Youth & Electoral Politics

LET’S TALK ABOUT VOTING: YOUTH AND ELECTORAL POLITICS Ryan Driegen, Sarah Ferencz, David Goddard, Pardeep Grewal, Trevor Johnson, Kyle Joiner, Evelyn Kalman, Christian Parr, Kyle Pfeifer, Panku Sharma, David Siebenga, Justine Stadnyk, and Dylan Thiessen

University of the Fraser Valley 30 April 2016

I

LET’S TALK ABOUT VOTING: YOUTH AND ELECTORAL POLITICS

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

A decline of voting has been occurring across various democratic countries, including Canada, for the last 25 years. This is primarily attributable to the political disengagement of voters under the age of 30. The broader literature reveals various explanations for the decrease of participation among younger generations, including the following: delayed maturation, income, education, place of residence, religion, civic engagement, liberalism, civic duty to vote, altruism, political efficacy, and means of political participation.

An interdisciplinary undergraduate course produced research to measure the association between a variety of these variables and the voting behaviours of university students aged 18 to 30. The main objective of this development was to identify recommendations for the Chief Electoral Officer of British Columbia and the Legislative Assembly of the province.

The present research sample indicated a voting rate of 81% within the 2015 Canadian federal election compared to the voter rate of 67% among 18 to 25 year olds within the ABACUS research on the 2015 federal election (Coletto, 2016). This indicates education is an important variable. Other variables relevant to increased voting within the present research included ethnicity, field of study, civic duty, altruism, narcissism, and civic engagement. Political efficacy did not increase voting. Qualitative questions indicated that civic duty, or feelings of patriotism, and the ability to make a difference were the primary positive experiences associated with voting. The most frequent negative experience associated with voting was long lineups. Most of those who did not vote referred to being too busy as the main reason of their refrainment.

Recommendations that emerged from this research are divided into two sections – recommendations for the Chief Electoral Officer and recommendations for the Legislative Assembly. The former includes automatic voter registration at the Insurance Corporation of British Columbia, voter advertisement at liquor stores, a provincial voter registration day, and a nonpartisan get-out-the-vote campaign that utilizes political party tactics to target youth. Recommendations for the government include youth pre-registration, a graduation voter package, a voter identification card, a provincial holiday, and a none of the above option on a voting ballot.

These results and recommendations were discussed within a forum held at the University of the Fraser Valley on April 22nd, 2016. Focus groups were conducted among audience members, which included local politicians, community members, students, and the Chief Electoral Officer of British Columbia to address thoughts, questions, and critiques in regard to the findings and suggestions. The response to recommendations was relatively positive; however, considerations raised within the forum are discussed.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction .................................................................................................................................. 01

Literature Review .......................................................................................................................... 02

Methodology and Caveats ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 05

Results and Discussion …...………………………………………...………………………………………………………………… 07

a. Demographic Data................................................................................................................ 07

b. Demographic Voting Data..................................................................................................... 07

c. Variable Voting Data............................................................................................................. 08

I. Civic Duty................................................................................................................. 08

II. Civic Pride................................................................................................................. 09

III. Altruism and Narcissism............................................................................................09 IV. Social Capital............................................................................................................ 10 V. Trust in Government................................................................................................ 10

d. Qualitative Data.................................................................................................................... 10

Recommendations for the CEO........................................................................................................ 12

a. Automatic Voter Registration at ICBC................................................................................... 12

b. Voting Advertisement at BC Liquor Stores............................................................................ 13

c. Provincial Voter Registration Day......................................................................................... 13

d. Nonpartisan GOTV Campaign............................................................................................... 14

Recommendations for the Legislative Assmebly............................................................................... 15

a. Preregistrtation.................................................................................................................... 15

b. Graduation Voter Package.................................................................................................... 16

c. Voter Identification Card...................................................................................................... 16

d. Provincial Holiday................................................................................................................. 17

e. None of the Above Option.................................................................................................... 18

Public Forum Input.......................................................................................................................... 18

Conclusion........................................................................................................ .............................. 19

References.......................................................................................................... ............................ 22

Appendix: Survey............................................................................................................................ 24

UNIVERSITY OF THE FRASER VALLEY Page 1 of 23


INTRODUCTION

An analysis of a variety of Canadian Election Studies established that “the single most important

determinant of voting is age” (Gidengil, Blais, Nevitte, & Nadeau, 2004, p. 109); recent electoral

examples illustrate similar trends. For example, older generations consistently vote at a greater rate

than younger generations. In 2011, Canadians between the ages of 18 and 25 cast their ballot 22% less

than the general voter turnout. Nonetheless, the 2015 federal election witnessed a 7.4% increase in

overall voter turnout – an upsurge which has not occurred between two consecutive elections in over

a century1. While voting patterns among age groups are yet to be determined from the 2015 election,

early indications also imply increased voting among groups who typically vote less than the general

population, such as Aboriginal people and young Canadians (Mayrand, 2015; Coletto, 2016). Regardless,

although it appears that young Canadians were more engaged in the most recent election, since 1991,

fewer than 65% of eligible voters in BC cast their ballot. For instance, in 2009, only 50.9% of eligible

voters participated in voting, and younger generations continually voted less than older generations

(Gidengil et al., 2004). This can also be evidenced in the primitive data of the 2015 federal election.

Given that political disengagement has been especially prevalent among the youth of Canada in the last

few decades, Dr. Keith Archer, the Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) of British Columbia (BC), implored the

University of the Fraser Valley (UFV) to aid in increasing the youth voter turnout. As a result, an

interdisciplinary research course – Interdisciplinary Studies (IDS) 400C – was created for the Winter 2016

semester to further investigate the factors that contribute to the youth voter deficit. The course

consisted of thirteen upper level university undergraduates and was instructed by the department

leaders of Political Science, Philosophy, Psychology, Communications, English, and Criminology. The

Associate Dean of Arts was also involved in the supervision of this development. The intent of IDS 400C

was to conduct an original research that would generate data on youth voter behaviours.

The course was in session from January until April, whereby the students were educated about the

several factors that have been identified as the main causes of the political disengagement, and

delegated a questionnaire to a random sample of UFV classes in accordance with these reasons. The

purpose of the current report is to showcase the final objective: recommendations to the CEO of BC and

Legislative Assembly that could potentially be implemented to increase voter turnout amongst the

youth of BC and young people in general. However, prior to succeeding, it is important to note that the

CEO of BC is not capable of enacting recommendations that require legislative action. Dr. Archer must

operate within the parameters of the law. Consequently, he is not able to ratify measures such as

lowering the voting age, preregistering Canadians under eighteen, or introducing online voting. It is for

this reason that the recommendations section is divided into two sections. First, this report will suggest

four recommendations for the CEO that do not require legislative changes. The second section of

recommendations will consist of five proposals directed at the Government of BC, given that said

suggestions necessitate legislative alterations.

1 Voter turnout between the 1896 and 1900 elections increased 14.5%. Between then and the 2015 federal election, the largest single increase in voter turnout was between the 1953 and 1957 federal elections, when there was a 6.6% upsurge.



A literature review consisting of the youth voting debate will introduce this report, providing context to the phenomenon that underpins this study. This will be followed by an explanation of the methodology used to conduct the research at hand and a discussion on the data generated through the research. Finally, the recommendations will be introduced. The report will also include a summary generated by the public forum hosted to present the current results.

