Od spitála k nemocnici Zdravotníctvo, sociálna starostlivost' a osveta

v dejinách Slovenska

LE PREDSAI

Slovensky národny archív v Bratislave

Od spitála k nemocnici Zdravotníctvo, sociálna starostlivost'

a osveta v dejinách Slovenska

Mgr. Ivana Fialová, PhD. - Mgr. Daniela Tvrdoiíová, PhD. (editorky)

SlovensIcy národny archív

Slovensky národny archív

Recenzenti : Prof. PhDr. Mária Kohútová, CSe. Doc. Mgr. Milos Marek, PhD. Mgr. Marcela Domenová, PhD.

Autori: Bartha Annamária, Richard Drska, Anna Falisová, Ivana Fialová, Martin Garek, Mária Grófová, Libusa Hrubá, Peter Chorvát, Juraj Kallo, Daniel Haas Kianicka, Zuzana Kollárová, Peter Koval', Lucia Krchnáková, Zuzana Lopatková, Jana Macounová, Sona Mat'ugová, Eva Morovicsová, Miroslav Tibor Morovics, Katarína Nádaská, Hildegarda Pokreis, Norbert Praienka, Vladimír Rábik, Radoslav Ragac, Révész József, Szabó Dénes, Branislav Sprocha, Zuzana Sutaríková, Katarína Svábiková, Pavol Tisliar, Daniela Tvrdonová, Eva Vrabcová, Mária Zajícková, Jana Zat'ková, Mária Ziláková

Editorky: Mgr. (vana Fialová, PhD. - Mgr. Daniela Tvrdonová, PhD.

Prekiad resumé: Mgr. Jana Svabcíková

Texty nepresli jazykovou úpravou.

ISBN 978-80-970666-6-6

Obsah

Predslov ...... ....... ... .................................................................................... ................. 5

Szabó Dénes: The symbolic and real cranial trepanations in 9.-12. th century Carpathian Basin ................................................................ 9

Bartha Annamária: Health and IIIness in the Angevin dynasty of the Hungarian Kingdom ............................................................................... 19

Mária ZUáková: Písomné záznamy o zdravotníctve dolnozemsk)'ch lokalít mestského rázu .......... .. ... ..... ......... ... ........ .... ..... ........ ... ................ ..... ................ 34

Vladimír Rábik: Trnavsky spitál Sviitého Kríza v stredoveku .......... ... ... ... .. . ...... .. ... . 40

Katarína Nádaská: Stredoveké spitály v Kosiciach ...... ....... .... . .......... ..... ...... ....... ... 48

Richard DrSka: Stíbor - skalick)' mestsk)' spitál Sviitej Alzbety Uhorskej (Durínskej) ........... .. ........... .. .. ...... .................. .. ... ... .. ...... .. ...................... ...... ... .. 67

HUdegarda Pokreis: Chudobinec v Sered i .. ..... ....... ..... ..... ... ............. ... ....... .. ... .... ... . 93

Radoslav Ragaé: Príspevok k dejinám mestského spitála vo Zvolene ..... .......... ...... 98

Révész Józse! Rehol'né a mestianske lekárne v Köszegu v 17. a 18. storocí .. .. ....... 107

Sona Mat'ugová: Z dejín lekárnictva na Orave v rokoch 1632-1950 ............ ........ ... 120

Lucia Krchnáková: Zdravotnícke zariadenie pre baníkov v banskostiavnickom regióne - realita, plány a vízi e .... ..................... .... ... .. ..... 129

Zuzana Sutaríková: Posádková nemocnica Bratislava ...................... .... ...... ...... ...... . 140

Zuzana Ko//árová: Zrod, úspechy a pády klimatickej liecebne v Tatranskej Polianke ............................................................. ... .. .. ............... .... 148

Daniel Haas Kianiéka: Hygiena v Kremnici v 18. storocí ............ ........................... 159

Mária Zajíéková: Písomnosti skalick)'ch cechov ako pramen poznania sociálnej a zdravotnej starostlivosti v 17. - 19. storocí .... .. .................... ... ....... 172

Zuzana Lopatková: Cholerová epidémia v roku 1831 v severnej casti malokarpatského regiónu ........ .. .......................................... .... 187

Norbert Prazenka: Pörodné babice v Bratislavskej stolici v období osvietenstva... 205

Eva Morovicsová - Miroslav Tibor Morovics: Historieké korene profesionálnej prípravy pörodnych asistentiek na Slovensku do zaciatku 50. rokov 20. storocia ...... ...... .......... .. .. .......................................... 255

Anna Fa/isová: Úradní lekári na Slovensku (v 20. rokoch minulého storocia) ........ 269

Mária Grófová: Vzdelávanie budúcich lekárov na Univerzite Komenského v Bratislave v rokoch 1919-1950 ............ ............ ...... ............ ........ ................ .. . 279

Jana Macounová: Spolok slovenskych medikov v Bratislave ....... ..... ....... ............. . 322

Eva Morovicsová - Anna Falisová: Cinnost' Spolku diplomovanych sestier v prvej Ceskoslovenskej republike ... .. ... ... .......... ... ....... .. ....... .... ........ .... ... .. .. .... 336

Libusa Hrubá: Masarykova liga proti tuberkulóze na Slovensku ajej pősobenie v zrkadle archívnych dokumentov Slovenského národného archívu .... ... ........ 348

Eva Vrabeová: Záchrana, spolok pre ocrnanu zi en a dievcat na Slovensku v rokoch 1921-1940 .. ..... ................ ...... ............ ....... ...... ..... .... .. ... : ... ................. 367

Peter Chorvát: K problematike interakcie armády a pohlavnych chorőb v modernych dejinách Slovenska ........ .. ... .... ... ... .. ........ ... .. .. .... ..... ............. .... ... 374

Jana Zat'ková: Zdravotno-hygienické podmienky a epidémie v zajateckych táboroch v oblasti V. zborového velitel'stva Brati slava v rokoch 1914-1915 ............. ... .. .. ..... .................... ..... .......... ..... ..... .. .............. ... 380

Martin Garek: Sociálna starostlivost' o zaradencov v pracovnom tábore Ústie nad Oravou v rokoch 1943- 1944 ... .. .. ............. ... ............. ........ .... .... ..... ... 388

Ivana Fialová: Penzijny fond a provízny institút pre vdovy a siroty zamestnancov cisárskych panstiev Holíc a Sastín ako forma sociálneho zabezpecenia v minulosti ...... .... ... ..... ....... .... .. ............... 397

Katarína Svábiková: Sociálna a zdravotná starostlivost' na Slovensku v orgánoch státnej správy v rokoch 1918-1928 ..... ... .. ......... ... .... ...... .. ...... .... ... 407

