations, and guidelines but also to ones subordinates, providing an imper-ative that decisions are made for the benefit of those in ones charge. Such
principles are codified in Western law, as well as in management training
and educational resources, and they have become ideals within the business
community. Self-interest, criminality, and corruption, however, remain prob-
lems throughout the world (Transparency International, 2005). In Lebanon,
this is particularly so, and the practice of wasta remains endemic in the
workplace. To that extent, accountability appears to be inconsistent with
undergraduate student expectations and business realities.
Consultation is the ideal that leaders inform people of decisions that
affect them; that they listen to their opinions, concerns, and advice; and that
they proceed to make decisions in light of what they have learnt. In modern
management texts and training resources, this ideal is highly feted, and it
infuses many discussions about what constitutes ethical decision making
and employee relations. Given that the prototypical rule of the Arab sheik
is based at least partially on consultation and the consensus of the ruled
(Hutchings & Weir, 2006; Neal, Finlay, & Tansey, 2005), there is reason to
believe that this ideal is to some extent consistent with prevailing attitudesand expectations regarding decision-making processes in Lebanese busi-
nesses (Ali, 1993; Welsh & Raven, 2004).
Transparency is the ideal that information, decisions, and processes that
affect people are freely and accurately communicated and open to scrutiny.
As such, it is closely related to the ideals of accountability and consultation,
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and antipathetic to unilateralism, obscurantism, deceit, and backstage cor-
ruption.2 Embodying this issue are organizations such as Transparency
International (TA), which rates countries on the basis of the impartial and
public exercise of the law, and the free availability of accurate and timely
information. In a recent study by the World Bank, Lebanon was ranked 13thamong 19 nations in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA)3 region in
terms of its efforts to control corruption (Bank Audi sal, 2005). For the pur-
poses of this study, our assessment of transparency is limited to the ways
that leaders communicate with their subordinates. Given that Arab man-
agement styles generally dictate that the word of the leader is law, there
has not been a tradition of sharing information with subordinates except on
a need-to-know basis. As a result, it seems that prevailing Arab values are
inconsistent with Western expectations regarding transparent relationshipswith employees.
Development of the Hypotheses
After several years of exposure to such progressive ideas about work and
organizations, it might be reasonable to expect the presence of some of
these ideas in students own values and attitudes. Years of teaching in
Lebanon, Oman, and UAE, however, led the authors to question whetherthis was indeed so, encountering views and opinions in essays, seminars,
and lectures that raised persistent doubts as to whether exposure to
Organizational Behavior, Business Ethics, or International Management
changed students values and attitudes at all. Certainly, students mastered
the concepts and models concerning leadership and gender issues, and they
reproduced and discussed these in essays and classroom discussions.
However, once in a while, a comment here or there followed by agreement
by the rest of the class indicated that although students had learntthe ideas,they might not actually believe in them. Whereas American business edu-
cation dominated the classroom in terms of what students needed to know
about ideas, systems, and models for the purposes of attaining grades, we
were alerted to a risk at least that American hegemony could be partial
not extending to the hearts and minds of the students.
Here then was a confused picture: Theories of hegemony (Augelli &
Murphy, 1988; Chomsky, 1987, 1999a, 1999b; Robinson, 2005) and the
everyday discourse of educators on the ground pointed to a convergence ofstudent values with progressive business valuesthe attainment of hege-
monic influence at both external and internal levels. Our own observations,
however, suggested only partial hegemony: the prospect that although
students were learning textbook systems and ideas, they might be resistant
to the values underpinning them.
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ADDRESSING DIFFERENCES BASED ON
GENDER AND EMPLOYMENT STATUS
Lebanese society has been characterized as a patriarchal system wherein
gender roles are defined differently and women experience high levels of dis-
crimination (ILO, 2004; Sharabi, 1988). As a subset and test of the broader
question of hegemonic influence, this patriarchy raised the question of the
impact of American business education on gender-related attitudes and values.
If the broad commonality of educational backgrounds strongly overrode
gender-specific cultural differences, then one might expect few significant dif-
ferences between the sexes. We were of a mind, however, that because gender-
related values were so deeply embedded in Lebanese society (Sharabi, 1988),
we would see some evidence of sustained gender differences. That said,
because of the gender discrimination sustained in Lebanese traditional values,it was expected that those experiencing the discrimination (i.e., women) would
be more receptive to the antitraditional progressive values of American busi-
ness education. As a result, the authors drew the following hypothesis:
Hypothesis 1: Leadership authority values will differ with respect to gender,with men being more likely to support statements associated with traditionalauthority.
As we have observed from working in the Middle East, the realities of the
Arab workplace are very different from the value-infused theories and case
studies described in American textbooks (see Cameron, Ireland, Lussier,
New, & Robbins, 2003; Sidani & Gardner, 2000). It would not, then, be sur-
prising if undergraduate business students were to adopt such progressive
business values less critically, and more naively, than those working full-time
in organizations characterized by discrimination and corruption. This led the
researchers to develop the following hypothesis:
Hypothesis 2: Leadership authority values will differ with respect to employ-ment status, with undergraduate students being more likely to support state-ments associated with the more progressive ideals embodied in interactiveauthority.