LITERATURE REVIEW

According to Elections Canada, in the 2000 general election, only 25% of 18 to 24 year olds voted in comparison to the overall turnout of 64% (Stolle & Cruz, 2005). This discrepancy has continued as the 2011 federal election had a youth participation rate of 39% versus the overall turnout of 61%. Early indications of the 2015 federal election have revealed that the youth turnout increased to 51% compared to a broader vote of 68.5% (Coletto, 2016); however, the results may be an uptick and the youth voter deficit remains an important research topic. Blais and Loewen (2011) suggest that voter turnout increases with age, thus examining and assessing different age groups is important in understanding the democratic deficit. Similarly, Pammett and LeDuc (2003) illustrate that “younger people vote at lower rates than older people” (p.19). This can potentially be due to various life cycle events which will prompt most Canadians to eventually develop a willingness to partake in the political system as they age (O’Neill, 2007). This explanation is in accordance with the later maturation hypothesis, which contends that significant events in one’s life which encourage political engagement and interest, such as leaving the parental home and marriage, are increasingly postponed to a later age than they were in the past (Smets, 2010; Howe, 2010). Thus, because important life events are increasingly occurring at a later age, perhaps young people fail to recognize personal benefits obtained from voting.

In addition, the correlation between the life cycle and voting is also influenced by individual factors such as annual income (Blais & Loewen, 2011; O’Neill, 2007; Stolle & Cruz, 2005; Blais, Gidengil, Nadeau, & Nevitte, 2002). Only 34% of individuals between the ages of 18 and 24 who earn less than a 40,000-dollar annual income vote in comparison to the 41% of individuals between the ages of 25 to 29 with a similar, or higher income (O’Neill, 2007; Blais & Loewen, 2011). Stole and Cruz (2005) state that this is because income provides an access to resources which enable youth to vote. Furthermore, Downs (as cited in Smets, 2010) argues that individuals who are driven by their own economic interest will rationally assess the perceived benefits of voting. If the perceived benefits outweigh the costs of voting, such as making the trip to the polling station, the individual is more likely to vote. With this in mind, it would seem reasonable that one’s greater stake in society, such as owning property and having children, would increase one’s interest in the political process given that the political outcomes may influence one’s stake. As young people today are less able to enter the housing market and are settling into stable family life and employment at a later age than previous generations, this demographic may simply lack the interest to vote (Smets, 2010; Howe, 2010). Essentially, the lack of stake in society contributes to the lack of concern young people have towards the political outcome.

Moreover, an extensive amount of literature has revealed that one of the strongest factors correlating with voting is education (Blais et al., 2002; Stolle & Cruz, 2005). Stole and Cruz (2004) suggest that education has a greater effect on Canadian youth in their likelihood of voting than older Canadian citizens. The more education one possesses, the more likely he or she is to vote. For example, a 50-



point difference was noted between youth who completed university and those who did not graduate from high-school in the 2000 election (Blais et al., 2011). As a result, Blais and his colleagues (2011) contend that education “socializes citizens into norms of civic engagement and equips them with the cognitive skills that active engagement requires,” thus influencing increased voting (p. 2). Additionally, Stolle and Cruz (2004) report that education provides essential cognitive and communication skills which can be utilized to learn about politics and enhance the individuals’ ability to make informed decisions when voting. Ultimately, individuals who have attained a higher education have slightly balanced the significant decline in voter turnout among young Canadians.

Other social factors, such as area of residence and religious adherence, also influence voting behaviours among Canadian youth, though these components only have a minimal effect (Blais & Loewen, 2011). For instance, among those aged 18 to 24, those who live in rural settings outvote those in urban environments, but only by approximately 7% and this number diminishes significantly with age. Likewise, religious adherents among this cohort participate more than non-adherents, though only by 4% and this gap declines to below 2% among those aged 25 to 30 (Blais & Loewen, 2011). Additionally, place of birth has an effect on the likelihood of voting as well, though this factor also diminishes with age. For example, Canadian-born youth are 12% more engaged in electoral politics than immigrant youth. However, this discrepancy decreases by 8% between the ages of 25 and 30 (Blais & Loewen, 2011). Overall, whether these factors have a strong or a miniscule impact on youth voter behaviours, it can be concluded that general demographical knowledge should be considered when attempting to manage the youth voter deficit, since holistic data illustrates that these characteristics constitute to the phenomenon at hand.

Furthermore, a number of theoretical explanations also highlight a variety of important variables, such as civic engagement, civic duty, altruism, and activism, to be measured when examining the youth voter deficit. In his seminal book, Bowling Alone, Putnam discusses the concept of civic disengagement, which is the lack of membership to a community and the diminishing role this membership has in formulating one’s identity (as cited by Telford, 2014). Putnam found that church attendance, club membership, parent-teacher associations, and participation in other similar organizations were on the decline (Telford, 2014). This participation in a community is important to establishing interpersonal trust. Moreover, this civic disengagement has contributed to the voter deficit. Telford (2014) also emphasizes the rise of liberalism as a possible factor contributing to this decrease. Important characteristics of liberalism, such as the freedom of thought and movement, remain an important value to Canadian society. The present discussion does not advocate abandoning this value. However, Telford (2014) and Charles Taylor, the political philosopher whom he cites, caution that liberalism’s emphasis on individual freedom might diminish collectivist action. Consequently, liberalism might also decrease the role of the individual’s responsibilities as a community member. The risk of the increasing separation of the state and the citizen is that citizens no longer recognize the place or importance of their participation within the state system. This effect may be more pronounced among younger generations who are increasingly liberalized in their ideologies, thus contributing to the decline of civic engagement and civic duty amongst this demographic (Telford, 2014).

The concept of civic duty is based on the principle that citizens owe some allegiance to their government, which in turn will protect its citizens. Consequently, civic duties refer to the responsibilities of citizens. Blais and St. Vincent (2011) determined that civic duty was one of the most important



variables to verify whether a person voted in the 2008 Canadian federal election. Hence, the authors conclude that individuals with a high level of civic duty are more likely to participate in voting. Consequently, because youth are disengaged from politics, they must have a diminished sense of civic duty (Blais & St. Vincent, 2011). Nonetheless, these findings do not correlate with past findings of voting behaviours among young people. In 2006, Chareka and Sears conducted a comparison study between young African immigrants and native-born Canadians to discover factors that contribute to the youth-voter deficit. Their results revealed that the majority of participants regarded voting as a key aspect of democratic governance and a right which past Canadians of different backgrounds strived to attain. Consequently, individuals holding this view also commonly expressed that voting ought to be regarded as a duty. In fact, the concept of obligation pervaded the study; all the youth participants described democratic participation in society as a duty and expressed a sense of obligation that comes from within. Interestingly, although most youth saw voting as a basic duty of democratic citizenship, more than half admitted that they have not voted in the past and did not intend to vote in the future (Chareka & Sears, 2006). Essentially, contrary to the assumptions drawn from Blais and St. Vincent (2011), the sense of duty was not enough for most of the youth in the study conducted by Chareka and Sears (2006) to influence these individuals to actually vote.

A factor potentially attributing to the decrease in civic engagement and a cessation in civic duties among youth is altruism. Altruism is defined as one’s inherent motivational state to contribute to the public good (Freund & Blanchard-Fields, 2004). A survey following the 2008 Canadian federal election determined that altruism was positively correlated with voting (Blais & St. Vincent, 2011). Therefore, one may argue that if younger generations are less inclined to engage with the community, they are more self-absorbed and less altruistic than older generations. However, there is a distinction between the effects of the life cycle and the effects of a generational cohort (Telford, 2014). By examining the relationship between age and altruism in four studies, Freund and Blanchard-Fields (2014) determined that older adults are more likely to value altruism and behave altruistically than younger adults. Conversely, in addressing numerous values across generations, Schullery (2013) highlights that altruism is the only value that remains stable. Of course, in consideration of the aforementioned maturation hypothesis, it would seem reasonable that younger generations might endure adolescence for an extended time and therefore remain less altruistic for a lengthier period (Telford, 2014).