Daniela Tvrdonová: Skolstvo pre mládez úchylnú, alebo starostlivost' o zdravotne a mentálne postihnuté deti v období I. CSR ...... ... ... ..... .. .. .. .. ... .. ... 416

Pavol TiSliar '- Branislav Sprocha: Institucionalizácia sociálnej starostlivosti o det i a mládez na Slovensku v 20. a 30. rokoch 20. storocia ... .. ... .. ... ...... ....... 436

Branislav Sprocha - Pavol Tisliar: Úmrtnost', zdravotny stav a chorobnost' obyvatel'stva Slovenska v medzivojnovom období 446

Peter Kova/': Zdravotná starostlivost' v meste Presov v poprevratovych rokoch ... .. 463

Judita Kovácsová: Verejné zdravotníctvo regiónu Sal'a ... .... .... ...... .......... ...... .......... 474

Juraj Kallo: Vyvoj zdravotnej starostlivosti v meste PovaZská Bystrica s dőrazom na zriadenie státnej okresnej nemocnice v rokoch 1938-1957 486

Resumé ..... .... ......... .... ..................... ..... ... ..... .. ..... ........... ...... .... .... ... .... ... .. ...... .......... .. 508

Zoznam autorov .. .... ...... ........ .. ... ...... .... .. ....... .. .. .............. .. ............ .. .. .... .... .. ... .. ...... .. . 531

Osobny register .. ...... ... .. .............. ...... .. .. .. ....... .... ..................... ...................... .. .. .. ... ... 533

Zemepisny register .. .... . ............. ... .......... .... .. ...... . ... ... ... .. ..... ...... ...... .... .. .... . ... ... ... .... .. 546

Predslov

" Zdravie j e predpokladom vsetkého. "

Medzinárodná vedecká konferencia s názvom Od spitála k nemocnici. Zdravotníctvo, sociálna starostlivost' a osveta v dejinách Slovenska, ktorá sa v diíoch 10. - 11. októbra 2012 konala v priestoroch konferencnej sály Slovenského národného archívu, si tento­krát vzala za ciel' zhodnotit' postavenie zdravotníctva, sociálnej starostlivosti a osvety v priereze dejín. Hlavnym usporiadatel'om boI uz tradiene Slovensk)' národny archív v spolupráci so Sekciou archívnictva a pomocnych vied historick)'ch Slovenskej histo­rickej spolocnosti pri SAV. V úvode podujatia mal Radoslav Ragac, riaditel' Sloven­ského národného archívu, miIú povinnost' "uviest' do zivota" zborník príspevkov Pódo­hospodárstvo v dejinách Slovenska. Tradície, inovácie a kultúrne dediéstvo, V)Ísledok publikacnej cinnosti nasej institúcie.

Pohl'ad do rokovaGÍch priestorov konferenénej sály SNA poéas prednásky.

Na konferenci i vystúpiIi zástupcovia viacerych vednych odborov, nielen archivári a historici , ale i etnografi , múzejníci, statistici a odborníci z medicínskej praxe. Toto siroké spektrum aktívnych úcastníkov konferencie umofuilo konfrontovat' poznatky z rozlicnych vednych disciplín bez casového obmedzenia. Konferencia tak)'mto spő­sobom poskytla priestor na vytvorenie ucelenej sieho obrazu jednotliV)Ích etáp V)Ívoja zdravotníctva na Slovensku od najstarsích cias aZ po súcasnost'.

5

The symbolic and real cranial trepanations in the 10-12th century Carpathian Basin

Szabó Dénes

The trepanation, both as a surgical method and as a cultural marker, has a wide range of occurances, both on a historical, and on a geographical scale. Real and symbolic trepanations in the Carpathian basin at the tum of the first millenia c10sely itself have been the subject of long-time research, and the topic of many theoretical debates since the discovering of the first such cases in the middIe of the 19th century. As the author is not an anthropologist, this short work mainly aims to give a brief overlook on the subject, considering both the approach ing questions oftechnic and interpretation.

The expressions trepanation and trephination are commonly used as synonims of each other, although they originallly have partially different meanings: whilst trephination serves for getting pieces of bone from the human skull, trepanation originally means drilling a hole into the skull with a "trepa".1 Although neither of these is accurate considering 10-12th century ali ofsuch cranial surgeries of the Carpathian Basin (se e the rondelle-problem later).

I will use the term "trepanation" troughout both this presentation and text. During the investigated period also numerous (more than 30) cases of post mortem mutilation of the foramen occipitale magnum are known,2 for which the term would be unspecific, but these are not part of the topic of this paper, as althoug the possibility of looking upon at least a part of them as remains of (post mortem) investigations to find out the causes of kinetic dysfunctions,3 they can rather be considered as being part of the treatment of the dead body, than surgeries.4

Various forms oftrepanation are known from different ages and cultural conditions around the world among them in high numbers from precolonial Peru: these are not made by ploughing or drilling, but sometimes form rectangular holes made with saws5.

Lesser cases are known from Mesoamerica, among the Mayas and from Monte Albán.6

The custom was practised among others in Montenegro, Tahiti, Kenya, New Zealand,7 or the Bismarck islands, where even in the 20th century it was practised. In some local parts of 19th century Balkan being trepanated was a way for murderers to avoid the consequences of vendetta law.8 In Serbia the custom became forbidden in 1856.9 The first recognized prehistorical finds with trepanation on them were found in France in the 19th century France. As their numbers grew, from the Neolithic and Bronze or Iron age, their interpretation as an early form of cranial surgery was still questioned, as in many cases trepanation was made post mortem,10 and its main aim was to get round pieces of bone from the skulls, so called rondelles, wich might be serve as amulets, as in case

l Waldron 161 . 2 Grynaeus 95 . 3 Kiszely 292. 4 Grynaeus 95-96. 5 Bartucz 84, Józsa 1996. 6 Tiesler BIos 3-4. 7 López - Caro - Pardií'las 247-248. 8 Regöly-Mérei 121 . 9 Bartucz 82.

10 e. g. Maklecova - Ginszburg - Rochlin 27.

