YEMEN MENA REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT REPORTS ROUNDTABLE April...

YEMEN MENA REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT REPORTS ROUNDTABLE

April 9-10, 2005, Sana’a, Republic of Yemen

“GENDER AND DEVELOPMENT IN YEMEN: WOMEN IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE”

Yemen Background Paper Prepared by

Carmen Niethammer

[email protected]

Operations Officer Office of the Chief Economist

Middle East and North Africa Regional Office World Bank, Washington, DC

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YEMEN MENA REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT REPORTS ROUNDTABLE “GENDER AND DEVELOPMENT IN YEMEN: WOMEN IN THE PUBLIC

SPHERE”

TABLE OF CONTENTS

SUMMARY ...............................................................................................................................1 EDUCATION.............................................................................................................................1 HEALTH ....................................................................................................................................5 LABOR FORCE.........................................................................................................................9 A FRAMEWORK FOR DEVELOPING AN AGENDA FOR CHANGE. ..............................19 TABLES

TABLE 1: YEMEN AND THE MILLENNIUM DEVELOPMENT GOALS GOAL #3: PROMOTE GENDER EQUALITY AND EMPOWER WOMEN.................................................................................................................................................1

TABLE 2: PUBLIC SPENDING ON EDUCATION, 2000 ..............................................................................................................1 TABLE 3: PUBLIC SPENDING ON EDUCATION AND HEALTH, 2000 .....................................................................................5 TABLE 4: TRENDS IN FEMALE LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION , MENA COUNTRIES AND WORLD REGIONS, 1960–

2000 ........................................................................................................................................................................10

GRAPHS

GRAPH 1: PROGRESS FROM 1970 TO 2000..............................................................................................................................2 GRAPH 2: FEMALE PRIMARY SCHOOL ENROLLMENT RATE................................................................................................2 GRAPH 3: FEMALE PRIMARY SCHOOL COMPLETION RATE .................................................................................................2 GRAPH 4: PERCENT OF MARRIED WOMEN AGES 15-49 USING CONTRACEPTIVES IN MENA,......................................6 GRAPH 5: MATERNAL MORTALITY RATES IN MENA .........................................................................................................7 GRAPH 6: INFANT MORTALITY IN MENA COUNTRIES, 1980 AND 2001...........................................................................8 GRAPH 7: RATIO OF ACTUAL TO PREDICTED FEMALE LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION , MENA AND SELECTED

COUNTRIES, 1980 AND 2000................................................................................................................................11 GRAPH 8: FEMALE EMPLOYMENT IN THE PUBLIC SECTOR................................................................................................11 GRAPH 9: UNEMPLOYMENT RATES BY GENDER IN MENA (PERCENT )...........................................................................14 GRAPH 10: YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT AS A SHARE OF TOTAL EMPLOYMENT IN MENA (PERCENT )...........................14 GRAPH 11: FEMALE UNEMPLOYMENT RATES, BY EDUCATIONAL LEVEL, MENA COUNTRIES..................................15 GRAPH 12: UNREGULATED SECTOR JOBS IN MENA COUNTRIES....................................................................................15 GRAPH 13: PAID PRIVATE SECTOR EMPLOYMENT , MEN AND WOMEN, MENA COUNTRIES..........................................16 GRAPH 14: POTENTIAL INCREASES IN AVERAGE HOUSEHOLD INCOME IF…...................................................................17

BOXES

BOX 1 YEMENI WOMEN DISCOVER LITERACY THROUGH POETRY....................................................................................4 BOX 2: FALLING FERTILITY IN OMAN AND THE REPUBLIC OF YEMEN – A TALE OF TWO COUNTRIES........................7

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ANNEXES Annex 1: Women’s Rights ........................................................................................................23 Annex 2: Maternity Regulations ...............................................................................................24 Annex 3: Voting, Equal Constitutional Rights, Freedom of Movement and Marriage ............25

GENDER AND DEVELOPMENT IN YEMEN: WOMEN IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE - SUMMARY 1

YEMEN MENA REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT REPORTS ROUNDTABLE “GENDER AND DEVELOPMENT IN YEMEN: WOMEN IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE”