Efficacy is also a variable thought to influence voter behaviours. This psychological term is relevant to understanding the relationship between the perception people hold of political institutions and their decision to vote. Internal efficacy is one’s belief in their ability to influence the government; whereas, external efficacy is the degree to which one believes the government can meet their needs (Smets, 2010). Denemark and Niemi (2012) emphasize that distrust of authority, cynicism, and lack of confidence toward the government has increased in democratic countries, despite the increasingly positive attitudes toward democracy. Citizens increasingly feel that the government is not able to meet their needs (Denemark & Niemi, 2012). Regardless of this and the fact that younger generations appear to be distancing themselves from institutional politics, the research demonstrates age groups under 30 have higher levels of efficacy than older age groups (Smets, 2010). Hence, the generational group voting less and is less institutionally involved is also less cynical of the government. This is contradictory to Putnam’s explanation of the connection with voting and trust. Kim’s (2014) research may provide some clarity to this contradictory finding, arguing that external efficacy, or one’s trust in government, is most relevant to voting within fledgling democratic countries. On the contrary, within more liberalized



countries, one’s faith in their government’s ability to assist them becomes increasingly irrelevant to voting (Kim, 2014).

Blais and Loewen (2011) identify another argument for the decline, which is the increased interest in direct political participation among youth. For example, youth are increasingly participating in political protests. In fact, Marti (2012) criticizes the argument that younger generations are less involved in politics than older generations, because surveys used to measure this only address the traditional institutional forms of engagement, such as party membership, and fail to test for new forms of participation. While voting has decreased, more direct and non-traditional forms of political engagement have increased across democratic countries. For instance, rather than participating within political institutions, young people are now mobilized through political activism. In this regard, today’s youth likely follow politics to the same degree as previous generations, despite their distance from institutional politics. For this reason, institutional disaffection, as opposed to political disaffection, is an important variable to examine in the context of the youth voter deficit (Marti, 2012).

The aforementioned explanations for the youth voter deficit are not exhaustive, and a singular explanation cannot entirely account for the decline of the youth vote. For instance, Blais and Loewen (2011) briefly allude to further arguments in regard to the changing nature of politics, such as the decline of door-to-door engagement of politicians. Of course, the overall changing landscape of politics fails to account for why young generations are over represented in the voter decline. Therefore, the following section will provide a summary of the methodology used for the current study in order to highlight that the present discussion and research is intended to understand what differentiates younger generations from older generations. Consequently, effective methods encouraging voting among this demographic can be identified.

METHODOLOGY AND CAVEATS

For the current study, the thirteen IDS 400C students created a 34-item questionnaire to gather data from the student body at UFV. Most of the 34-items consisted of statements that respondents were asked to answer using a Likert scale. This scale ranged from one (entirely disagree) to seven (entirely agree). Following these enquiries, a page was dedicated to a variety of demographic questions at the end of the survey. Many of the Likert scale items and the demographic questions were premised on the theoretical associations within the literature reviewed above.

Categories of questions which were used to link the current research with previous research included perceived duty to vote, narcissism, trust in the government, social capital, altruism, and civic pride. An example of how theoretical variables, such as social capital, were measured is exemplified by question nine of the survey, which states: “I participate in public events that occur in my community, such as Chilliwack’s Party in the Park, Abbotsford’s Tulip Festival, or Canada Day festivities.” Participants were able to show their level of agreement with this statement through completing the 7-point Likert scale. The measure assumed that the greater an individual’s level of agreement is with the question, the higher that individual’s level of social capital would be.

The questionnaire also included items that measured the respondent's reception to some of the suggestions that were developed based on the material presented in class. These recommendations



would be presented to the CEO of BC and the Legislative Assembly. For example, a number of propositions included in the questionnaire were: registering to vote through the Insurance Corporation of British Columbia (ICBC), liquor store advertisements about election day, the issuance of provincial election cards, a provincial Voting Registration Day, and a voter’s package for high-school graduates. An example of this can be seen on question eight of the questionnaire, which states: “I would like to have the option to register to vote while filling out my information documents at ICBC.” For more information about the questionnaire and survey please refer to the Appendix.

The final three enquiries asked respondents about their own registration and voter experience using a blend of open and closed-ended questions. For example, if respondents answered that they voted in the last election, they were asked to describe a negative and a positive experience associated with the voting process. If respondents did not vote in the last election, they were asked to provide a few reasons for their restraint. The questionnaire finished with standard demographic questions, inquiring about one’s age, religion, and other factors previously mentioned in the literature review. Given that the target population of the current study was the students attending UFV in the Winter 2016 semester, the questionnaires were distributed by IDS 400C students throughout classrooms, the field outside, and the campus connector shuttle buses of the university’s Abbotsford and Chilliwack campuses.

Classrooms that were used for the sample were chosen from the UFV timetable list, employing a simple random sampling design. Course numbers provided by the list were entered into a random number generator (RNG) from a range of highest to lowest. Online classes were removed from the sample pool and the remainder of the classes were re-entered into the RNG. Exactly 500 random courses were selected, while 100 of these were elected from the sample pool using the RNG. Consequently, 100 emails were sent to professors, requesting permission to enter their classes and distribute the surveys. The questionnaires were administered in a total of 32 classrooms and were completed within approximately 15 minutes of distribution. The researchers remained in the classrooms while the participants filled out the questionnaires and collected the completed forms afterward.

When canvassing the outside fields of the campuses and the campus connector shuttle buses, convenience sampling was used, whereby the researchers approached individuals enquiring about completing the survey. If individuals agreed to participate, the researchers would wait until the questionnaires were completed and collect them afterward. A total of 424 questionnaires were gathered with the utilization of these two sampling methods.

There was considerable discussion among the IDS 400C students and professors regarding the method to be employed for the sample selection. Sending out a mass email to the entire student body was a viable suggestion, however, a number of surveys had already been emailed to the student population and there was concern of non-response due to students feeling inundated with online surveys. After some discussion, it was decided that administering questionnaires in classes that had been randomly selected using a RNG would be the most effective way to gather information for our project. Nonetheless, convenience sampling was also employed in order to generate as many responses as possible. Therefore, some limitations exist within the study, given that convenience sampling is a non-probability method. Therefore, not everyone included in the target population has an equal chance of being selected to participate. Furthermore, as mentioned in the literature, individuals with an advanced education engage in voting at a more frequent rate than those who do not attend a postsecondary institution. Consequently, the results which will be discussed below may not be generalizable to the



entire population of young people. However, they can be used to develop effective recommendations for the CEO of BC and the government, which is the main purpose of the current study.

Additionally, the survey met minimal risk requirements. For instance, the 34-items along with the demographic information were not intruding or bias enquiries, and the participants were not necessitated to answer questions that may raise sensitive issues, such as their affiliation with a particular political party or their view of certain politicians. To further ensure that the respondents’ information would be protected and the risk of harm from embarrassment that may occur due to publication would be minimized, participants were informed that membership in this experiment was completely voluntary and confidential. Therefore, participants were not required to answer any questions they did not feel comfortable about and had the opportunity to withdraw their involvement from the study at any time. Furthermore, no identifiable information was requested throughout any of the completion process. Additionally, participants were provided with a consent letter outlining the purpose, benefits, and potential harms of the study. However, respondents were not required to sign any documentation because their completion of the questionnaire indicated passive consent.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Of the 424 returned questionnaires, 50 were omitted due to incompletion. Hence, the results are premised on a total of 374 questionnaires. Beginning with the demographic data, the following section will reveal and discuss the results of the study in accordance with the six variables the questions of the survey were premised upon.