9

of the Gutramsdorf find. 11 In Iron Age Scotland pieces of postmortally moved bones of the skull were deponated not just in graves, but also separatedly from the dead body in entrances of buildings. 12

In Medieval Europe several cases of real trepanations are known, such as the ones known from Bawaria,13 and in Estonia, from the 14-1 6 th century cemetery of Dobele. 14 Two trepanated skulls have been published from the cemetery ofthe San Miguel hermitage in Spain l5 Real and symbolic l6 trepanation cases in Vholga Bulgaria, especially in the cemetery of Bolsie Tarhani, are paralels of high importance for the similar custom in the Carpathian Basin.17 Same types of symbolic trepanations are known from Danuvian Bulgar cemeteries.18

From the beginning ofthe 10th century the custom becomes far more common in the Carpathian basin, than any time before. By the two recent summarizing works of Tamás Grynaeus and Péter Tomka from the I O-12 th century at least 48 real cranial trepanations are known, which can be dated to this era with certainity,19 and at least 160 certain cases of symbolic treapanations are known from the same period.20 The first case from the Hungarian conquest period wich get known for the 9 th century archeological research and became dated to that era was that of the grave at Benepuszta.21 The remains of the buried warrior and his horse were found in 1843. by shepherds, and the coins of ltalian king (later emperor) Berengar made able for Miklós Jankovich to date the grave. However he considered the " plum-seed forming" symbolic trepanation on the skulJ22 being the result of a martial wound. The first case, where trepanation was recognized, was the grave at Vereb. The grave was found when the wind blew off a sandhill abowe it. This is still one of the most important such finds , especially because of the round silver plate found in the grave, with pairs ofholes on its edge. This item has been lost probably in 1936. lts' greatest widths were 135 mrns and 133 mm (according to Bartucz, who still had the chance to investigate it) being far larger than the trepanation itself (84,62 mm at the sagittalis direction and 81,69 mm at the transversalis direction)Y Several views were stated concerning the fitting of the plate; whilst it is clear, that the holes on its edge (sometimes in pairs, sometimes alone) served for this purpose, the ideas differ from the serving ofit to the skin of the head, to even being fitted into a hat. The most possible way seems to be the idea of Bartucz (and partly Varga) that through the holes wide stramps were fitted to the plate, firming it probablyon the chin and the forehead : this special cap must have been worn by him th'roughout the rest of his life, wich could take even years after the surgery, as on the edges of the bone marks of regrowth are visible. The

11 Regöly-Mérei 123. 12 Shapland-Armit 103-104. 13 Weber-Czarnetzki 10-14. 14 Grynaeus 58. 15 López - Caro - Pardifias 250-255. 16 Éry 1987. 115- 120. 17 Fóthi - Marcsik - Efimova 45-52. 18 Jordanov - Dimitrova - Nikolov 15- 18. 19 Tomka 72-80. . 20 Grynaeus 75- 93 . see also the important investigations made by László Józsa and Erzsébet Fóthi

Józsa-Fóthi 15- 18. ' 21 Révész 338- 340, Langó 62--69. 22 Kustár-Skultéty 180. 23 Bartucz 375- 376.

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trepanation was a neccesity because of a serious blow, probably gained in battle, by some

kind of obtuse weapon.24

Up to this time only one tool is known from the Hungarian conquest period, wich might to be used for trephining purposes: a special knife from the Tiszaeszlár-Bashalom cemetery d. grave. In the .grave ~ wealt~y wom~ was buried, togeth~r wi!~ her ~orse.~5 The blade is unusuaIly slmmetrlcal, wlth a pomted end, and oval sldes. The Item IS 10 6 centimetres long. lts halfwas fitted and decorated with a silver ring. The corrodated to~1 was reconstucted in drawing by Tibor Anda, to gether with its possibly skin-covered

sheath. 27 Anda28 and after him some others state d that a trepaning drill of the Avar period

(sometimes even dated to the Hungarian conquest period)29 is known from the cemetery at Band (Mezöbánd). Anda reconstructed the iron drill with help of early new age paralels. However the archeological circumstances of the find make the datation of the drill to the conquest period very difficult. It is part of collection ofblacksmith tools: buried together with their owner in the grave number 10. of the cemetery. The grave IS a robbed one, only the blacksmith tools were left in it, so the datation the grave only on typological basis is not easy, but the other graves contained material, wich clearly ~ates back to the VI. century: it is probably a Gepidian grave, not an Avar one. Two kmd of hammers and an anvil, bigger and smaller pliers, a coldcutter, a nailhead-maker and other smaller iron tools belong to it and by no way can it be dated to the 10th century. Nemeskéry and his collegues also questioned if the Band drill could be sufficient as a trepaning dril1.

30

Although practically nothing indicates to accept Anda's oppinion, it is still appears in

some works.31 Even the very existence of the use of the drilling technique in trepanations of the

era is sometimes denied, hovewer at least in the case of the skull from the Gerendás grave the use of a drill ing trepan for the creation ofholes which has been opened together

later is a reasonable possibility.32 On recent skulls, Regöly-Mérei could make similar trepanations with the use of

flint blades33 - although it has cultural antropological paralel s, and although freshly­knapped flint is steril ,34 without direct evidence, and lack of detailed publication o~ his experiments it can be considered only asa possibility. For the carving type trepanatt~ns even shells could have been used, for slowly pulverizing the bone, and therefore makmg the possibility of hurting the dura less plausible, such as in Polynesia:

35 For the sa~e

type of scraping procedure even the use of a granulated or glassy multlfaceted stone IS l h . 37

enough.36 These are the so called push-p oug operattons.

24 Bartucz 367- 377. 25 Dienes 1956. plate LXIX., Dienes 1957.27. 26 Fodor 186-187. 27 Anda LXII . plate 3-4. 28 Anda 29 Józsa 1996. 56. 30 See additional criticism in Grynaeus 64. 31 Józsa 1996. 56. 32 Juhász- Torda-Molnár 171- 174. 33 Regöly-Mérei 127. 34 López - Caro - Pardifias 249. 35 Bakay 17. 36 López - Caro - Pardifias 248. 37 Bartucz 120.

11

During symbolic trepanation,38 the cranium is not opened, and the dura remains hidden under it. They sometimes appear in greater numbers, even four or five ones can be on the same skul1.39 These symbolic wounds are most usually created by a push-plough method, although Bartucz left open the possibility for using buming or some kin d of acid. 4O

As the brain does not have any pain receptors the trepanation should not have been particularly painful after the removal of the haired skin. During the operations, the patient was probably sitting, or laying with its head in an upper position (which is visible on the artistic reconstruction of a trepaning operation by the archeologist and painter Gyula László)41 as otherwise too much blood would remain in the blood-vesse ls of the head, making trepanir:g far too dangerous. An operation through the sutura sagittalis was especially dangerous, as even the smallest hurting of the important venous sinus running under it could have led to intensive bleeding, and to the death of the patient. Trepaning through the sutures of the skull was feared since Hippocrates wamed every surgeon not to use a trepan on the sutures themselves, but on the adjoining bone.42 The medieval European Christian surgery, following him and Cel sus, thought that such an attempt would mean sure death for the operated person. The first author, who suggested otherwise, was Berengario da Carpi, who stated in 1518 that opening the skull through is not dangerous, if the surgeon is cautious, and pays attention throughout the process.43

Nothwithstandingly, in the 9-11 th century Carpathian basin (and also e. g. in pre­columbian Peru, or on the skull from the 67. grave of Bronze age Szőreg C cemetery, Hungary)44 several trepaning operations were made over the sutura sagittalis. On the 10th century skull from the Csoma cemetery, found in 1878, a wound made by two long swordcuts was had to be injured. There was noway to avoid the already hurted sutura sagittalis, the skull bec ame cracked in several directions, and in the wound there must have been small fractions ofbone. After moving away them, the edges of the wound were chiseled askew in a 10-20 milimetres wide zone. The patient survived the operation, as on the edges the bone started to regrow. Green patina was left by the silver plate which was wom over it.