Table 1: Yemen and the Millennium Development Goals Goal #3: Promote Gender Equality and Empower Women

Target: Eliminate gender disparity in primary and secondary education, preferably by 2005, and to all levels of education no later than 2015

Indicators 1990 1995 2000 2001 2002 Ratio of girls to boys in primary and secondary education 37.3 49.9 55.6 Ratio of literate females to males of 15-to-24-year-olds 34.1 44.1 55.7 58.0 60.3 Share of women in wage employment in the non-agricultural sector .. .. .. 6.5 Proportion of seats held by women in national parliament 4.0 1.0 1.0 1.0 1.0

SUMMARY

Yemen has witnessed significant achievements in education and health over the last decades, as can be seen in terms of the socio-economic indicators for the general population, but especially for females. Yet, gender disparities persist. Between 1995 and 2000, total enrollment rates in basic education increased by 30 percent, while secondary education rates increased by 50 percent. On the health front, life expectancy has improved significantly for both sexes over the last several decades.

However, Yemen’s continuous high rates of population growth dilute potential progress in reducing poverty. As a result of high fertility rates, Yemen has the highest dependency ratio in MENA since 1980 (currently at 1.06 compared to MENA at 0.691). Despite the fact that fertility rates have been declining (from 8 to 6 births per woman 1960-2003), Yemen’s young population puts immense strains on education, health and other social services.

According to 2002 estimates, only 21 percent of women in Yemen used modern contraceptives, the lowest rate in MENA which is also well below the world average. Yemen has one of the highest average rates of early age marriage in the world (especially in rural areas), which further contributes to girls’ lower school enrollment. High infant and child mortality rates encourage families to have more children in anticipation that a minimum number of desired children will survive.

Family planning programs and policies in Yemen need not only to focus on better supply of family planning services, but also on the demand side. To this end, one important factor is to improve women's ability to participate in the labor market and create income generating opportunities for themselves that would make their social status and well-being less dependant on the potential number of children in the family. Moreover, the greater a woman's child-rearing responsibilities, the less likely it is that she will choose to enter paid work2.

1 Dependency ratio is the number of non-economically active people divided by number of the labor force. 2 Evidence from MENA shows that women's participation in the labor force is lower if no other women are in the household with whom to share childcare responsibilities. Estimates indicate a decreased lik elihood of participation of 2 percent in the Islamic Republic of Iran, 5 percent in the Republic of Yemen, and 8 percent in Djibouti.

GENDER AND DEVELOPMENT IN YEMEN: WOMEN IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE - SUMMARY 2

The public sector is an important source of employment and can play a significant role to provide services to women. In contrast to other MENA countries, in Yemen women’s participation in the public sector is low. Given the small number of and the clear need for female medical professionals and educators, it may be useful to increase the rela tive share of women working in the public sector.

The population issue remains a challenge for Yemen and is critical to its development policies – addressing gender will be essential to the achievement of most MDGs.

Graph 1: Progress from 1970 to 2000

Yemen

020406080

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Adult l i teracy rates,1970 (%)

Life Exp., 1970 (years)% of total LF, 1970

Female

MaleYemen

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Adult l i teracy rates,2000 (%)

Life Exp., 2000 (years)% of to ta l LF, 2000

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EDUCATION:

The MENA region has made impressive achievements in women's education. Most countries in the region have dedicated significant resources to women's education, with impressive results. Over the past decade, MENA governments spent an average of 5.3 percent of GDP on education--the highest in the world. This investment has significantly changed the supply, quality, and profile of the labor force, especially for women. The average number of years of schooling for women increased, and the average literacy rate of women rose significantly (from 16.6 percent in 1970 to 52.5 percent in 2000). By 2000, in primary schools across the region, 9 girls were enrolled for every 10 boys. At the secondary level, the enrollment gap is also small: 74 percent of girls and 77 percent of boys are enrolled. On average, MENA seems to be on track for eliminating gender disparity in primary and secondary education by 2005. This elimination is the first-order indicator for the third Millennium Development Goal, which promotes gender equality and empowerment of women and to which all members of the United Nations agreed.