Next, we considered the possibility that gender and workplace realities
played a joint role in shaping attitudes toward leadership authority. There
was a possibility that Lebanons traditional status as a bridge between East
and West (Gates, 1998), coupled with the exposure of some employees toWestern business values and their hegemonic underpinnings, meant that
Western values had begun to find their way into the traditional Arab work-
place. Meanwhile, the strong emphasis that university educators placed on
engaged and consultative management suggested that undergraduate students
would be more likely than their working counterparts to embrace interactive
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authority, with women again being more receptive to such progressive
ideas. This led the authors to draw another hypothesis concerning leadership
authority:
Hypothesis 3: Leadership authority values will differ with respect to the interac-tive effect between gender and employment status, with female undergradu-ate students being more likely to support statements associated with interactiveauthority.
TESTING WHETHER HEGEMONIC VALUES STICK
Lebanese cultural values define the roles of men and women differently,
and they thus appear to be at odds with the ideal of gender equity that per-
vades American business texts (ILO, 2004; Khalaf, 1993a, 1993b). Theauthors thus expected that gender discrimination would not automatically
be erased by exposure to Western progressive business values. As a result,
the authors drew the following hypothesis:
Hypothesis 4: Western expectations of gender equity will be inconsistent withthe expectations of undergraduate students and employees.
Writers such as Asali (1994) have portrayed Islam as a religion of toler-
ance. Although Western perceptions of Islam are currently caught up in the
antipathy between Arabs and Israeli Jews, this is actually a very recent and
atypical conflict, dating back to the formation of the state of Israel in
Palestine in 1948. Prior to this, both religions lived side by side for more
than 1,000 years with relatively little conflict. In fact, when Jews suffered
persecution in Spain in 1492, Sultan Beyazit II, the ruler of the Ottoman
Empire, invited them to take refuge in Turkey (see Altabe, 1992). Although
the Western understanding of Muslims is currently influenced by what has
come to be known as radical Islam, the fact remains that Muslims havetraditionally viewed themselves as being tolerant and compassionate
(Kurtz, 2005). Given that the vast majority of Lebanese are Muslims, the
authors thus drew the following hypothesis:
Hypothesis 5: Western expectations of tolerance will be consistent with theexpectations of undergraduate students and employees.
As Makhoul and Harrison (2004) have observed, influences such as per-
sonal wealth, family associations, and contacts have meant that the tradi-
tional practice of wasta persists in Lebanon. In fact, it is openly accepted
that knowing the right person can be more important than credentials
when searching for a job. Although this is not exclusively an Arab phe-
nomenon (nepotism exists in the United States too), its prevalence in the
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West pales into insignificance when compared to its all-embracing influ-
ence throughout Lebanon (Makhoul & Harrison, 2004). Having the right
connections and feting more powerful others are crucial for personal suc-
cess, meaning that people are not accountable to impartial standards of
practice or procedure. The prevalence and strength of these factors thus ledus to draw the following hypothesis:
Hypothesis 6: Western expectations of accountability will be inconsistent withthe expectations of undergraduate students and employees.
As Ali (1995) observed, the prototypical Sheik is traditionally expected
to seek the counsel of his fellow tribal members on important decisions.
The result is a form of consultative paternalism in which the leader is
afforded power and authority by the tribe but is obliged to consult with, and
ensure the well-being of, his subordinates. Weir (2001) thus suggested that
such a system may be consistent with current progressive interactive pat-
terns of leadership authority. This led us to draw the following hypothesis:
Hypothesis 7: Western expectations of consultation will be consistent with theexpectations of undergraduate students and employees.
Lebanon is renowned for deeply entrenched public corruption; a lackof clearly defined, equally enforced laws; and high levels of bribery
(Transparency International, 2005). Much political and business activity is
thus carried out secretly, indicating a widespread lack of transparency in
terms of the way leaders communicate with their subordinates. Although
Arab management styles may be consistent with limited degrees of sheikoc-
ractic consultation, this does not mean that leaders decisions are open to
scrutiny or challenge, nor does it mean that subordinates are necessarily enti-
tled to information other than that which affects them directly. On the basisof this knowledge, we thus drew the following hypothesis:
Hypothesis 8: Western expectations of transparency will be inconsistent with theexpectations of undergraduate students and employees.
Research Method
DEVELOPMENT OF THE INSTRUMENT
The statements in Appendix A were designed to comply with the forms
of authority first discussed by Max Weber (1947) as well as the inquiries
regarding implicit leadership theories (ILTs) conducted by Eden and Leviatan
(1975) and den Hartog, House, Hanges, Ruiz-Quintanilla, and Dorfman
(1999). The pretest instrument was developed in the UAE and subjected to
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review by a multidisciplinary panel of professors with experience in attitu-
dinal research. It was then administered to two convenience samples of
20 student respondents from separate universities in Europe and a Gulf
Arab state. The resulting analysis revealed similar standard deviations for
all statements with the significant differences in mean location being associatedwith nationality.