DEMOGRAPHIC DATA

The demographic information enquired about the following: age, gender, ethnicity, country of birth, voting eligibility, Aboriginal status, program of study, and religion. Of the 374 valid questionnaires, the average age among participants was 22 and ranged from 18 to 30 years of age. Regarding gender, 55% of respondents were female and 45% were male. When segregated by program of study, 47% of participants were from an Arts program, while 18% were from Business Administration, 7% from Sciences, 5% from Kinesiology, 5% from Trades, and 4% from the Computer Information Systems (CIS) program. In terms of ethnicity, 68% identified as Caucasian, 18% as Indo-Canadian, and 7% as Asian, while the remaining participants identified with another background. The religious adherence of the participants includes the following information: 36% Christian, 21% Atheist, 18% Sikh, 10% Agnostic, 3% Spiritual, and 12% identified as “other”. Furthermore, 91% of the respondents were eligible to vote, and 5.2% identified as Aboriginal.

DEMOGRAPHIC VOTING DATA

A total of 81% of eligible respondents claimed to have voted in the 2015 federal election. When segregated by program of study, 82% of respondents in an Arts program and 71% students in Business Administration reported voting. Additionally, 95% of Science students, 72% of Kinesiology students, 83% of Trades students, and 92% of CIS students voted. This information is in accordance with the literature, given that the reported participation in voting is significantly higher than the 51% of youth participation within the 2015 federal election (Coletto, 2016). Hence, it is clear that those attaining advanced education participate more in voting than the general target population.



In regard to ethnicity, 84% of Caucasian, 76% of Indo-Canadian, 57% of Asian, and 94% of Aboriginal respondents reported voting in the 2015 federal election. The Aboriginal voting rate is especially interesting to note, given that voter turnout among Aboriginals is generally lower than non-Aboriginals (Fournier & Loewen, 2011). Thus the current results are in direct contrast with the existing literature, although Coletto (2016) noted that a greater number of Aboriginals engaged in voting in the 2015 federal election. Furthermore, 86% of Christians, 83% of Atheists, 76% of Sikhs, 81% of Agnostics, 89% of Spiritualists, and 69% of those in the “other” category claimed to have voted. This information appears to be somewhat conflicting with the existing literature, given that Blais and St. Vincent (2011) note that youth with a religious adherence engage in voting more frequently than those with a non-religious adherence. However, the current results reveal that voting behaviours among religious and non-religious youth are in quite close proximity to one another, albeit Caucasians were overrepresented within the present study, which may have influenced the data as well.

VARIABLE VOTING DATA

The six variables measured within the survey included: (1) civic duty; (2) civic pride; (3) altruism; (4) narcissism; (5) social capital; and (6) government distrust. To operationalize the variables, each of the questions dedicated to these six factors were randomized into Likert scales and consisted of statements such as: “Candidates will do anything to get votes, even if they do not necessarily mean to keep their promises” (see number 6 in Appendix). The average point scores on the 7-point Likert scale can be noted in Table 1. However, it must be noted that the current study

accumulated a combination of information provided by both eligible and non-eligible voters. Given that one of the main objectives of the study was to generate information of voting behaviours, the following discussion is premised upon the data retrieved from the eligible voters.

I. CIVIC DUTY

Considering the existing literature, whereby Blais and St. Vincent (2011) note that Canadian youth have a diminished sense of civic duty, while Chareka and Sears (2006) argue that civic duty is prevalent among young people but it is not influential enough to encourage them to vote, it was hypothesized that the participants of the current study will either have a diminished sense of civic duty, or even if they regard voting as an obligation, most of them would not have participated in voting. However, this prediction did not align with the generated results.

The mean score of the perceived duty to vote variable was 5.67 on the 7-point Likert scale, with 82% scoring above a 4, meaning that the majority of participants at least “somewhat agreed” voting should be regarded as an obligation. Furthermore, the majority of those who answered this question scored this variable a 6, stating that they “agreed” voting is a civic duty. Moreover, of the individuals who awarded civic duty a 7, 92% voted, while 80.8% who perceived civic duty of any importance at all voted

Table 1: Variable Scores

Mean Score on 7-Point Likert

Scale

Percentage Above “Neither Agree nor

Disagree’

Civic Duty 5.67 82

Civic Pride 4.97 61

Altruism 5.68 82

Narcissism 4.10 73

Social Capital 4.20 82

Government Distrust

3.42 39



as well. Additionally, civic duty had a 90% frequency appearance as one of the positive experiences associated with the participation of voting.

These findings may not be necessarily generalizable to the greater population due to the various limitations of the study. However, the current results suggest that young people, especially those attending a postsecondary institution, do regard civic duty as an important factor in the political process. Moreover, this perception encourages them to actually participate in voting. Therefore, when drafting ways of increasing the youth voter turnout, perhaps the concept of civic duty should be an important factor promoted in these developments.

II. CIVIC PRIDE

In consideration of the literature addressing the correlation between civic duty and voter behaviours, the current study expanded on the phenomenon through employing civic pride as one of the variables to be measured. In essence, the objective of this implementation was to discover whether young Canadians are proud of their national citizenship. Due to increased globalization, whereby individuals are members of a transnational community, it was hypothesized that there would be a diminished role of national identity contributing to the voter deficit (Beck, 2015).

The mean score on the 7-point Likert scale for this variable was 4.97, meaning that the majority of participants did not even meet the minimal threshold of at least somewhat agreeing with patriotic values. In fact, the most common point awarded to the questions operationalizing this variable was a 4.5, which represented a neutral response. Therefore, the majority of respondents were indifferent in regard to civic pride. However, civic pride had a 90% frequency appearance among the positive experiences generated through voting. Moreover, of the individuals who awarded any importance to civic pride, 80.8% voted. In specific regard to the aforementioned hypothesis, the discrepancy between the quantitative and qualitative data of civic pride suggests that patriotism is relevant to the positive experiences of voting, but it does not necessarily increase voting participation.

III. ALTRUISM AND NARCISSISM

To balance the altruism variable, narcissism was also measured within the questionnaire. According to the literature, altruism is positively associated with voting (Blais & St. Vincent, 2011). The current results are in accordance with this finding. For example, of the 265 individuals who awarded any importance to altruism whatsoever, 80.8% voted, whereas only 19.2% of the 63 individuals who did not consider altruism significantly important, voted. Furthermore, the mean average of altruism was 5.86 on the 7-point Likert scale, while the majority of respondents were almost entirely in agreement with altruistic values. In fact, of those who were entirely altruistic – awarding 7 points on the scale – approximately 84% voted.

Interestingly, the majority of the participants who addressed the questions in relation to narcissism at least somewhat agreed with narcissistic values. Moreover, 81% of the individuals who were narcissistic, voted. Therefore, those with a high level of narcissism outvoted those with a high level of altruism by 0.2%. As a result, while altruism on its own may appear to have a significant influence on voting behaviours, when measured against narcissism, the role of this variable is diminished. Essentially, according to the current results, almost the same amount of individuals who generated narcissistic values were equally altruistic and voted. This may either suggest that these two variables are null, or



there is an outside factor influencing the equivalence between the two. For instance, because the present Western society places a greater emphasis on individualistic values while also promoting universal rights, it can be argued that the concept of liberalism can be linked to altruism and narcissism in terms of voting. Ultimately, more research must be conducted to discover the root causation of the current results.