Yemen also made significant progress on women’s education, yet much remains to be done. In terms of public spending on education in MENA countries and world regions, Yemen leads the MENA region with 10% of GDP (see Table 2). Relative to the rest of MENA, however, Yemen’s female primary school enrollment rate is the second lowest, Djibouti being the lowest (see Graph 2).

Any assessment of education in Yemen must take into account differences between rural and urban areas, as well as differences in how resources are being allocated by gender. Access to education is much greater in urban than rural areas, which in part explains why enrollment rates and literacy rates are significantly higher in urban areas. Yet, large gender gaps in education remain. In 2000/1, 5.5 million Yemenis were between the ages of 6 and 14, of whom only 62.0 percent were enrolled in primary school. The female primary school enrollment rate was 46.7 percent, compared to a male primary school enrollment rate at 67.6 percent. In urban areas, the gender gap at the primary level was approximately 10 percent, compared to 44.4 percent in rural areas.

At the pre-primary education level, 16 percent of children in MENA were enrolled in pre-primary education in 1999/2000. Enrollment rates vary among the countries, but the low rates in Algeria, Egypt, Oman, Saudi Arabia, and Yemen contribute to the low average in the region.

Table 2: Public Spending on Education, 2000

(as a percentage of GDP) Other MENA countries

Education Algeria 4.8a Bahrain 3.00 Djibouti 3.5a Egypt Arab Rep. of 4.7a Iran, Islamic Rep. of 4.4 Iraq -- Jordan 5.0a Kuwait 6.1a Lebanon 3.0 Libya -- Morocco 5.5 Oman 3.9a Qatar 3.6a Saudi Arabia 9.5a Syrian Arab Rep. 4.1 Tunisia 6.8 UAE Emirates 1.9a West Bank & Gaza -- Yemen Rep. of 10.0 East Asia & Pacific* (EAP)

2.3 Europe & Central Asia* (ECA)

4.4a Latin America & Caribbean* (LAC)

4.4 MENA 5.3a South Asia* (SA) 2.5 Sub-Saharan Africa* (SSA)

3.4a

Source: World Bank MENA Gender report a. Data from most recent year available during 1995-2000 b. 1998 data * Countries for EAP: ECA; LAC; SA; and SSA.

GENDER AND DEVELOPMENT IN YEMEN: WOMEN IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE - EDUCATION 2

Graph 2: Female Primary School Enrollment Rate

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Primary school completion rates also remain extremely low for Yemen. Only 38 percent of girls complete their primary education in Yemen, compared to a 77 percent completion rate for boys (see Graph 3).

Graph 3: Female Primary School Completion Rate

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In Yemen, few girls continue on to secondary education, and early marriage continues to be an obstacle for girls’ educational attainment in rural areas. Secondary female enrollment rates were even lower than primary completion rates, at about 29 percent in 2000, suggesting that many families have determined that a primary school education is sufficient for girls. Again there are significant differences between urban and rural areas. In rural areas in 2002, only 17.4 percent of those attending secondary school were girls, and 82.6 percent were boys. The percentage of female students at the secondary level is significantly higher in urban areas where 37 percent of students enrolled were girls.


Moreover, in absence of a minimum legal age of marriage, girls' secondary school enrollment rates are negatively affected especially in the rural areas3.

Factors contributing to low educational attainment rates among girls may be economic, social and physical. In addition to the phenomenon of early marriage, some of the main factors contributing to low enrollment and completion rates among girls, particularly those in rural areas, include: poverty, lack of physical access to school, and family attitudes toward girls' schooling.

Low educational attainment of girls is perpetuated by the lack of female teachers. An important factor limiting girls' education is likely to be the lack of female teachers in Yemen. Current statistics indicate that there are far fewer female teachers than male teachers: in urban areas, the percentage of female teachers is only 52% of male teachers, while in urban areas, it is as low as 8.6%4. And in secondary school the rate is considerably lower in some areas. Fortunately, the percentage of females becoming trained teachers has been increasing dramatically between 1990, when it was 25 percent, and 2000, when it had risen to 45.8 percent.