DATA COLLECTION
Given that this study was exploratory in nature and that the authors did
not intend to generalize their findings to the entire Lebanese population,
convenience samples of undergraduate students and full-time employees
were used. For analysis purposes, demographic information was collectedfrom the respondents, including gender, age, nationality, and employment
status. In addition, data were also obtained on the type of business or orga-
nization in which they were employed and whether they had prior direct
supervisory experience over subordinates. A complete listing of the demo-
graphic characteristics of the respondents is provided in Table 1.
The undergraduate student portion of the database was drawn from the
two largest universities in Beirut (both self-proclaimed American univer-
sities) and was composed of individuals who were expected to enter the
workplace within the next 2 years. The sample of full-time employees was
drawn from persons of both subordinate and managerial ranks who were
employed in a variety of organizations in Beirut. The respondents were
self-selecting in that they completed the instrument on a voluntary basis.
The undergraduate students were either in their sixth or seventh semester of
study and were enrolled in advanced marketing courses. Based on the
requirements of their curricula, this meant that they had already taken a
variety of business courses that included, but were not limited to,
Introduction to Business, Introduction to Management, and Introduction toMarketing.
Full-time employees were either enrolled in MBA courses or were col-
leagues of these students. The MBA students constituted 55% of the
employee database, and although they were not necessarily former under-
graduate business majors, all were required to show evidence of completion
of such basic courses in management, marketing, and economics. We do
not have data on the extent of business training of the non-MBA employ-
ees, but the fact that they were employed in business careers is suggestiveof some level of business training. Furthermore, because virtually all
Lebanese universities follow an American model of education, it can be
assumed that they had been exposed to many of the same Western business
values as the MBA respondents. Classroom distribution was accomplished
by leaving the instruments on a desk for the students to obtain as they
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52 JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT EDUCATION / February 2008
wished. In all cases, it was stressed that participation was voluntary, anony-
mous, and not subject to any form of reward mechanism.
Because the respondents were all volunteers, a response rate could not
be computed. A total of 297 usable questionnaires were received, and, in
terms of the independent variables of interest, they were divided as follows:
undergraduate students, 146; full-time employees, 151; women, 176; men:
121. The above sample was relevant to the topic under study because theundergraduate students constituted the next group of potential employees,
and they may have had an academic view of the workplace that differed
substantially from the realities under which full-time employees were
working. The two groups thus represented discrete spheres in terms of their
full-time experience of existing management cultures in Lebanon.
TABLE 1
Overall Demographic Characteristics of Respondent Groups
Demographic Characteristic %
Age (all participants,N= 297)19-20 16.7
21-22 23.4
23-24 17.7
25-26 12.6
27-30 9.2
31-35 8.5
36-44 7.8
45-over 4.1
Nationality (all participants,N= 297)
Lebanese 92.3Non-Lebanese 7.7
Gender (all participants,N= 297)
Male 40.7
Female 59.3
Employment status (all participants,N= 297)
Students (nonemployed) 49.2
Full-time employees (including MBAs) 50.8
Employment area (employees, n = 151)
Banking and finance 14.8
Import/export 26.2Outside sales 15.9
Travel/tourism 23.6
Retailing 10.4
Public sector/other 9.1
Managerial experience (employees, n = 151)
Yes 31.3
No 68.7
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Neal, Finlay / AMERICAN HEGEMONY 53
STATISTICAL ANALYSIS
The obvious problem in a sequential univariate analysis, such as that nor-
mally conducted with ANOVA, is the potential for an increase in Type I error.
Not only do the series of individual Ftests inflate the Type I error rate; they
also ignore the possibility that a combination of the independent variables may
provide evidence of differences in the dependent groups (Hair, Anderson, &
Tatham, 1995). Because the possibility of a multivariate interactive effect was
a matter of concern to the researchers, MANOVA was selected for statistical
purposes. The MANOVA technique automatically corrects problems relating
to sequential analysis and provides a new model based on both main and inter-
active effects. As the data in Table 2 reveal, 14 of the 33 statements had
significant mean differences, indicating a rather high degree of impact of the
test variables that were distributed among all four research constructs andacross both employment status and gender. A complete listing of all mean
ratings and standard deviations is provided in Appendixes B and C.
Research Results: Analysis of Leadership
Authority Preferences
GENDER-BASED COMPARISONS: HYPOTHESIS 1
Lebanese culture is highly Arab influenced and exhibits strong patriar-
chal tendencies (Sharabi, 1988). Given this, the authors felt that an analy-
sis of the statements and underlying constructs should be conducted with
respect to gender. As previously mentioned, of the 297 participants in this
study, 176 were women and 121 were men, and although the women may
have been slightly overrepresented, this did not have an impact on the sta-
tistical analysis, nor does it diminish the importance of the findings.