Trepanation was made over the sutura sagittal is also on the finds from Rétközberencs, Soroksár, and Budapest-Csúcshegyi-dűlő (in the latter case on the skull of an about 14 years old boy),45 and on one of the trepanations from the Balatonújlak cemetery.46

, Although the best trepanators surely had the knowledge and experience to succesfully make such trepanations, it must have bee n considered to be dangerous, as on some skulls, the edge of the trepanation hole end s nearby either in the middIe of the forehead (PestszentIőrinc)47 or the sutura sagittalis (such as on the finds from Bihardancsháza),48 and does not cross it. The dangers of even such an attempt are shown by the Vereb find, to where an about 4-5 centimetres long part of the edge of the trepanation wound

38 Nemeskéry - Éry-Kralovánszky 3-32. 39 Dienes 1978. 197-223. 40 Bartucz 40 l .. Grynaeus 64. 41 László 80--81. 42 Bakay 15. 43 Bakay 17. 44 Bartucz 167- 172. 45 Bartucz 383-386. 46 Langó 192. 47 Kiszely, picture 67-68. 48 Szathmáry 22-28.

12

is missing as the bone broke at two places and the sutura sagittalis was stiIl opened, , ~

therefore the removal of a trapezoid form fragment of cranial bone became necessary. In case of the Bihardancsháza skull, although the operation itself was succesful, the patient only survived it for a few days, as there are not any osteophytas on the edge of the trepanation, which would implicate alonger survival.

50

Both men and women could get trepanated, although three times more cases of real trepanation are known among men. From the cemetery of Szakony one case of real trepanation is known on a male and one on a female skeleton.

51

About the cultural impacts of the trepanation, several theses were made. T~e early false opinion ofBrocaand his followers, that the Vereb find (as the first , and for a whtle only known) was a postmortal trepanation, with the aim ofacquiring rondelles, was caused by simply the lack of detailed data, as it was shown by Bartucz in his criticism.

52 The nota?le

etnographist and linguist, Dezső Pais in connection with the history of the Hungarian expression "agyafúrt", suggested53 that the trepanation~ served to create unsan~ pe~ple to get enough shamans is a both culturally, both me~lcallyfal~e, early rom~ntlc view. The archeologist István Dienes buitt up a far more senous theSIS of the P?sslble role. of both real and symbolic trepanations in the worldview of the conquest pen od Hun~anan society. Wi th numerous etnographical and historical pa~alels thro~g5~out Eurasl~, he suggested that the belief of the double soul was an essential part of It. ~n the b~ls of the story of Bulcsú karcha, who offered ali his prey for the skull of a relative of hiS who was killed in a skirmish at Cambrai, also suggested that the skull was the home of the so-call ed "free SOUI".55 While these views in the Hungarian literature sometimes are used as a source of interpretation for the archeological material ,56 his view on. trepan~tions , however received far more criticism. ln his opinion, the real or symboltc open mg of the skull' helped the retum of the free soul into the head, and ~adica!ly neglected th,e possibility of medical causes, contradicting . the pal~o?atholo~lcal view of Bartucz s monography.57 Critics, such as Grynaeus, whilst admlttmg tha~ m many c~es no trace.s of illnes or any kind of injury were found on really or symobltcally trep~med sk~lls, lt is mainly medical intentions can not be denied.58 T~mka also refuses the view ?fDlenes, although accepts the possibility that beliefs of chasmg away the bad ghost which causes the itlness could concem the operations,59 especially in the symbolic cases. ln general, the opinion of Szathmáry seems to be the most plausible, who noted that probab~y t~e succesful practice of cranial surgeries could have led to religious thoughts concemmg It,

and not the opposite way.60 . The possibility of some kind of existing head-cult among ~arl~ Hung~lans can

be seen in the few well-documented cases, when skulls were buned tn 10-11 century cemeteries. Among them the cemetery at Batajnica, where nine skulls were buried in

49 Bartucz 373. , picture 196. 50 Szathmáry 28. 51 Éry 1977- 78. 179- 181. 52 Bartucz 371-372. 53 Pais 414-417. 54 Dienes 1978. 171- 190. 55 Dienes 1978. 191- 192., about other aspects of the Cambrai story see Szarka 30 l. 56 K. Tóth 244-245. 57 Bartucz 419-420. 58 Grynaeus 78-79. 59 Tomka 70-71 . 60 Szathmáry 28.

13

a line of graves is ofparticular interest,61 whilst at Kisdobra a head was buried standing upwards on the ground of the grave, together wi th a torques and a vessel, and in the 17th grave of the Piliny cemetery a similarly buried head was found, with a torques and pearls.62 These burials probably belong to people who died far away (probablyon foreign campaigns) whose bodi es were represented by their heads, therefore just partly can be considered as evidences of a head CUlt.63 In the 27th grave ofthe Szabadkígyós cemetery (10th century), a female skull without its mandibula was put onto the lap of a man.64

The ethnical interpretation of trepanations, especially symbolic trepanations is a question difficult to investigate. The custom for a long time was seen as a elear marker of early Hungarian population, the number of trepanations in the Carpathian basin grows seriously with the arrival of Hungarians: form the avar. János Nemeskéri and his colleagues even suggested that the appearance of symbolic trepanations at the end of the Avar period might be a marker of the gradual settling of Hungarians in the Carpathian basin.65 While the custom of real cranial trepaning existed in almost the whole Carpathian basin, symbolic trepanations are not known from Transylvania, and neither from the territory between the rivers Répce and Marcal , whilst real trepanations are known from both areas.66 On the territory of Slovakia the real trepanation cases are concentrated on the western part of the country, mainly in the valleys of the river Garam and Ipoly, such as the finds from the 67th grave of the Mynárce cemetery,67 Besenov, and Nové Zámky.68 The datation of the Modrá find was questioned by Tomka.69 The skulls found at Mikulcice were interpreted carefully by Grynaeus as having Hungarian origins, although datation problems (they can be earlier and belong to the Avar or ancient Moravian era) make it difficult to simply look on them as examples of the surgical practice of the conquest age Hungarians outside the Carpathian basin . There is evidence that trepanation was a known surgical process on the territory of Bohemia (two cases from the 10th century from Libice nad Cidlinou and one case from 11 th century Moravany).70