Women’s tertiary enrollment levels also remain low. The highest percentage of female students (44 percent) enrolled was in the faculty of medicine (2001), an area much in need of female professionals, followed by 41 percent in the faculty of sciences. Overall, Yemen’s female tertiary enrollment rate was 4.6 percent in 1998, compared to a rate of 13.7 for all of MENA (1997 figure). The male tertiary enrollment rate was considerably higher, at 16.7 percent, and also considerably closer to the MENA average of 20.0 percent. Of the students who graduated from universities in 2000, only 27 percent were female.

In MENA, men are still 40 percent more likely to be literate than women. And illiteracy among rural women remains a persistent challenge. In Morocco, only 1 in 10 rural women can read and write, and in the Republic of Yemen only 1 in 9 can. But the region's progress to date has been strong. Box 1 describes some innovative approaches to literacy training for women in the Republic of Yemen.

3 According to the Women’s National Committee’s MDG DRAFT Needs Assessment Report, 46% of the population above ten years of age is married. Of those in the 10-19 married age group, 75% are women, and 25% are men, suggesting that a much larger proportion of women are married early. Moreover, the 1999 Poverty Phenomenon Survey in the Yemeni Society indicates that one of the major reasons for girls dropping out of school at the primary level (both poor an non-poor families) is marriage. 4 “MDG Draft Needs Assessment Report”, Women’s National Committee, January 2005.


Box 1 Yemeni Women Discover Literacy through Poetry

Gender equality will not be achieved with substantial disparities in the social sectors. In some countries of the MENA region - for instance, Morocco and Yemen--achieving education parity remains a real challenge, although providing women the skills they need for the job market is a challenge in nearly every country of the region. Improved curricula and elimination of gender stereotyping in schools are key elements of such a strategy. Opening up all educational fields to women and encouraging diversity in specific fields are important for attracting the best and the brightest to every discipline, regardless of sex. The provision of lifelong learning and vocational skills (vocational training enrollment of females being extremely low in Yemen) is also known to be critical for women, particularly because many women marry early (and are, hence, more unlikely to finish school).

"Wealth does not come to the one who sits, except for those who own shops or who studied in schools," recites a Yemeni woman in an innovative pilot project, which draws upon Yemen's rich oral traditions to teach literacy. Only 25 percent of Yemen's adult females are literate, which makes a challenge of narrowing the gender gap in education and achieving the Millennium Development Goal of promoting gender equality by 2015. In partnership with Yemen's Ministry of Education, this World Bank-funded project, which is a pilot in Culture and Poverty, responds to the needs of women who want to learn to read and write simple letters and documents, short Qu'ranic verses, road signs, and instructions on food and pesticide containers. Early in the project about 100 rural women learned to read by creating and sharing poetry with other women in their communities. The project has since attracted interest from other development assistance agencies and is receiving support through Yemen's Social Fund for Development.

5

HEALTH

The MENA region also has an impressive record of improving women's health. Like in education, most countries in the region have also dedicated significant resources to women's health, with impressive results. Over the past decade, MENA governments spent an average of 2.9 percent on health care (compared to a much lower level in Yemen at 2.1 percent), see Table 3. This has contributed to the fact that most women in MENA are living longer and healthier lives. Since 1980, their life expectancy has increased by some 10 years, mainly because of improved health care and reduced maternal mortality. Above all, the region has experienced spectacular declines in the fertility rate--from 6.2 to 3.3 children per woman since 1980. Part of the reason for the drop is the expansion in women's education; educated women tend to marry later and are more likely to use contraceptives. Government population policies have also played a vital role in promoting the need for smaller family sizes.

In Yemen, progress has been made on women’s health indicators, but the country lags behind other MENA countries.

One of the most important general measures of health is life expectancy at birth. Women's life expectancy rose in all MENA countries between 1970 and 2000. On average, women in MENA can now expect to live for 69 years, but in Djibouti and the Republic of Yemen, their life expectancy is well below this average, at 47 and 57 years, respectively. In Yemen, life expectancy increased by about 11 years over the course of the last decade, with current life expectancy at birth being 58.1 for women compared to 56.8 for men. This falls well below the average of 63 years for developing countries and the MENA average of 67.2. Biological advantages suggest that under ideal circumstances women will live five years longer than men. When this difference is smaller than five years, as it is in Yemen, it suggests inadequate maternal health

care as well as that women may generally have less access to medical care and nutritious food than men.