Table 2 provides a list of the statements relating to leadership authority,with significant differences being noted in 10 of these when the partici-
pants responses were compared on the basis of gender. In the five cases
where men showed a higher level of support, four of these were associated
with a higher level of agreement with statements associated with traditional
forms of leadership. The women also provided significantly higher ratings
for 5 statements, with none of these being associated with the traditional
approach. Although 19 of the 33 statements showed no significant variation
in terms of gender, the difference in support for traditional leadership sug-
gests that gender did have a measurable impact on the participants levels
of agreement with the individual statements regarding leadership. Although
the results are somewhat mixed, the authors concluded that Hypothesis 1
(Leadership authority values will differ with respect to gender, with men
being more likely to support statements associated with traditional author-
ity) was supported, at least partially, by the data.
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54
TABLE
2
ComparisonsofLeadershipStatementsWithSignifica
ntDifferencesintheCorrectedMANOVAMo
del
No.
Aneffectiveleader
Women
Men
UniversityStudents(S)
Employees(E)
SignificanceLevel
Construct
1
Changesb
ehavior
3.886
3.975
4.075a
3.775
.016
Interactive
tosuitsituations
9
Iscarefulnotto
3.369
3.504
3.576a
3.278
.006
Interactive
upsetpe
ople
24
Keepsemployees
4.256a
4.223
4.158
4.185
.037
Interactive
informed
2
Isfromar
ichand
1.807
2.083a
2.075a
1.768
.002
Traditional
powerfu
lfamily
4
Iswillingtoshow
2.716
3.141a
2.951
2.828
.002
Traditional
anger
7
Isconcernedwith
2.301
2.620a
2.473
2.391
.043
Traditional
ownsuc
cess
11
Promotescolleagues
3.449
3.339
3.706a
3.113
.000
Traditional
basedonloyalty
25
Maintains
aformal
2.744
3.182a
2.980
2.868
.001
Traditional
distance
8
Treatsallsubordinates
4.261
4.240
4.390a
4.119
.036
Rational-legal
equally
13
Likesroutine
1.983
2.174a
2.247
1.881
.000
Rational-legal
andhabit
14
Advancessubordinates
4.455a
4.223
4.253
4.464a
.000
Rational-legal
onperfo
rmance
32
Providessubordinates
4.534a
4.331
4.418
4.483
.003
Rational-legal
withcle
argoals
28
Inspiresco
lleagues
4.483a
4.281
4.377
4.424
.022
Charismatic
withav
ision
29
Isenthusia
sticabout
4.614a
4.479
4.555
4.453
.045
Charismatic
work
a.Significantlylargermeanvaluenotedinpairedcomparisons(maineffects).
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COMPARISON BASED ON EMPLOYMENT STATUS: HYPOTHESIS 2
As was previously mentioned, the 297 participants were divided in the fol-
lowing manner in terms of employment status: undergraduate students, 146;
full-time employees, 151. In reviewing the mean values in Table 2, the authors
noted fewer instances where the participants responses varied with respect to
employment status. In those seven instances where significant differences
were noted, six of these were in cases where undergraduate students exhibited
higher levels of agreement. Unlike the analysis undertaken with respect to
gender, no clear construct was identifiable that could explain these variations.
An interesting item that was noted concerned the diversity of impressions
regarding employee advancement. In opposition to what they had been taught
in class, undergraduate students clearly expected promotions to be based on
loyalty (Statement 11), whereas those respondents already in the workplaceindicated that advancement should be performance based (Statement 14).
From a human resource management perspective, this perception on the part
of undergraduate students might be expected to cause difficulties for them as
they enter the workplace. Overall, however, the authors rejected Hypothesis 2
(Leadership authority values will differ with respect to employment status,
with undergraduate students being more likely to support statements associ-
ated with the more progressive ideals embodied in interactive authority)
and concluded that undergraduate students did not have expectations ofperformance-based promotion.
INTERACTIVE EFFECTS: HYPOTHESIS 3
In terms of the MANOVA results for interaction between employment
status and gender, the values of Wilkss Lambda statistic, Hotellings Trace,
and Pillais Trace were all insignificant. Only one additional case attained a
significant interactive effect in the corrected model, that being Statement 32
(provides subordinates with clear targets and goals). On the basis of these
findings, the authors rejected Hypothesis 3 (Leadership authority values
will differ with respect to the interactive effect between gender and employ-
ment status, with female undergraduate students being more likely to sup-
port statements associated with interactive authority), concluding that there
was no difference between the participants ratings in terms of support for
interactive authority.
Research Results: Measuring Hegemonic Influence
When the authors framed the individual statements, an overriding point of
interest was whether Lebanese undergraduate students were accepting the
modern values and business practices being taught in their American-style
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business education. If not, they would be subsequently unlikely to employ
such values and practices in the workplace. Therefore, the authors identified
individual statements that were consistent with the hegemonic values being
extolled in Western texts (see Appendix A). The rationales for the hegemonic
values assigned to each individual statement in Table 3 are explained inAppendix D. In total, 25 of the 33 statements on the leadership questionnaire
were construed to be either positively or negatively associated with the pro-
gressive ideals taught in Western-style business and management classes.