IV. SOCIAL CAPITAL

Putnam (as cited in Telford, 2014) highlights that there is a lack of civic engagement among citizens which diminishes voter participation. Within the broader literature, Putnam (as cited in Telford, 2014) refers to this phenomenon as a decrease in social capital. According to the current study, the mean average on the 7-point Likert scale was 4.2 in regard to this variable, which is defined as “neither agree or disagree.” However, 82% of the respondents scored this variable above a 4, meaning that the majority of these individuals were at least somewhat engaged in the community. In fact, a score of 6 generated the greatest number of responses out of each point on the scale, implying that many were in firm agreement with the questions measuring social capital. Overall, a relationship between civic duty and voting can be noted, though this variable only has a minimal impact on the voting behaviours of the sample population.

V. GOVERNMENT DISTRUST

The four questions measuring the citizenry’s trust in government all included negative statements such as, “Politicians are out of touch with the Canadian public,” in order to reduce responder bias. The average score on the Likert scale was a 3.42, meaning that individuals somewhat disagreed with most of the negative statements. Furthermore, only 39% scored above a 4. Hence, 61% of respondents at least somewhat trust the Canadian government. However, the belief that one’s vote does not matter also appeared at a 17% frequency rate within the qualitative questions, and six participants did not vote because they did not trust any of the candidates. Therefore, some participants were rather cynical of the government, but this percentage did not affect voting behaviours to a great extent, given that 80.8% who answered this question voted.

According to these results, it appears that efficacy does not have a significant role in voting behaviours because individuals who engage in voting will do so, irrelevant of their trust in the government. However, it is important to note that the literature regarding this variable in democratic countries is inconsistent. For example, countries with a high level of democracy do not generate a considerable relationship between government trust and voting behaviours. While the literature also reveals that there is an increase of government cynicism among the population of democratic countries, Smets (2010) highlights that young people maintain a greater level of efficacy than older generations. Regardless, the overall level of cynicism generated by democratic citizens remains quite low – a fact in accordance with the present results. Nonetheless, there is a relationship between trust in government and voting within fledgling democratic countries. Essentially, the current results are consistent with the literature concerning democratic countries, which posit that trust in government is irrelevant. However, this variable should not be completely discarded when studying voting behaviours, since a relationship can exist between efficacy and voting, especially in the context of fledgling democracies.



QUALITATIVE DATA

Participants who voted were asked to identify both a positive and a negative experience they had throughout the voting process. When asked about a positive experience, one can refer to Table 2 on the left for more detailed statistics. However, approximately 41% of respondents referred to the completion of a civic duty or feelings of patriotism generated through voting. Moreover, 36% claimed voting enabled them to make a difference or contribute to society. Though these were the primary responses, some participants also expressed that their vote mattered, especially when their preferred candidates won the election.

Negative experiences are outlined in detail within Table 3. Evidently, negative experiences were more varied in frequency, as 36% of respondents reported long lineups, 18% declared voting was generally inconvenient, 9% believed their vote would not make a difference, and 7% were disappointed when the candidate they voted for lost the election. However, approximately 17% of candidates who voted could not recall any negative experiences associated with the voting process.

Respondents who did not vote were asked to provide the main or primary reason for their refrainment. Consequently, about 22% of participants declared that they were too busy or did not have enough time to engage in voting, while 10% revealed they did not know who to vote for. Respondents also admitted that they were out of town, annoyed with wait times, were disappointed by the political parties or the party system, experienced registration issues, or did not care. Each of these aforementioned responses had a 5% frequency appearance among individuals who did not vote.

Finally, respondents were asked if they found the registration process to be simple and whether or

Frequency Percent Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

Civic Duty || Civic Pride || Patriotism

90 24.1 41.3 41.3

Making a Difference || Contribution || Involvement

79 21.1 36.2 77.5

Candidate or Party Won || Other Guy Did Not Win

16 43.3 7.3 84.9

Sense of Accomplishment

11 2.9 5.0 89.9

Influence Canada 6 1.6 2.8 92.7

Convenient or Easy 6 1.6 2.8 95.4

Right to Complain 5 1.3 2.3 97.7

Family, Friends, or Social Encouragement

5 1.3 2.3 100.0

Total 218 58.3 100.0

Frequency Percent Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

Line Ups 66 17.6 35.9 35.9

Inconvenient || Lack of Time

33 8.8 17.9 53.8

None 32 8.6 17.4 71.2

Vote Does Not Matter

17 4.5 9.2 80.4

Candidate Lost 12 3.2 6.5 87.0

Confusion 8 2.1 4.3 96.7

Lack of Options || Did Not Like Any of the Candidates

6 1.6 3.3 100.0

Total 184 49.2 100.0

Table 2: Positive Experiences

Table 3: Negative Experiences



not they believed it was a frustrating process. Interestingly, 94% of the participants who voted responded positively about the voting process.

Although these variables are not mentioned in the literature review above, the qualitative questions were developed in order to help generate possible recommendations that could be presented to the CEO of BC and the Legislative Assembly. Consequently, the following section will reveal the responses individuals had about the preconceived recommendations measured with the questionnaire, while the succeeding segment of the report will touch upon some further recommendations that were developed after the data has been gathered.

RECCOMENDATIONS FOR THE CEO

Given that the CEO of BC does not have the authority to implement recommendations that require legislative change, the following suggestions do not necessitate legislative sanction.

AUTOMATIC VOTER REGISTRATION AT ICBC

Providing the option to register for voting at ICBC driver licensing centres would likely encourage youth to vote. While legislation could be sought to enact this, it may also be possible to do so without legislation if ICBC's Board of Directors agreed to instill the suggestion. Residents of BC are guaranteed to visit ICBC at least once per election cycle. For example, aside from renewing their BCID card or driver's license every five years, residents must also visit an ICBC establishment in order to change their address or pay fines. While allowing preregistration is outside of the CEO's mandate and many young Canadians initially visit ICBC when they are 16, majority also visit between the ages of 18 and 20 to acquire their novice license or their Class 5 (ICBC, 2016). This recommendation is very similar to the option Canadians have when filing their income tax returns, where citizens are directed to check a box if they would allow their information to be shared with Elections BC. Nonetheless, rather than simply

sharing their information, individuals would now be able to directly register to vote at an ICBC establishment. As such, enabling youth to register on the spot with Elections BC or Elections Canada could be a fundamental step in increasing the youth voter turnout.

The current study revealed that 373 participants answered the questions relating to this recommendation; 68.1% expressed an overall positive opinion of this suggestion, 15% expressed an overall neutral opinion of it, and 16.9% expressed an overall negative opinion of it (see Image 1). The average score on the 7-point Likert scale was 4.9, almost approaching 5 (somewhat agree), on Image 1: ICBC Reg. Support



the original survey. However, if respondents who selected 4.0 (neither agree nor disagree) are removed from the sample, the proportion of students who agreed with this suggestion on at least some level is over 80%. Therefore, this recommendation is certainly supported by the student body of UFV.

VOTING ADVERTISEMENT AT BC LIQUOR STORES

Over 412 million litres of alcoholic beverages were sold throughout BC liquor stores across the province in 2015, accumulating an estimated 1.16 billion individual drinks (BC Liquor Distribution Branch, 2015). As there are only 4.7 million citizens in the province, and not all of them consume alcohol, it can be inferred that those who drink, visit the liquor store on multiple occasions. Although these individuals may not necessarily have elections on their mind while at the liquor store, if they are presented with an advertisement reminding them to register to vote and providing an easily accessible link (i.e. QR code), said customers may be encouraged to go online and do so. In addition, due to multiple exposures to the advertisements throughout their visit, individuals will be aware of an approaching election, may be inclined to research the campaign, and possibly vote (Tomasula, 2001). While there may be some hesitance in regard to this suggestion, it should be noted that once BC youth become 19 years of age, they will often frequent the liquor store within their first year of legal drinking. According to the statistics above, most of them will continue to do so past their 19th birthday quite regularly. Therefore, although advertisements encouraging youth to vote could be displayed at hockey arenas and local leisure centres, advertising election day and voter registration at liquor stores would be conspicuous, given that political and democratic matters are not normally promoted in such settings.