Table 3: Public Spending on Education and Health, 2000 (as a percentage of GDP) Other MENA countries Health Algeria 3.0 Bahrain 2.8 Djibouti 4.2b Egypt Arab Rep. of 1.8 Iran, Islamic Rep. of 2.5 Iraq 2.2 Jordan 4.2 Kuwait 2.6 Lebanon 2.5b Libya 1.6 Morocco 1.3 Oman 2.3 Qatar 2.5 Saudi Arabia 4.2 Syrian Arab Rep. 1.6 Tunisia 2.9b UAE Emirates 2.5 West Bank & Gaza -- Yemen Rep. of 2.1b

East Asia & Pacific* (EAP) 1.8 Europe & Central Asia* (ECA)

4.0 Latin America & Caribbean* (LAC)

3.3 MENA 2.9 South Asia* (SA) 1.0

Sub-Saharan Africa* (SSA) 2.5

Source: World Bank MENA Gender report a. Data from most recent year available during 1995-2000 b. 1998 data * Countries for EAP: ECA; LAC; SA; and SSA.

GENDER AND DEVELOPMENT IN YEMEN: WOMEN IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE - HEALTH 6

Although still high, fertility and maternal mortality rates in Yemen have fallen and the average life expectancy for women and men (still low) has risen in recent years. But while Bahrain, Jordan, the Islamic Republic of Iran, Lebanon, Qatar, and Tunisia have managed to achieve fertility rates comparable to those of industrial countries, fertility rates remain relatively high in Djibouti, the Republic of Yemen, and Saudi Arabia. According to most indicators, the status of women’s health in Yemen is the lowest in all of MENA, the MENA average being low by world standards.

Contraception use in Yemen, unlike in other MENA countries, remains low. Some MENA countries—like Saudi Arabia and the Republic of Yemen--still have contraceptive prevalence rates of less than 30 percent. Currently Yemen has the lowest rate of modern contraceptive use in all of MENA and is well below the world average (see Graph 4).

According to 2002 estimates, only 21 percent of women in Yemen used modern contraceptives. Yet there are important variations within the country. For example, contraceptive prevalence among Yemeni women who have a primary education is three times that among women who have no education. Improving knowledge of and access to modern contraceptives has major benefits in terms of women’s health. Contraception offers women the benefits of a healthier spacing of pregnancies and an increased ability to plan the number of children they wish to have. Contraception use may also be an indication for women’s empowerment.

Graph 4: Percent of Married Women Ages 15-49 Using Contraceptives in MENA, All Methods

P e r c e n t o f M a r r i e d W o m e n A g e s 1 5 - 4 9 U s i n g C o n t r a c e p t i v e s i n M E N A , A l l M e t h o d s

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Box 2: Falling Fertility in Oman and the Republic of Yemen – A Tale of Two Countries

Oman and the Republic of Yemen are neighbors occupying the southern part of the Arabian peninsula. Both still have some of the lowest contraceptive use rates in MENA, but unlike its neighbor, Oman has been able to reduce its fertility considerably. From the 1980s to 2001, Oman's total fertility rate declined by 5.8 live births, to 4.1 live births. Important causes were a trend toward later marriage for women and a rise in the proport ion of married women practicing modern contraception. Underlying these changes were the contextual factors of political stability and economic development; the expansion of educational opportunities, especially for girls; a decline in child mortality; and population policy measures.

Total fertility rates in both countries were associated with changes in the age distribution of fertility. Over the 1980s and 1990s, all Omani women experienced a decline in fertility, but the greatest decline took place among women ages 15 - 29. The difference mainly reflects a delay in marriage and a rise in celibacy. In the Republic of Yemen, by contrast, the largest decline was among women ages 35 and older. More than three-fourths of Omani married women practiced modern methods (mostly injectables, female sterilization, and oral contraceptives), whereas fewer than half of Yemeni women practiced modern methods (mostly oral contraceptives and intrauterine devices).