Concerning the the possible survival and later use of the practice throughout christian times in the medieval Hungarian Kingdom, recently important observations were made by Kinga Éry and her colleagues.71 In connection with the publication of skeletal remains from the medieval royal basilica at Székesfehérvár, on the skull of the skeletal remains from the only preserved Hungarian royal grave a symbolic trepanation have been observed, closely nearby the crossing point of the sutura sagittalis and the sutura coronai is. The grave was excavated back in 1848, and the male skeleton identified as Béla lll. (1172-1196), which interpretation have been questioned by Endre Tóth, who suggests an earlier tipological datation for the finds of the grave (among them a corpus for processions, an emailedencolpium. aring with Arabic inscription on it, funeral crown, sword, sceptre and spurs made of silver).72 ln his opinion the remains belong

61 Bálint 211. 62 Tettamanti 102. 63 Szarka 303 . 64 Tettamanti 102. 65 Nemeskéri-Éry-Kralovánszky 16. 66 Grynaeus 75 . 67 Tocik 279. 68 Tomka 72-80. 69 Tomka 79. 70 Grynaeus 76. 71 Éry 2008. 72 Kovács 122-172.

14

to Koloman the Learned (1095-1116).73 As Koloman, before becoming king, was an initiated bishop of the church,74 the occurance ofsuch an act throughout his lifetime puts up many questions. The number of simbolic trepanations was reducing during the II th

century in the cemeteries ofthe common folk,15 and only a few cases are dated to the 12th

century (such as grave 142 at Zalavár-Kápolna, grave 120 at Téglás-Angolkert, or the two known cases from the Szabolcs-Petőfi utca cemetery).76 It seems to be reasonable to look upon this tendency as a sign of the disappearance of both knowledge and possible ritual beliefs concerning the act.77 Therefore, the presence of such a custom in the royal court is surprising, and can be seen as a sign of the transformation of the possible pagan rite into a simple method which was believed to help healing.

It is also notable that the king who lied in the Székesfehérvár grave is not the only known Christian monarch, who was trepanated. Henry 1. , king of Casti Ile (1214-1217), was hit by an accidental blow (a roof pile fell to his head) at the age of 13. An unsucsessful attempt was made to save his life through real cranial trepanation, but the young ruler did not survive.78

Many aspects of the topic, such as trepanation as a type ofmodification of body has not been investigated in details, neither have been talked together with post mortal body modifications in conquest age cemeteries (which themselves lack detailed theoretical interpretation yet), for which modifications the foramen occipitale magnum surgeries can be seen as a link of connection. Ali these must be the topic of future research.

Literature

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Bálint = Bálint, Csanád: Südungarn im 10. Jahrhundert. StudArch 11 . Budapest 1991. Bakay = Bakay, Louis : The ancient fear of trephining through the cranial structures.

Communicationes de Historiae Artis Medicinae. 97-99. (1982.) 15- 22. Bartucz = Bartucz Lajos: A prehistorikus trepanáció és orvostörténeti vonatkozású

sírleletek. Paleopathologia III. Budapest 1966. Bereczki - Marcsik = Bereczki, Zsolt, Marcsik, Antónia: Trephined skulls from ancient

populations in Hungary. Acta medica Lituanica. 2005. 12. 1. 65- 70. Bernert - Evinger - Fóthi = Bernert Zsolt-Evinger S. - Fóthi Erzsébet: New symbolic

trephination cases from Hungary. Annales historico-naturales Musei Nationalis Hungarici 98. 177-183.

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Budapest, 1974. Czigány 2000 = Czigány, Jenő: Lékelt koponya a Lébény-Kaszásdomb 44. sz. sírból.

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73 Tóth 142-158. 74 Font 13- 14. 75 Czigány 2003 . 57. 76 Grynaeus 80-84. 77 Tomka 70. 78 López - Caro - Pardii'las 248.

15

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Éry 2008 = Éry Kinga (ed.) .: A székesfehérvári királyi bazilika embertani leletei. 1848-2002. Budapest, 2008.

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Font = Font Márta: Koloman the Learned, King of Hungary. Szeged, 200 l. Fóthi - Marcsik - Efimova = Erzsébet - Marcsik Antónia - Efimova: Szimbolikus

trepanáció a volgai bolgároknál. (Symbolic Trepanation among the Bolgars along the River Volga.) Anthropologiai Közl. 42. 2001. 45-52.

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Jordanov - Dimitrova - Nikolov = Jordanov, J. , Dimitrova B. , Nikolov S.: Symbolic trepanations of skulls from the MiddIe ages (IXth_Xth century) in Bulgaria. Acta Neurochir. 92. 15-18.

Józsa 1996 = Józsa László: A honfoglalás és Árpád-kori magyarság egészsége és beteg­ségei . Budapest. 1996.

Józsa - F óthi = Józsa László - Fóthi Erzsébet: Trepanált koponyák Magyarországon. 115 eset összesítése. Comm. De Hist. Artis Med. 198-199.2007. 15-30.

Juhász - Torda Molnár = Juhász Irén - Torda Molnár Béla: A gerendási X. századi lékelt koponya. Békés Megyei Múzeumok Közleményei I. 1971. 167-168.

Kovács = Kovács Éva: III . Béla és Antiochiai Anna halotti jelvényei. In.: Kovács Éva Species, modus, ordo. Budapest, 1998. 116-135.

K. Tóth = K. Tóth Gábor: A honfoglaló magyarság kettős lélek-hitével kapcsolatos jelenségek kelet-európai párhuzamai . (Magyar jellegű temetkezések Kelet-Európá­ban.) A Wosinszky Mór Múzeum évkönyve 32. Szekszárd, 2010.

Kiszely = Kiszely István: Sírok, csontok, emberek. Budapest 1968. Kustár - Skultéty = Kustár Ágnes - Skultéty Gyula: A benepusztai honfoglalás-kori férfi

koponyarekonstrukciója. Savaria 22/3. (1996.) 179-190. Langó = Langó Péter: Amit elrejt a föld ... A 10. századi magyarság anyagi kultúrájának

régészeti kutatása a Kárpát-medencében. Budapest 2007. László = László Gyula: 50 rajz a honfoglalókról. Budapest, 1982. López - Caro - Pardifías = López, Belén - Caro, Luis - Pardifías, Antonio F.: Evidence

of trepanations in amedieval population (13th-14th century) of northern Spain (Gormaz, Soria). Anthropological Science, Volume 119(3). 20 ll . 247-257.