The current study measured the popularity of this suggestion among the UFV youth. A total of 374 participants answered the two questions concerning the recommendation. Approximately 43% of respondents expressed an overall positive opinion of it, 19.5% expressed an overall neutral opinion of it, and 37.7% expressed an overall negative opinion of this suggestion. As can be noted in Image 2, the average score using a Likert scale was 4, meaning that the majority neither agreed or disagreed with this suggestion. While these values only display a mild level of support for this recommendation, it may be worthwhile for Elections BC to pursue this idea through further surveys and focus groups. BC liquor store representatives could also be asked of their opinion regarding this recommendation. Nonetheless, it

should be noted that 69.7% of the respondents admitted that they do not generally notice the advertisements at a liquor store. However, there are two potential responses to this. The first response was previously mentioned, whereby the advertisement would be very different in nature, prompting more individuals to notice the advertisement unconsciously. Second, small pamphlets or cards could be given to each patron at the cash register after completing their purchase – this may act as a reminder later in the week that an election is on the horizon and potentially encourage individuals to register.

Image 2: Ad Support



PROVINCIAL VOTER REGISTRATION DAY

Another effective method to encourage youth to vote would be the creation of a province-wide Voter Registration Day. Approximately 77.5% of the respondents who noted positive voting experiences expressed a sense of civic duty or that voting enabled them to contribute to society. Thus, it can be assumed that patriotism is a positive attribute of voting, and if fostered and guided correctly, this factor could potentially increase the registration and voting rate among Canadian youth. An opportunity in accordance with this suggestion, and one that would develop the act of voting as a core tenant of citizenship, would be to interweave voter registration with

Canada Day activities across the province. As Image 3 illustrates, according to the survey findings, around 67% of respondents described participating in public community events such as Canada Day at least occasionally, and participation was higher among those who voted in the last election. For example, 70% of those who participated in patriotic festivities voted, compared to the 57% voting rate among those who did not partake in national holiday celebrations.

Therefore, there appears to be a correlation between those who attend patriotic events and those who vote. Additionally, it is important to note that the youth vote includes a variety of visible minorities, who already face challenges in negotiating their personal identities and self-perceptions within the greater civil society. Thus, a provincial Voter Registration Day and voter registration interwoven into national public events could also emphasize the multiculturalism of Canada, highlight that civic participation can be a common duty shared by all, and provide an opportunity for different ethnicities to learn more about one another.

NONPARTISAN GET-OUT-THE-VOTE CAMPAIGN

Political parties have become very successful in mobilizing voters with essential get-out-the-vote (GOTV) tactics. However, these campaigns only target voters who have previously committed to vote for a certain party. The current suggestion revolves around the creation of a nonpartisan GOTV campaign that would employ well-established tactics already being used by political parties. Possible techniques for this recommendation include: (1) canvassing prior to election through social media; (2) peer to peer contact; and (3) personalized reminders to vote on election day.

A key component to the success of partisan GOTV campaigns is the relationship that forms between the local community and the party through volunteer canvassing. Eventually, a local and approachable

Image 3: Community Event Participation



face is associated with an organization that is generally characterized by the distant party leader. Elections BC could adopt a similar strategy for mobilizing the youth vote in BC. When targeting youth, it would be an excellent idea to canvass through social media. Elections BC could have its own social media spokesperson to create a connection and spread information. This person, or ideally multiple people based on region, would engage directly with potential voters about the real questions they have. The nonpartisan canvasing could take many different forms, such as social media contests, online discussions, the creation of hashtags, and Instagram photo contests, among other possibilities. These areas of discussion do not have to highlight various party policies, given that Elections BC is a nonpartisan body. However, the typical concerns of youth, such as environmentalism and postsecondary funding, could be presented through stating that if youth voted, the issues they care about would be heard.

A specific method to employ in regard to this recommendation would be the recruitment of a young person with a popular social media presence to begin a campaign. The individual could post a photo of themselves, known as a ‘selfie’, holding a sign that states, “I am a registered voter.” The caption of his or her social media post would include a nomination of three friends to go register, post a selfie with a sign advertising they have registered, and then proceed to nominate three additional friends. This campaign would resemble online movements such as the Amyotrophic Lateral Sclerosis (ALS) Ice Bucket Challenge that raised money for ALS and was incredibly successful.

Furthermore, as part of the GOTV campaign, it may be effective to consider empowering already active youth voters in order to sell the idea of voting. Youth themselves have a much better understanding of their own peer groups than any outside organization does. To capitalize on this, Elections BC could also employ the GOTV campaign to empower previous youth voters, who would encourage new voters to participate in voting. This suggestion could be implemented through contacting previous voters directly to remind them how and when to vote, and to encourage them to inspire their friends to vote as well. Such reminders often take the form of phone calls or in-person messages. However, if the goal is to reach the youth vote, then a more effective method would be the utilization of social media channels and text messages, given that most Canadian youth now have constant access to social media. Hence, such reminders would be received quickly and efficiently. It is important to note that these messages must be personalized and genuine, rather than pre-generated and mundane, because this will enable young people to realize that their worth is important to Canada and the province they reside in.

RECCOMENDATIONS FOR THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY

The following recommendations require legislative action, and are therefore aimed at the Legislative Assembly of BC.

PREREGISTRATION

Allowing Canadians who are under the age of eighteen to preregister with Elections BC, whereby they automatically become a registered voter on their eighteenth birthday, could significantly encourage young Canadians to vote. While the proportion of Canadians under the age of 25 who vote is much lower than older age groups, the proportion of young registered voters, as opposed to young eligible voters, is often on par with other levels at approximately 50%. Therefore, the Elections BC website would simply need to create another webpage to run alongside the Voter Registration page, providing



the option for Canadians under the age of eighteen to preregister for voting. Nonetheless, given that such action involves underage minors, this suggestion requires government authorization and policy revision. Hence, the implementation of the recommendation – if considered – could be quite extensive and costly.

GRADUATION VOTER PACKAGE

A convenience location to connect with students who are about to be, or have recently become, newly-eligible voters is through high-school graduation. Of course, provincial legislative approval would be required as this involves entering public schools and interacting with individuals under the voting age. However, this would be a simple and cost-effective method of reaching thousands of young Canadians. For example, it could consist of a single sheet of paper – the top two-thirds could explain the process and importance of voting, and the bottom one-third could have a tear-away line so the student could fill out his or her information, detach it from the form, and give it to the guidance counselor.

While an increase of Canadian politics, BC politics, and elections in the curriculum would be ideal, it is important to remind the new generation of voters of their political rights and privileges. The forms do not have to be personalized, enabling a significant number of copies to be printed simultaneously and allowing said documents to have a far-reaching impact. Additionally, Image 4 reveals that the general support among participants concerning this recommendation was a 4.35 on the 7-point Likert scale, hence participants had greater agreement with

this suggestion than discontent. As a result, despite the legislative changes, the proposal should be warranted further consideration.