In politically stable Oman, living standards, in general, have greatly improved since the mid-1970s. The Republic of Yemen has had a turbulent political history, making it difficult to address longer-term development questions such as lowering fertility.

Source: Eltigani 2001.This study uses data on contraceptive practices from a 2000 survey in Oman.

Improvements have been made in maternal health, but more needs to be done. One major factor contributing to the recent rapid rise in women’s life expectancy is improvements in maternal health. However, despite some progress, Yemen has by far the highest maternal mortality rate in MENA and one of the highest in the world. Three out of five maternal deaths in the region occur in only four countries: Egypt, Iraq, Morocco, and Yemen.

Graph 5: Maternal Mortality Rates in MENA (deaths per 100,000 live births)

Materna l Mor ta l i ty Rates in MENA (deaths per 100 ,000 l ive b i r ths)

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Dramatic improvements in the maternal rate since 1990 have occurred despite the fact that 84 percent of all Yemenis, and 87 percent of rural women still deliver at home, with only 22 percent receiving trained assistance during delivery. In rural areas only 6 percent of the population have access to paved roads, which presents a serious obstacle (particularly for women) to accessing health care services. According to the 2002 Poverty Update, 27 percent of the rural population needs between 30 and 60 minutes to reach the nearest health facility, which limits the ability to receive proper prenatal care and assistance at birth.

Yemen’s infant mortality rates remain high by regional standards and girls may suffer some neglect in the post-natal stage. The infant mortality rate has decreased significantly in Yemen over the past 25 years, but further improvement is needed. In 2001, the infant mortality rate was estimated at 79 deaths per 1,000 live births, down from 135 per 1,000 in 1980. This rate is the third highest in the MENA region, after Iraq and Djibouti. In 1980, Yemen had a rate that was similar to that of Egypt (another country with a large rural population), but today Egypt’s rate is only 35 deaths per 1,000 live births, which is only slightly above the average for Middle Income Countries worldwide (see Graph 6). This suggests that with additional efforts, it is possible to rapidly lower Yemen’s still high infant mortality rate.

Graph 6: Infant Mortality per 1,000 Live Births in MENA Countries, 1980 and 2001

I n f a n t M o r a l i t y p e r 1 , 0 0 0 L i v e B i r t h s i n M E N A C o u n t r i e s , 1 9 8 0 a n d 2 0 0 1

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Closing the gender gap in health personnel can contribute to provide expanded and better health services to women and their families. The fact that only 28 percent of medical personnel is female has a great affect on women’s access to health services. With only 25 percent of these women being physicians and 39 percent being nurses5, increasing the availability of public sector health positions would not only translate into more employment opportunities for women, but also provide better health service coverage for women. 5 “MDG Draft Needs Assessment Report”, Women’s National Co mmittee, January 2005.

9

LABOR FORCE:

MENA's economic dependency ratios are the highest in the world. High unemployment, high proportions of people too young or too old to work, and low participation of women in the labor force all make MENA's economic dependency ratio the highest in the world. Real wages have stagnated or declined since the mid-1980s, and unemployment rates have increased, thereby making it increasingly difficult even for men with jobs to continue to raise living standards for their families. Bringing unemployment rates down is crucial, but will not be sufficient to bring MENA's economic dependency ratio into a sustainable range. Bringing down that ratio will require a rise in the rate at which women participate in the labor force.

In MENA, great achievement in women’s education and health have not been matched by female labor participation rates. Starting from a low level, female participation in the labor force in MENA has grown by 50 percent since 1960. Despite this significant growth and despite the high potential for women to participate in the labor force, actual rates of participation remain among the lowest in the world (see Table 4). Simulations show that in most MENA countries household incomes would increase substantially if women participated in the labor force at predicted rates (when accounting for the characteristics of female education, age profile, and fertility).