On the basis of the 5-point scale used in this instrument, the authors clas-
sified mean values below 3.0 as rejection, and above 3.0 as acceptance. As
the data in Table 4 reveal, 20 statements showed similar levels of support in
terms of the mean ratings of the undergraduate students and employees. Of
these, 6 were traditional, 3 of which were associated with mean valuesbelow 3.0. The remaining 14 statements were classified as progressive, with
all of these having mean values above 3.0. This similarity between under-
graduate students and employees suggests that many of the progressive val-
ues that are embedded in American business courses may already exist in
the Lebanese workplace.
EQUITY: HYPOTHESIS 4
In examining the progressive ideals summarized in Table 4, we see that
differences between the employee and student groups were primarily limited
to the issues of equity and tolerance. However, the mean ratings of the indi-
vidual values reveal thatpro-equity statements were generally supported by
both undergraduate students and employees, whereas antitolerance state-
ments were correspondingly rejected. Appendix B also shows that where
gender equality was concerned, both groups gave the pro-equity Statement 30
(treats men and women equally) the highest mean rating of all of the state-
ments. Although both groups supported the pro-equity Statement 14(advances subordinates based on their performance), the rating by employ-
ees was significantly higher. It was interesting to note that the antiequity
Statement 11 (promotes colleagues based on their loyalty) was supported
by both groups, with the students providing a significantly higher rating. To
a certain extent, this mirrors what is widely considered to be typical Arab
business behavior, where loyalty is prized above performance, and position is
valued over qualifications (Abdalla & Al-Homoud, 2001; Weir, 2001).
Therefore, although the Lebanese workplace may be showing evidence ofWestern values, it appears that the tradition of loyalty, central to sheikocracy,
mayat least to a limited extentbe alive and well. Although the overall rat-
ings were mixed, the consistent support for the pro-equity ideal led the
authors to conclude that there was general support for Western-style expecta-
tions of equity. As a result, the authors rejected Hypothesis 4 (Western
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57
TABLE
3
Lead
ershipStatementsWith
UnderlyingLeadershipAuthorityConstructs
andProgressiveIdeals
Myideaofaneffective
L
eadershipAuthority
leade
risonewho...
Construct
ProgressiveIdeal
Reference
Significance
Cause
1
changes
hisorher
Interactive
None
N
one
behav
iortosuit
differentsituations.
6
iswillingtoaccept
Interactive
Consultation
P
ro
ns
teamdecisionmaking
when
itisappropriate.
9
iscarefu
lnottoupset
Interactive
None
N
one
people.
10
consider
sthepersonal
Interactive
Equity
P
ro
ns
welfareofallemployees.
12
embrace
schange.
Interactive
Tolerance
P
ro
ns
16
consults
withhisorher
Interactive
Consultation
P
ro
ns
staffb
eforetakingaction.
19
hasasenseofhumor
Interactive
None
N
one
andsmilesalot.
22
canbep
ersuadedtochange
Interactive
Consultation
P
ro
ns
hisor
hermind.
23
regularlywalksaround
Interactive
Consultation
P
ro
ns
talkingtostaff.
24
keepssu
bordinates
Interactive
Transparency
P
ro
ns
inform
edofanyactivity
thatcouldaffectthem.
21
makesfirmdecisions
Traditional
Consultation
A
nti
ns
andstickswiththem.
31
isopenwithinformation.
Interactive
Transparency
P
ro
ns
(continued)
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TABLE3(continued)
Myideaofaneffective
L
eadershipAuthority
leade
risonewho...
Construct
ProgressiveIdeal
Reference
Significance
Cause
58
33
acceptsdisagreement
Interactive
Consultation
P
ro
ns
fromsubordinates.
2
isfromarichorpowerful
Traditional
Accountability
A
nti
.002
S>E
family.
3
practicesstrongreligious
Traditional
Tolerance
A
nti
ns
values.
4
iswillingtoshowanger
Traditional
Tolerance
A
nti
ns
with,andpunish,
emplo
yeeswhenneeded.
7
ismostconcernedabout
Traditional
Accountability
A
nti
ns
hisor
herownpersonal
success.
11
promote
scolleagues
Traditional
Equity
A
nti
.000
S>E
based
ontheirloyalty.
18
iswillingtomake
Traditional
Consultation
A
nti
ns
unpop
ulardecisions.
20
takesruthlessactions
Traditional
Tolerance
A
nti
ns
withh
isorherenemies
when
necessary.
25
maintain
saformaldistance
Traditional
None
N
one
fromsubordinates.
5
hasacle
arstrategicvision
Rational-legal
None
N
one
ofthe
future.
8
treatsallsubordinates
Rational-legal
Equity
P
ro
.013
S>E
equally.
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59
13
likesrou
tineandhabit
Rational-legal
Tolerance
A
nti
.000
S>E
14
advancessubordinateson
Rational-legal
Equity
P
ro
.000
E>S
theba
sisoftheir
performance.
17
demandsthatallrules
Rational-legal
Accountability
P
ro
ns
arefollowed.
26
isalwaystruthfulwith
Rational-legal
Transparency
P
ro
ns
emplo
yees.
27
ismoreconcernedabout
Rational-legal
Accountability
P
ro
ns
organizationgoalsthan
individualgoals.
30
treatsmenandwomen
Rational-legal
Equity
P
ro
ns
equally.