VOTER IDENTIFICATION CARD

As mentioned on multiple occasions throughout this report, many participants claimed to have voted because they viewed voting as an obligation or a civic duty. If these feelings encourage voting, how can Canadians be compelled to perceive voting as a privilege that each Canadian would be proud of and desire to demonstrate? Perhaps this question can be resolved with the creation of a new government issued photo identification card (ID) – a Voter Identification Card (VID) similar to that of Image 5, which is a VID used in India. If the government was to employ this method, the perception of pride and privilege could once again be reinstated when exercising the right to vote. A VID could be mailed out to each Canadian based on census information or tax return information. This straightforward reminder and direct link to the Canadian demographic

Image 4: Voter Package Support

Image 5: Indian Voter ID



system could represent a transition into adulthood and highlight a process through which the new generation may actively engage in the shaping of their future.

This card would also act similar to that of other government identification, thereby increasing its range of use and importance to the owner. More importantly, an identifying number assigned to the card could be employed to make the registration and voting process easier as well. This number would not be associated with the individual’s vote, but simply with the accessibility and ease of casting that vote through registration or attendance at any polling station. The reverse side of the card could also include online and in-person places to find further electoral resources.

The most significant advantage of a new government ID card is the fact that it is often associated with a piece of official ID. In addition to making the registration and voting process easier and acting as a simple reminder (every time someone uses it for non-election purposes), it also adds authenticity, legitimacy, and importance to the act of voting. India has devised many advertisements and campaigns that focus on their voter ID card, and Elections BC could attempt to do something similar as well. On the survey, after removing respondents who neither agreed nor disagreed, 78% of participants were in favor of this recommendation, with the majority of participants scoring above a 4 on the Likert scale. Therefore, most at least somewhat agreed with this suggestion, as can be noted in Image 6.

While strict ID requirements to vote have led to the disenfranchisement of some individuals, most notably in the United States (New York Times, 2014), it is very important to note that the present report is not suggesting this ID card become the sole method for someone to vote. Rather, in addition to streamlining the registration and voting process, the logic behind this recommendation is that the use of these VIDs for non-election purposes would help normalize voting and elections among Canadian youth. In short of this, a line on the back of the card simply stating, “Visit the Elections BC website at www.elections.bc.ca to register to vote,” may also encourage young Canadians to register and subsequently vote.

PROVINCIAL HOLIDAY Taking the "Voter Registration Day" in the previous section one step further, instead of combining these activities with pre-existing holidays such as Canada Day or BC Day, the Government of BC could create a new provincial holiday entitled BC Voter Registration Day. The publicity that would arise simply out of the announcement of this holiday would likely facilitate larger than normal volumes of traffic to the Elections BC website, and it would generate discussion around the purpose and intent of a holiday such as this.

It would also give Elections BC a specific day in which they could focus much time and many resources.

Image 6: VID Card Support

http://www.elections.bc.ca/

http://www.google.ca/url?sa=i&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=images&cd=&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=0ahUKEwiT2KP26rDMAhVE1mMKHX6xDf4QjRwIBw&url=http://www.ysunews.com/&bvm=bv.120857306,d.cGc&psig=AFQjCNH7j1beJm5Ky3xy7GDXLva4zNWjjw&ust=1461913469002562



As the awareness and popularity of this holiday would grow, many more individuals would be compelled to register to vote, and thus have a much higher likelihood of actually casting a ballot on Election Day.

NONE OF THE ABOVE OPTION

There are some individuals who are politically informed and engaged, but for one reason or another, feel disenfranchised with, or alienated from, Canada or BC’s current political or electoral process. Having a “none of the above” option on ballots, or allowing individuals to formally refuse their ballot, would allow the 10% of respondents within the current study who did not know who to vote for and the 5% who had an issue with Canada’s political parties to still voice their opinions through a ballot. Voters already have this ability in Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, and Ontario (Bestelaar, 2014).

PUBLIC FORUM INPUT

On April 22, 2016, the IDS 400C researchers hosted a public forum in the Student Union Building of UFV in Abbotsford, in order to present their data results and recommendations to Dr. Archer and other important political figures, such as the Mayor of Abbotsford and party representatives from Chilliwack and Abbotsford. After the presentation, five students from the class delegated two focus groups in which they discussed the information previously exhibited with the audience members. This enabled the audience to ask questions and make further suggestions.

The first group discussed the VID card mentioned above and the high-school registration package recommendation. The members unanimously supported the suggestions of a voter registration package delegated among high-school students on their graduation day, and also discussed mock voting in high-schools – an event that has been exercised throughout BC elementary and high-schools for the past three provincial elections and will also be done in 2017. Additionally, the utility of a front facing social media entity was mentioned, concerning the information presented above in regard to a nonpartisan GOTV campaign. The group also favoured this suggestion. However, the VID card recommendation left some audience members rather baffled, therefore one of the facilitators likened the card to certain aspects of a passport. For instance, a Canadian passport can ensure one’s voter identity. Similarly, a VID card could also ensure one’s voter identity and perhaps generate feelings of patriotism and civic duty.

The second group also supported a voter registration package to be handed out at graduation. Additionally, the second group focused more on municipal matters. For example, the group questioned why Elections BC was only advised to advertise voter registration and election day at local liquor stores, rather than recreation centres in general. It is important to note that this group contained the Mayor of Abbotsford, Henry Braun, and city councilors Patricia Ross and Dave Loewen. Hence, the aforementioned recommendation was raised by said professionals. For instance, instead of hosting



events at City Hall, which generally experience a low turnout, these experts began hosting events throughout locations in Abbotsford which were heavily populated by citizens. Some of these places included shopping malls, cultural centres, and recreation centres. This is certainly a possibility that the CEO could further investigate, given that the suggestion would help individualize outreach approaches, which would potentially encourage visible minorities to register to vote.

After each group provided an overview of their discussion, Dr. Archer addressed the room. Overall, his reaction was positive to most of the recommendations presented by the IDS 400C students. However, a concern he raised was in regard to the advertisement at BC liquor stores. Therefore, the present discussion aims to clarify that this location was chosen because it is a place that many youth visit on their 19th birthday, almost as a rite of passage. Hence, the suggestion does not advocate confining voter registration and election day advertisement to liquor stores alone. Rather, it encourages the existing advertisement locations to include liquor stores as well.

Despite this critique, Dr. Archer was more receptive to other suggestions. For example, preregistering 16 and 17 year-old citizens is something he has already encouraged the Legislative Assembly to enable. Additionally, he seemed open to Voter Registration Day (a non-holiday), though the present report stresses the combination of said day with an already existing event such as Canada Day, when feelings of patriotism are heightened. He also suggested promoting voting on important national events, such as the 100th year anniversary of the women’s right to vote in Canada. Additionally, the high-school voter registration package was viewed favorably. Moreover, Dr. Archer revealed that Elections BC and ICBC currently have a data-exchange agreement, allowing Elections BC the ability to keep their voters' list current. However, the present report continues to advocate for the ability to automatically register to vote at an ICBC office, as this would help tremendously. Nonetheless, the current agreement in place is a step toward the recommendation mentioned within the study.

The only recommendation Dr. Archer refused to comment on was the "none of the above" option on provincial ballots, as it strayed too far into policy-specific debate.

CONCLUSION

The current study administered a survey to students throughout the UFV campuses of Abbottsford and Chilliwack in order to examine young adults' perceptions of politics and their behaviours in regard to political engagement and voting. The six variables measured within the study included civic duty, civic pride, altruism, narcissism, social capital, and government distrust. A total of 374 questionnaires were examined, while the particular data relating to the six variables was gathered from only those who were eligible to vote.

Five of the six factors demonstrated to have at least some influence in regard to voting, however efficacy did not have an effect on voting behaviours. Although a relationship between government trust, or distrust, and voting can be noted, this variable did not have an impact on voter participation. The qualitative questions revealed that the most positive factors associated with voting are feelings of civic pride and civic duty, while the most negative factors include long lineups. Aside from the fact that a number of participants were not eligible to vote due to a lack of Canadian citizenship, other respondents also admitted that they did not vote because they were too busy.