Maklecova-Ginszburg-Rochlin =N. P. Maklecova- V. V. Ginszburg- D. G. Rochlin:

16

A Szovjetunió területén feltárt emberi koponyák trepanációja. (H. n. MaKJIeQoBa, B. B. rHH36ypr, )1. . r. pOXJlHH. TpenaHaQIDI Ha HCKonaeMbIX 'lepenax 'leJIOBeKa Ha TeppHTOpHH cccp.) Az Országos Orvostörténeti Könyvtár Közleményei 36. (1965.) 11-30.

Nemeskéri - Éry - Kralovánszky = Nemeskéri János- Éry Kinga - Kralovánszky Alán: A magyarországi jelképes trepanációk. Anthropologiai Közl. 4. 1960. 3-32.

Pais = Pais Dezső : Agyafúrt. Magyar Nyelv 9. (1914.) 414-417. Regöly-Mérei = Regöly-Mérei Gyula: Aprimitiv koponyatrepanációk palaeopathologiai

morfológiája. (Die sogenannten primitiven Schiideltrepanationen und ihre pato­logisch-anatomische Beziehungen.) Comm. Hist. Artis Med. 25. 1962.121-142.

Révész = Révész László: Ladánybene-Benepuszta. ln: Fodor István (ed.): The Ancient Hungarians. Budapest, 1996. 338-340.

Shapland - Armit = Shapland, Fiona - Armit, Jan : The Useful Dead: Bodies as Objects in lron Age and Norse Atlantic Scotland. European Journal of Archeology 15/1. 2012.

Szathmáry = Szathmáry László : A bihardancsházi trepanált koponya. Bihari Múzeumok Évkönyve III. 1963.21-39.

Tettamanti = Tettamanti Sarolta : Temetkezési szokások a X-Xl. században a Kárpát­medencében (Begrabnissitten im 10-11. Jh. im Karpatenbecken.) StudiaComitaten­sia 3.79-123 .

Tiesler BIos = Tiesler BIos, Vera: Cranial Surgery in Ancient Mesoamerica. 2003. Mesoweb. www.mesoweb.com/features/tiesler/Cranial.pdf

Tocik = Tocík, Anton: Radové pohrebisko devínského typu z XI. stor. v Mlynárciach pri Nitre. (Ein Reihengraberfeld von Devin-Typus in Mlynárce bei Nitra.) SlA 8 (1960.) 269-284.

Tomka = Tomka Péter: Régészeti kommentár a Lébény-Kaszás 10-11 . századi temető 44. sírjának trepanált koponyamellékletéhez. (Archeological commentary on the Trephined Skull of Grave 44. in the 10-11 . Century Cemetery of Lebény-Kaszás.) Arrabona 38. (2000.) 63-96.

Tóth = Tóth Endre : nl. Béla vagy Kálmán? A székesfehérvári királysír azonosításáról. FoliaArchaeologica 52. (2005/2006.) 142-161.

Waldron = Waldron, Tony: Palaeopathology. Cambridge 2009. Weber - Czarnetzki = Weber, Jochen - Czarnetzki, Alfred: Trepanationen im frühen

Mittelalter im Südwesten von Deutschland. Zentralblatt flir Neurochirurgie 2001. 62. I. 10-14.

Symbolické a skutocné trepanácie v Karpatskej kotline v 10.-12. storocÍ

(Pre kiad Beáta Vida)

Trepanáciu pouzívali pocas naiiich dejín v röznych obdobiach a na röznych ge 0-

grafickYch územiach, tento zvyk nebol cudzí ani v prehistorickej dobe, ci v období t'ahovania národov v Karpatskej kotIine a v stredovekej Európe. Od 10. storocia, i ked'

predtYm v kruhu Avarov poznáme málo dolozenych prípadov, sa stále castejsie stretávame pouzívaním tejto metódy v Karpatskej kotline: v 10.-12. storocí podl'a najnovsích prác

Tamása Grynaeusa a Pétera Tomka poznáme aspon 48 prípadov ozajstnej trepanácie, ktoré sa dajú s istotou datovat' do tej to doby, symbolickYch este viac, aspon 160. V stúdii a zameriame hlavne na predstavenie doterajsieho v)'skumu.

17

Uz v prvom hrobe, ktor}' sa datuje do obdobia príchodu staJ)Ích Mad'arov na územie Karpatskej kotliny, nájdenom v roku 1843 v Benepuszte, sa stretneme so symbolickou trepanáciou, ale túto metódu v danej dobe este nespoznali. Po nájdení nálezu vo Verébe v roku 1853 Endre Kovács identifikoval rytiny na lebke: striebornú dosticku nad okrúh­lym otvorom povafoval za stopu trepanacnej operácie, po ktorej pacient zil este dlhé mesiace. Po skorsích nesprávnych interpretáciách (získanie talizmanu post mortem, atd'.) uz boio jednoznacné, ze jav má charakter lekárskeho zákroku.

Na základe názorov Hippokrata lekári krest'anskej Európy trepanáciu lebky pova­zovali za zákrok, ktor}' vedie urcite k okamzitej smrti, napriek tomu zo skúmaného ob­dobia poznáme viac nálezov, podl'a ktOl)Ích vierne, ze v pocetnych prípadoch pacienti prezili tento nebezpecny zákrok. Nález v Csorne je mozno najzaujímavejsím príkladom úspesnej trepanácie potom, ako lebku postihlo sedem rán mecom.

Operácie sa vacsinou uskutocnili vytesávaním a vyskriabaním. Jediny nález, ktor}' sa viafe k pomőckam k vykonaniu zákroku, je speciálny nőz: pochádza zo zenského jazdeckého hrobu v Tiszaeszlár-bashalmi. Tibor Anda nakreslil rekonstrukciu vrtáka z hrobu kováca v Bande a nál ez interpretoval ako trepanacnú pomőcku z doby Avarov, ale veda tento názor neprijala, datovanie do 10. storocia je zase z archeologicky-ch dővo­dov nemozné.

V prípade symbolickej trepanácie sa cranium neotvorí, len do kosti ryjú form u, vacsinou kruh. Poznáme nejeden príklad viacnásobnej symbolickej trepanácie, obcas aj spolu s ozajstnym zásahom. Ozajstné trepanácie sú charakteristické v prípade clenov strednej vrstvy starych Mad'arov, kym so symbolickymi zákrokmi sa stretávame hlavne u nizsích vrstviev (v hroboch horizontu Bielo Brdo). Paralel né zvyky poznáme aj v okru­hu podunajskych Bulharov. V roku 1848 otvorili hrob, ktory je podl'a tradície miestom posledného odpocinku král'a Belu ifi. Endre Kovács stotoZiíuje pozostatky s clenmi panovníckeho rodu, na lebke nasiel znaky symbol ickej trepanácie. Pouzívanie tohto zvyku v prípade clenov krest'anského panovníckeho rodu prináSa mnoho nezodpovedanych otázok.