32
provides
subordinateswith
Rational-legal
Accountability
P
ro
ns
cleartargetsandgoals.
15
hasgreatcharismaand
Charismatic
None
N
one
personalpresence.
28
inspires
colleagueswitha
Charismatic
None
N
one
vision
ofthefuture.
29
isenthusiasticaboutwork.
Charismatic
None
N
one
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60 JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT EDUCATION / February 2008
expectations of gender equity will be inconsistent with the expectations of
undergraduate students and employees) and concluded that the Lebanese
participants shared Western expectations regarding gender equity.
TOLERANCE: HYPOTHESIS 5
The mean ratings in Table 4 for the statements associated with tolerance
were consistent with hegemonic expectations, with the progressive state-
ments associated with antitolerance being rejected. In all five cases, the
mean values were less than 3.0, with the only significant variance being
noted on Statement 13 (likes routine and habit), which had a significantly
TABLE 4
Analysis of Overall Mean Values of Progressive Ideals
Progressive Overall
# Ideal Mean Significance Cause Indicates
11 Antiequity 3.445 .000 S > E Higher Acceptance by S
8 Pro-equity 4.252 .013 S > E Higher acceptance by S
10 Pro-equity 3.996 ns Mutual acceptance
14 Pro-equity 4.360 .000 E > S Higher acceptance by E
30 Pro-equity 4.593 ns Mutual acceptance
24 Pro-transparency 4.172 ns Mutual acceptance
26 Pro-transparency 4.111 ns Mutual acceptance
31 Pro-transparency 4.468 ns Mutual acceptance
2 Antiaccountability 1.919 .002 S > E Higher rejection by E
7 Antiaccountability 2.431 ns Mutual rejection17 Pro-accountability 3.832 ns Mutual acceptance
27 Pro-accountability 4.216 ns Mutual acceptance
32 Pro-accountability 4.451 ns Mutual acceptance
18 Anticonsultation 3.640 ns Mutual acceptance
21 Anticonsultation 3.845 ns Mutual acceptance
6 Pro-consultation 4.394 ns Mutual acceptance
16 Pro-consultation 4.021 ns Mutual acceptance
22 Pro-consultation 3.626 ns Mutual acceptance
23 Pro-consultation 4.074 ns Mutual acceptance
33 Pro-consultation 4.145 ns Mutual acceptance6 Pro-consultation 4.394 ns Mutual acceptance
16 Pro-consultation 4.021 ns Mutual acceptance
22 Pro-consultation 3.626 ns Mutual acceptance
23 Pro-consultation 4.074 ns Mutual acceptance
33 Pro-consultation 4.145 ns Mutual acceptance
3 Antitolerance 2.340 ns Mutual rejection
4 Antitolerance 2.889 ns Mutual rejection
13 Antitolerance 2.061 .000 S > E Higher rejection by E
3 Antitolerance 2.340 ns Mutual rejection
4 Antitolerance 2.889 ns Mutual rejection
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Neal, Finlay / AMERICAN HEGEMONY 61
higher mean rating among the undergraduate students. This rejection of
antitolerance is consistent with Islamic values and coincides with the
authors expectations that the Lebanese participants would find common
ground with Western values in regard to this issue. As a result, the authors
concluded that Hypothesis 5 (Western expectations of tolerance will beconsistent with the expectations of undergraduate students and employees)
was supported by the data.
ACCOUNTABILITY: HYPOTHESIS 6
When the mean ratings with respect to accountability were examined, they
were also found to be consistent with hegemonic expectations. All of thepro-
accountability statements were accepted with mean values from 3.832 to4.451, whereas the antiaccountability statements were rejected with mean
values below 3.0. Although Statement 2 (is from a rich and powerful fam-
ily) received significantly more support from the student group, it still
received the lowest overall mean rating (1.919). We feel that despite the
prevalence of wasta within the Lebanese business community, the Lebanese
participants did have high accountability expectations, which may, in years to
come, challenge the tradition of favoritism in appointments and promotions.
These findings led the authors to reject Hypothesis 6 (Western expectations
of accountability will be inconsistent with the expectations of undergraduate
students and employees) and to conclude that the Lebanese participants did
indeed support the progressive ideal of accountability.
CONSULTATION: HYPOTHESIS 7
Table 4 also shows that there was broad support for thepro-consultation
statements. All of the mean ratings exceeded 3.0, with 8 of 10 being above
4.0, with no significant differences being noted between undergraduatestudents and employees. At the same time, however, the two anticonsulta-
tion statements, Statement 18 (is willing to make unpopular decisions)
and Statement 21 (makes firm decisions and sticks with them), were also
found to be supported by both undergraduate students and employees. We
fully expected the sheikocratic traditions of consultation within the tribe to
prevail and for the progressive ideal of consultation to be fully supported.
Thus, the high level of support for the two anticonsultation statements was
inconsistent with the consultative aspects of sheikocracy and not entirely inagreement with our original expectations. Although levels of support for
consultation were unquestionably high, this inconsistency led us to con-
clude that Hypothesis 7 (Western expectations of consultation will be con-
sistent with the expectations of undergraduate students and employees)
was only partially supported.