Given this information and the broader literature regarding the youth voter deficit, the current study identified nine recommendations, four of which are directed toward the CEO of BC and the other five toward the BC Legislative Assembly. The suggestions guided toward the CEO include: enabling automatic voter registration at ICBC; advertising information about voter registration and election day throughout BC liquor stores; interweaving a provincial registration day within national festivities, such as Canada Day; and employing nonpartisan GOTV methods. The recommendations intended for the government include: enabling 16 and 17 year olds to preregister for voting; providing a voter package to high-school students at graduation; issuing a Voter Identification card which could be used for voting and other government issued ID purposes; creating a provincial holiday dedicated to voting; and adding a none of the above option on the ballot, whereby those who do not identify with any of the candidates can still voice their opinion.

The research findings and the nine recommendations were presented at a public forum hosted on the Abbotsford campus of UFV. Most of the recommendations were received with positivity, however some concerns were raised, especially in regard to the advertisement of voting throughout BC liquor stores. Nonetheless, these concerns are addressed within the report, as it is emphasized that such advertisement should not be confined to liquor stores but expanded within these settings, given that many young people visit the liquor store, especially on their 19th birthday. Overall, the forum had positive outcomes as it raised an insightful and knowledgeable discussion about the current issue at hand: the youth voter deficit.

In addition to the several limitations noted under the Methodology and Caveats section, further shortcomings must be recorded. First, the study, by its very nature, was confined to university students – a demographic amongst young adults who tend to vote at higher rates already. Second, a majority of the surveys were administered in classrooms. This may have led to students completing the questionnaires due to pressure from survey administrators, instructors, or fellow classmates. Neither of these issues are necessarily avoidable, though they are certainly worth mentioning. Aspects that may have been avoidable and can be improved upon in future studies included the following:

1. Demographic information, particularly with respect to religious affiliation, could have been far less specific. This confused some respondents who noticed that their particular denomination was not on the list.

2. More neutral wording with respect to age could have been used. While the term "youth" is used in the class name itself, responses from people older than this category still serve a useful purpose, and numerous older respondents questioned the need for them to fill out the survey because of this wording.

3. Targeting more trades-specific students. UFV in particular has a large trades-based program in Chilliwack, and the students attending this program experience a very different education than a student pursuing a more academic discipline. Their voices and opinions might generate some diversity in response trends.

4. Leaving the room while students complete the survey, and asking instructors to do the same, may help mitigate the amount of influence these individuals have. Students who did not want to complete the survey may have felt less pressured to complete the survey if this was done.

However, regardless of these limitations, the current study still proffers insight concerning politics and political issues into the minds of young adults. Furthermore, the recommendations generated by the



IDS 400C course – some albeit more feasible than others – all have a strong potential to increase voter turnout amongst Canada's youngest eligible demographic. One third of youth vote and engage with their political system. Therefore, it is important to remember that it is not all of youth who remain politically disengaged. However, the approximate two-thirds who do not vote could be influenced to do so through enhancing registration methods. Moreover, before, throughout, and after this step, promotion is crucial, because ensuring that young Canadians want to vote is the final step. Consequently, all of the aforementioned recommendations are crafted around one of these three areas. The ultimate goal of increasing voter participation through these recommendations is to ensure the continuation of democratic participation. To do so, it is important to incorporate the voices of the future leaders. As this report included a number of voices of this young generation, the insights are therefore of specific relevance and warrant particular consideration by readers hoping to address the voter deficit. Perhaps, this participation of youth addressing a youth problem provides a pathway toward positive change.



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APPENDIX: QUESTIONNAIRE

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Let’s talk about voting Please indicate your degree of agreement or disagreement by circling the appropriate circle associated

with each item below. Do not think too hard, but just indicate your first reaction. Note, if you already

completed this survey at a different location on campus, please do not complete it again.

1. It upsets me to see someone in pain.

2. The reputation of Canada is declining.

3. No one would pay attention to a provincial Voting Registration Day on the calendar.

4. Canada has a strong sense of community.

http://www.google.ca/url?sa=i&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=images&cd=&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=0ahUKEwj1nJGkzrTLAhVEz2MKHf11AnUQjRwIBw&url=http://ejop.psychopen.eu/article/view/508/html&psig=AFQjCNESpS8jmhz7KFyKNuA4ThYg4k4_tg&ust=1457647509639182





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5. Canada is prosperous.

6. Candidates will say anything to get votes, even if they do not necessarily mean to keep their

promises.

7. Aside from my diploma, I did not pay attention to any of the other materials I received in my

high-school graduation envelope.

8. I would like to have the option to register to vote while filling out my information documents

at ICBC.






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9. I participate in public events that occur in my community, such as Chilliwack’s Party in the

Park, Abbotsford’s Tulip Festival, or Canada Day festivities.

10. It seems like politicians only care for themselves.

11. Providing a voter package to high-school graduates is an effective way to enable students to

apply their social studies skills in the real world.

12. If I ruled the world, it would be a much better place.






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13. I am a member of one or more extracurricular clubs, teams, or associations within my

community.

14. Advertising the voter registration dates at a liquor store is an effective way to make people

aware of voting.

15. Having a Voter Identification Card (like a Care Card or a Driver’s License) with all of the

necessary information needed to register for voting is a good idea.

16. Agreeing to receiving a voter’s package in the mail while filling out my information

documents at ICBC would likely increase my inclination to vote when it is time to do so.






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17. Whoever wins the election, nothing will change.

18. I am only willing to help someone if doing so will benefit me as well, for example I will get a

reward, or he/she will owe me.

19. It is important to vote, even if my party or candidate does not have a chance to win.

20. I never notice the advertisements at a liquor store.






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21. Having a provincial Voting Registration Day would make people more likely to register for

voting.

22. A Voter Identification Card (like a Care Card or Driver’s License) will only fill up more space

in my wallet.

23. It is the duty of every citizen to vote.

24. Canada is becoming unwelcoming.






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25. It seems like our government is more interested in corporate matters than public concerns.

26. I like to be the centre of attention.

27. It seems like politicians are out of touch with the Canadian public.

28. I regularly do favours for others without being asked.






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29. In order to preserve democracy, it is essential that the majority of citizens who are eligible to

vote do so.

30. I can easily influence the people around me.

31. My vote matters.





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Voter Experience

32. Did you vote in the last election?

Yes No

33. If you did not vote, please proceed to question 34. If you voted, please answer the following:

a. Name one positive experience generated through the voting process, such as feelings of

civic pride or patriotism.

b. Name one negative experience generated through the voting process.

c. Registering to vote was a simple process.

Yes No

d. Registering to vote was a frustrating process.

Yes No

34. If you did not vote in the previous election, please answer the following:

a. What is the main factor that interfered with your decision to vote?

b. What is the main factor that convinced you not to vote?


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Demographic Information

Age:

Gender:

Ethnicity:

Country of Birth:

Are you eligible to vote?

Do you identify as Aboriginal?

Program and major if applicable (i.e. Biology, Trades Program, Criminology, etc.):

Please tick or circle which faith or belief you identify with:

Atheism

Agnostic

Baha'i

Buddhism

Candomblé

Christianity

Hinduism

Islam

Jainism

Santeria

Taoism

Unitarianism

Zoroastrianism

Jehovah's Witnesses

Judaism

Mormonism

Paganism

Rastafari

Shinto

Sikhism

Spiritualism

Other (please specify)

Youth & Electoral Politics

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