O nábozenskom a kultúrnom vy-zname trepanácie uz vzniklo viac teórií, mozno najvy-znamnejsiu hypotézu publ i koval István Dienes: na základe historicky-ch údajov a etnografickych poznatkov predpokladal vy-skyt viery dvojitej duse (? pozn. prekl.) v kruhu star}'ch Mad'arov. Oproti tomu Lajos Bartucz na základe paleopatologického vy-skumu tvrdil, ze trepanáciu vykonali pri traumaticky-ch poraneniach, podl'a Dienesa zákrok pomáhal návratu slobodnej duk Péter Tomka si myslí, ze tieto otvory pomáhali práve pri vyhnaní zlého ducha, ktory spősoboval choroby.

Vel'ky pocet spomínanych zákrokov v 10. storocí sa viafe k staJ)Ím Mad'arom zijú­cim v Karpatskej kotline, ale etnicko-specificky charakter symbolickej trepanácie sa ne­mőze povafovat' za evidentny. Tiez nie je dostatocne vysvetleny vzt'ah trepanovanych lebiek na ceskom území s nálezmi na území Mad'arska.

18

Health and Illness in the Angevin dynasty of the Hungarian Kingdom

Bartha Annamária

Official documents and pictorial representations gi~e us a fairly clear. pic.tur~ of the iIInesses and injuries of Charles L (1301-1342). It IS sus~ecte~ by .Laszlo Jozsa that Charles might have hadi goitre, bas ing his claim on the plctor~al eVldence of the coins issued by him, since goitre is hard to identify on cadavers an? IS rather ~etectable on works of art. 2 However, l think that the small size of these coms and theIr lack of elaboration make them unsuitable to serve as a basis of such conclusions. Nonethe.less, this does not mean that no such possibility exists, since Charles comes from a temtory where iodine deficiency is common, and the size of the goitre cannot be reduced by

sufficient iodine intake later. Although l found no record of injuries3 in the charters the king would have suffered

during his struggle to ascend to the Hungarian throne, several attempts were made to assassinate him. The first attempt was organized by Péter, son of Petenye b~t we do not know the exact date. The charter that reports on both of the attempts by Peter o~ly states that this one happened before 1317. On the first occasion,. King Charle~ was ly mg sick4 near Patak 5 when Péter, son of Petenye tried to murder hlm. Sadly, nelther do we know what illne~s the king was afflicted by, nor how Péter tried to kill him and ifhe was

injured or not. . . On the second occasion, Péter hired assassms, who wanted to take the kmg ?ut at

Temesvár.6 As it is reported by a charter of later origin, the would-be murderers tned to utilize archery,7 but there are no accounts of injuries to the king. . .. .

However the third attempt on the life of King Charles - conducted by Feltclan Zah _ did injure th~ king, although ~e a~e unsur~ about the seve~i~ of this w~un~, because the Illuminated Chronicle descnbes It as a mmor wound on hIS nght hand, whlle aletter of sentence dating to 15th March 1330 reports about a major injury. T~e ki~g . "~idst appear in his own physical presence in our cire/e. concurrently showlng hiS lnJured right arm with that tremendous wound (. . .) furthermore he didst show us the garments of his own as wel! as of her royal highness and the e/othes of those !wo youngsters whom l hat just mentioned above. Alt the dresses were soaked wet by t~e sacred blood spilled. inasmuch it resembled an immense overflow ofwater. He even dzdst show us apartfr~m these the cutfour fingers ofher royal highness and the locks of their beloved sons. which were partedfrom their bodies by Felicián s sword. "9

I JÓZSA 2010. 140. p. 2 JÓZSA 2006. 139. p., 2009. 949. p. . th

3 Although the king and his immediate retinue was also altacked tn. the. Battle of Rozgony on. IS June 1312, and Györke from the kindred of Csák royal flag bearer dled tn the encounter, there IS no

account of the king being hurt. KRISTó 1978. 84. p. 4 " Regem penes Patak aegere decumbentem" PETROVICS 431. p.

5 Sárospatak. 6 Anjou okI. IV/676. 7 PETROVICS 433 . p., see also PETROVICS 1999. 8 regis manum dextrarn leviter vulneravit" SRH I. 206. caput 494. p. 9 ALMÁsI 195. p.; Anjou okI. XIV/288.

19

Resumé

Symbolische und echte Trepanation im Karpatental im 10. - 12. Jahrhundert

Szabó Dénes

Trepanation wurde in der Vergangenheit in verschiedenen Epo~hen und.~~fve~schie­denen geografischen Gebieten benutzt. Diese Gewohnheit war .auch m der prahlsto~lschen Zeit nicht ungewohnt, oder in der Zeit der Völkerwanderung Im Ka~patental und m ~~m mittelalterlichen Europa. Obwohl wir auch früher bei den Awaren em P~r belegte Falle finden treffen wir uns mit der Trepanation im Karpatental immer öfter selt dem 10. Jahr­hunde~. Im 10. - 12.Jahrhundert kennen wir anhand der neuesten Arbeiten von Tamás Grynaeus und Péter Tomko mindestens 48 Falle echter Trepana~ion , die man ~icher in diese Zeit datieren kann. Es gibt noch mehrere Falle symbohscher Trep~atJ~n -mindestens 160. Die Studi e konzentriert sich yor allem auf die Darstellung der blshengen

Untersuchung. ... . . . Anhand Hippokrates hielten die Arzte des chnsthchen Europa~ die TrepanatJon

des Schadels fUr tödlich. Trotzdem kennen wir aus der untersuchten Zeit mehrere Belege davon dass in zahlreichen Fallen die Patienten den gefáhrlichen Eingriffüberlebt haben. Der F~nd in Csorne ist wahrscheinlich das interessanteste Beispiel einer erfolgreich~n Trepanation nach dem der Schadel s ieben Mal mit dem Schwert ge~r~ffen wurd~. I?le Operationen wurden meistens als Ausmei/3eln und Auskra.tzen rea~lsl.ert. Der .emzlge Fund der Trepanation Gerate ist ein spezieller Messer aus emem welbh~hen ~eltergr~b in Tiszaeszlár-bashalmi . Die Mehrheit der Falle im 10. Jahrhundert bezleht slch auf dl alte n im Karpatental lebenden Ungaren, trotzdem kann man den ethnischspez~fischen Charakter der symbolischen Trepanation nicht fUr evident halten. Man hat auc~ biS heut nicht die Beziehung der trepanierten Schadel in Tschechien mit den Funden m Ungarn erldart.