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62 JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT EDUCATION / February 2008
TRANSPARENCY: HYPOTHESIS 8
The three statements relating to transparency were strongly supported by
both the student and employee groups. Contrary to the literatureand in
opposition to our expectations in regard to a lack of openness in the Arab
style of leadershipthe statements relating to transparency received over-
all mean ratings exceeding 4.0. Although transparency generally refers to
the consistent application of the rule of law, the statements contained in this
instrument were not designed to deal with this issue. Rather, they addressed
the issue of internal transparency within the organization. Although the lit-
erature suggests that Arab leadership is not fully open, it is clear from these
findings that both the participants and employees had expectations of open-
ness that mirrored modern expectations. As a result, we rejected Hypothesis
8 (Western expectations of transparency will be inconsistent with theexpectations of undergraduate students and employees) and concluded that
Lebanese expectations of transparency were consistent with those being
taught in the classroom.
Limitations and Suggestions for Further Research
This study is limited to the case of Lebanon. Building on this research, it
would be interesting to see if similar patterns are discovered in other Arab
countries, such as Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and the UAE, where American busi-
ness education is also influential. Concerning the Lebanese data, few differ-
ences were found to exist between participant groups in terms of their
preference for leadership styles (see Appendix E). Although there was limited
evidence that men were more supportive of the traditional forms of leadership
associated with Arab management (Ali, 1993), the data did not show vari-
ances in support of other authority types. Similarly, the hypothesized vari-
ances in progressive values failed to materialize. Indeed, there were fewinstances in which the values of the Lebanese subject groups differed from
progressive Western business values. A useful next step would thus be to fur-
ther investigate the source of these values, given that they appear to be some-
what inconsistent with both the literature and with traditional Arab values. It
would also be useful to investigate further the practical implications of find-
ing progressive values in traditional circumstances for business educators and
those seeking to understand workplace relationships.
Although the data revealed much commonality between the mean ratingsof students and employees, additional research is also needed to discern
between their values. One way of doing that is to make the instrument more
discriminating by introducing a 7-point scale. In addition to the values
already embedded in the instrument, it would be useful to expose business
students to further questions designed to reveal both their attitudes toward the
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Neal, Finlay / AMERICAN HEGEMONY 63
progressive values taught in their courses and their views on the compatibil-
ity of these values with their immediate culture and business communities. It
is further suggested that the employee sample be broadened to make it more
representative of the workforces surveyed and that the undergraduate student
sample be made more consistent in terms of educational background by lim-iting respondents to individuals in their final year of study.
Discussion
As we mentioned earlier in the article, during our own time working
in the Arab World, we observed that many business teachers understood
regional discrimination and corruption as being sustained by the problem
traditional Arab cultural values sympathetic to such practices. Such educa-
tors also believed that business education was the solutionthat exposure
to American business ideas was changing studentsvalues toward more pro-
gressive Western values. Although corruption and discrimination are indeed
regrettable realities throughout the region (Salem, 2003; Transparency
International, 2005), this study found that both undergraduate students and
employees did notbroadly hold values that supported or upheld such prac-
tices. Indeed, in most cases, they clearly opposed them. With the exception
of undergraduate students approval of rewarding loyalty (Statement 11),both groups broadly concurred with the progressive secular values found in
American business education.
There are three possible explanations for this:
The first is that Lebanese values are not what we thought they were. In line
with the work of Hutchings and Weir (2006), Weir (2001), and Ali (1995), we
had assumed that Lebanese participants would broadly uphold the traditional,
patriarchal values associated with the sheikocratic prototype. Of course, as
Weir (2001) suggested, sheikocratic authority is not merely traditional but isa highly interactive form of authority rooted in consultation. Following
Hutchings and Weir (2006), Weir (2001), and Ali (1995), we thus hypoth-
esized that undergraduate students and employees alike would hold pro-
consultation valuesand indeed they did, if only partially. The enormous
influence of Islam in the region could also be expected to engender values sup-
portive of tolerance (Asali, 1994). Following the work of Asali (1994) and
Kurtz (2005), we thus hypothesized that this would also be supported among
both groupsand this again proved to be so. Even after adopting and opera-tionalizing these arguably progressive sheikocratic and Islamic influences, we
did not, however, expect people under these dual influences to be strongly sup-
portive of accountability, transparency, and equity, and we hypothesized
accordingly. Each of these antiprogressive hypotheses was rejected.
This raises the possibility that Lebanese values toward leadership
authority are different from those documented elsewhere in the Arab world.
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64 JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT EDUCATION / February 2008
For instance, whereas Abdalla and al-Homouds (2001) work on Gulf Arab
managers identified traditional leadership values sympathetic to corrupt
and discriminatory practices, in the case of Lebanon, there is at least the
possibility that although corruption and discrimination are also endemic,
many in Lebanese society hold values that do not concur with such prac-tices and thus depart from the wider sheikocratic ethos.
Another possible explanation for these results lies in the fact that the
data were mainly gleaned from the two top universities in the country, both
of which are expensive private institutions. Families who are able to fund
education at such institutions are bound to be wealthier than the majority of
the Lebanese population, and, as is the case throughout the world, the urban
educated middle classes in Beirut might well be more progressive in their
values (Johnston, 2003). There is a possibility then that we polled westward-looking middle-class radicals (Johnston, 2003), whose values differ
from those of the majority of less wealthy and less educated people in their
societywho might well hold views sympathetic to regional forms of dis-
crimination and corruption.
The third explanation is that we are indeed seeing American hegemony
in operationmeaning that most of the respondents originally held tradi-
tional Arab values but exposure to American business education changed
their views on issues such as leadership. If this is the case, it could indeedbe argued that American business education is changing the hearts and
minds of its students, causing them to adopt progressive business values.
It could also be argued that such influence on a place such as Lebanon is
for the good of the country and its people.
Whichever is the case, this study found strong similarities between the
values espoused in American education and those existing among undergrad-
uate students and employees. Such progressive values are thus either
comprehensively hegemonic in educational and business settings, or they
preexisted the introduction of American or Western values, albeit perhaps
only among the radical middle classes. In assessing which of these scenarios
is the more likely, it is worth considering the work of Geertz (2000), who
observed that cultural values, and wider societal systems and institutions, are
mutually definitional and sustaining: Local values legitimate institutions and
systems, whereas such institutions and systems propagate and sustain local
belief systems and values. The mutually reinforcing, systemic nature of cul-
tural values thus ensures an inertia or resistance to abrupt change without
equivalent transformations in the systems and institutions that sustain them.Accepting Geertzs systemic analysis of cultural values, the fact that
organizations in Lebanon are so notoriously corrupt and discriminatory
would strongly suggest that values sympathetic to such features do persist
among the powerful elites in Lebanese business and/or more widely
throughout Lebanese society. As a relatively high proportion of undergrad-
uates and MBAs are destined for successful careers in Lebanese businesses,
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one could thus speculate that American-style education is indeed having an
impact on a traditionally corrupt and discriminatory developing economy,
leading to a gradual influx of employees with progressive views that con-
flict with those of previous elites. To add weight to this argument, we would
highlight the finding that educated full-time employees in potentially cor-rupting Lebanese organizations still held views broadly sympathetic to pro-
gressive Western business values.
To sum up, whether American business education changes students val-
ues or simply reinforces preexisting progressive values is unclear from the
data. This notwithstanding, this research study clearly shows that both
undergraduate students and business employees broadly share the progres-
sive values espoused in American management texts. This is good news for
those concerned with eliminating corruption and discriminatory practicesin the region.
IS AMERICAN BUSINESS EDUCATION, THEN, HEGEMONIC?
Throughout this article, we have raised the prospect that the progressive
values expounded in American business education systems may be hege-
monic. But to what extent is this true? The American system that now domi-
nates world business education is arguably externally hegemonic. Following
Chomsky (1999a, 1999b), this hegemonic nature could be characterized neg-
atively in the sense that it renders majority world academics and students
reliant upon American systems, ideas, and institutions. Following Fukuyama
(1989), on the other hand, this hegemony could be characterized more posi-
tively in the sense that it is promoting accountable systems of accreditation,
and high quality models and resources that can only benefit students through-
out the world. Whichever is the case, there is strong evidence that American
business education is externally hegemonic, in that people throughout the
world are adopting its institutions, systems, and practices.Whether American business education is internally hegemonic is less
clear. To assess whether it is so, two issues arise: The first is that of the
Wests ownership of progressive values (see Sharrock, 1974). The second
is whether American business education is indeed changing cultural values
throughout the majority world such that they are becoming more progressive.
As we have seen, the ideals of consultation and tolerance arguably preexisted
in the dual Arab traditions of sheikocracy and Islam, and so the claim that such
values are American or even broadly Western is difficult to sustain. In thisstudy, however, we found that undergraduate students and educated employ-
ees in an Arab Muslim country agreed with all five progressive ideals. There
is a chance thenindeed it is likelythat American business education rein-
forced the preexisting ideals of tolerance and consultation, while changing
the nonprogressive traditional cultural values with respect to transparency,
Neal, Finlay / AMERICAN HEGEMONY 65
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accountability, and equity. This raises the interesting prospect that other coun-
tries cultures may display differing configurations of preexisting values with
respect to such progressive ideals; with some sustaining preexisting equity
values (for instance), while supporting intolerance and nonconsultation.
American business education in such countries will reinforce preexisting pro-gressive cultural values, while challengingperhaps changingother less
progressive values. Like the Arab region, it is likely that other parts of the
world also display some preexisting progressive values, while upholding tra-
ditional values that conflict with the progressive ethos. Returning to the ques-
tion of whether American business education is internally hegemonic, it thus
seems likely that it is so, in that it reinforces students progressive values, and
challengesor even perhaps changesthose traditional values antipathetic to
the progressive business ethos.
Lessons for Business Teaching
PEDAGOGICAL PROBLEMS ASSOCIATED WITH AMERICAN HEGEMONY
As business teachers, we are
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