Gesundheit und Krankheiten in Familie der ungarischen Anjou

Bartha Annamária

Die Studie bringt anhand der Chroniktradition, den Quellen und Abbildung n Angaben über den Gesundheitszustand und Krankheiten von Karl I. Robert und Ludwl dem Gro/3en.

Dreimal wurde e in Attentat auf Karl I. Robert begangen. Zwei Experimente VOll Peter dem Sohn von Peteny waren nicht erfolgreich, wir wissen aber nicht ob der Kön verle~zt wurde . Beim Att ' ntat von Felic ián Zach wurde Königs rechte Hand ve~letzt, w I kennen aber ke ine nah r n ln ~ rmationen. Noch zweimal war Königs Leben m Ge~ lh l - in der nicht ge lun n n hlacht bei Basarab wurde er vom Desider, dem Sohn VOll Dionysos und c in n Idat n rettet, bzw. er fiel in den. Fluss und wu~de von Lá II Szécsi gerett t. Im 11 Iri h n Bilderchronik steht: "dIe Schmerzen mArmen un I Beinen quölten Ihm 1 ... 40 Wir n hmen an, der Herrscher litt an Gicht.

508

Ein Jahr spater besuchte er die Stadt, doch wurde krank, der Papst Johann der XXII. erwahnt, der König hatte Fieber, wurde aber bald gesund - wahrscheinlich handelte es sich um eine Magenvergiftung. Im Jahr 1338 war er schwer krank, denn der polnische König musste nach Ungarn kommen. In Urkunden aus dem Jahr 1342 finden wir an mehreren Stellen Hinweise auf seinen nahernden Tod, er starb am 16. Juli. Die Chroniken beschreiben detailliert seine Beerdigung, abe r kein Wort von der Todesursache.

Wir disponieren mehreren Quellen zum Ludwig dem Gro/3en. Seine Geburt be­schreibt die Ungarische Bilderchronik, es gibt auch eine Miniatur. Die Ritterkultur war ein Teil seines Lebens, wegen seiner braven Taten geriet er oft in Gefahr. Am 14. Juni 1350 nahm er persönlich teil am Feldzug gegen Canossa, er wurde an der Leiter mit Steinen getroffen und fiel in den Graben und wurde schwer verletzt. Er hatte nicht genug, am 26. Juli 1350 nahm er an dem Feldzug gegen Avers teil , der Pfeil verletzte sein Bein. In zwei Fallen wurde er nur dank dem Mut seiner Manner gen~ttet _ am 31. Marz 1352 wurde er ohnmachtig, weil er in den Kopf geschlagen wurde und Mikulás Perényi hat ihn aus dem Graben auf seinem Rücken hinausgetragen. Im Jahr 1353 hat ihn ein verletzter Bar fast zerrissen, sein Bein wurde an 23 Stellen verletzt und er wurde vom Ján Besenyö gerettet.

Es wurden auf Ludwig mehrere unerfolgreiche Attentate begangen, anhand der venezianischen diplomatischen Schriften wurde er pestkrank, Ludwig wurde aber wieder gesund, seine erste Frau Margita starb. Auch die Todesursache - Lepra _ ist nicht belegbar.

Schriftliche Eintrlige über das Gesundheitswesen der niederungarischen slowakischen stlidtischen Lokalitliten

Mária Ziláková

Autorin konzentriert sich auf die Darstellung der Medizinentwicklung in nieder­ungarischen s lowakischen Stadten. AusfUhrliche Angaben gibt es zum Pol'ny Beríncok, dageht s ie von der Monografie des lokalenArztes Mihály Bak aus. Schlichtere Unterlagen bieten lokale Monografien von C. Haan über Békesská Caba, die von M. ZilinskY über SarvaS, eine Kapitel über Gesundheitswesen in SIovenskY Komlós vom Arzt M. Antal in seiner Monografie und handschriftliche Materialien von Béla Kiss und László Izsák übe r Maly Keres.

Im Rahmen der Möglichkeiten versucht die Autorin in der Zeitperiode zwei Jahr­hunderten auf gewahltem Gebiet die Mühe um Progressivitat auf dem Feld des offiziellen Heilverfahrens darzustelJen. In knappen Notizen konfrontiert s ie die Angaben, die in dem kollektiven Gedachtnis erhaJten sind, mit den schriftiichen Quellen und weist auf die Volkspraxis hin, die Autoren der schriftlichen Materialien negativ beurteilen.

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Starostlivost' o q;ch, ktorf pomoc potrebujú, formovala l'udskú spolocnost' uz od najstar~ích cias a stretávame sa s nou uz v pra­

veku. Fenomén starostlivosti o druhych sa stal aj prirodzenou súcas­t'ou vznikajúcich nábozenskYch systémov. Historicky sa vyvíjali jej formy, vznikali a zanikali rőzne zdravotnícke a sociálne in~titúcie a menila sa úloha ~tátu v tejto oblasti. V stredoveku unás vznikla siet' ~pitálov a leprosárií, ktoré sa zo slobodnych královskYch miest postupne rodfrili aj do men~ích zemepanskYch mesteciek a dokon­ca i niektorYch vac~ích obd. Spitály, ktoré existovali az do vzniku modernych nemocníc, v sebe spájali prvky zdravotnej a sociálnej starostlivosti s poskytovanfm duchovnej útechy ich chovancom. Po-

I

stupne zacal cast' kompetencif v oblasti sociálnej a zdravotnej sta-rostlivosti preberat' ~tát a v Uhorsku na regionálnej úrovni Sl'ach­tické stolice. Tento proces, ktorY sa ryrazne zintenzívnil v priebehu osvietenského 18. storocia, pokracuje az do dne~nych duL Po vzniku Ceskoslovenskej republiky v roku 1918 stáli pred novovzniknuq;m demokratickYm ~tátom v tejto oblasti vel'ké ryzvy, s ktorYmi sa mu­sel vyrovnat'. Totalitné diktatúry 20. storocia sa programovo snazili prezentovat' diskontinuitu s predchádzajúcim ob dob fm a vytvárat' "nového cloveka", comu podriadili celú spolocnost'. Zbornfk ~túdif, ktorY ddfte v rukách, predstavuje nové poznatky a má tiez ambfciu pomőct' po obdobf poklesu záujmu opatovne "na~tartovat''' vedecké bádanie v tejto oblasti.

© Slovensky národny archív

Bratislava 2013

Radoslav Ragac

ISBN 978-80-970666-6-6