Traditionally Yemen’s rate of female labor force participation has been one of the highest in MENA6. This high rate is largely explained by the rural bias of Yemen’s population. Female labor force participation is traditionally high in agrarian societies, and accordingly, Egypt, Morocco, and Yemen have all had historically high participation rates. However, by 2000, women’s participation rate in Yemen had fallen slightly below the MENA average and was estimated to be 31 percent. Yet, overall female labor force participation rates in Yemen are increasing at a faster rate than those for men (5.3% per year for women compared to 3.3% for men)7.

However, Yemen’s female labor participation rates are below their potential. Although women's participation in the paid economy in Yemen is similar to that of other MENA countries, MENA has by far the lowest female participation rates of any developing region. The average female participation in sub-Saharan Africa is over twice what the participation rates for MENA and Yemen are. This suggest that Yemen, as well as other MENA countries, are not fully utilizing the economic potential from investments in women’s education (see Graph 7).

6 Depending on the definition of labor force participation, Yemen’s female labor force participation rates are relatively high. It is not easy to define labor force participation. The precise ways that work and unemployment are defined affect the numbers given for labor force participation. Consider the following two examples. First, if the definition of work were narrowed to include only work for wages, female participation in the labor force in the Republic of Yemen would be only 4 percent, rather than the 31 percent referred to in by the MENA Gender and Development Report. Second, even more significantly, ILO's and other commonly used definitions of work exclude services provided to one's own family, such as caring for children, cooking, and cleaning. If such family responsibilities were included in the definition, nearly all women would be included in the labor force. 7 “MDG Draft Needs Assessment Report”, Women’s National Committee, January 2005.

GENDER AND DEVELOPMENT IN YEMEN: WOMEN IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE - LABOR FORCE 10

Moreover, Yemen’s female labor force participation rates increased only 15 percent between 1960 and 2000, which was the smallest change compared to other countries in MENA8. By comparison, for eight of the eighteen MENA countries for which data are available, the participation rate more than doubled during this time, primarily because in those countries women had low rates of participation in the agricultural sectors and/or had begun their transition to a more urban/formal economy earlier9.

Table 4: Trends in female labor force participation , MENA countries and world regions, 1960–2000

Country/Region 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000

Percent change between 1960 and

2000 Algeria 16.9 17.6 19.1 20.1 31.2 85 Bahrain 4.8 5.7 18.2 29.8 36.5 668 Egypt 25.9 27.4 29.2 31.5 37.0 43 Iran 19.8 19.8 20.6 22.2 30.1 52 Iraq 16.4 16.3 16.2 15.1 19.4 18 Jordan 13.6 14.4 14.6 17.8 27.8 104 Kuwait 8.2 12.1 21.1 38.8 48.2 486 Lebanon 12.5 18.1 21.4 26.2 32.3 158 Libya 20.5 19.0 23.4 21.3 26.1 28 Morocco 32.6 34.3 38.1 40.5 43.6 34 Oman 4.4 5.9 7.6 13.5 20.6 366 Qatar 5.5 8.3 14.4 34.0 43.3 691 Saudi Arabia 3.4 5.0 9.6 16.5 23.9 604 Syria 23.1 23.3 23.5 24.6 29.9 29 Tunisia 22.1 25.2 34.5 34.5 39.5 79 United Arab Emirates 5.7 8.9 16.3 30.6 36.7 548 West Bank and Gaza 6.3 6.4 6.4 6.6 9.7 55 Yemen 27.4 28.0 28.5 29.5 31.4 15

MENA 21.9 22.8 24.7 26.4 32.2 47 Sub-Saharan Africa 65.5 64.7 63.3 62.5 62.5 –5 South Asia 50.3 49.1 47.9 43.9 46.5 –7 East Asia and Pacific 64.9 66.7 70.3 74.3 74.9 15 Eastern Europe and Central Asia

62.7 67.4 69.5 65.6 66.8 7

Latin America and the Caribbean

22.9 26.2 32.4 40.5 44.2 93

9 The labor-abundant, natural resourcerich countries (Algeria, the Islamic Republic of Iran, Iraq, Syrian Arab Republic, and the Republic of Yemen) tend to have slightly lower average rates of female participation in the labor force than do the labor-abundant, natural resourcepoor economies (Arab Republic of Egypt, Lebanon, Morocco, and Tunisia) although Jordan and the West Bank and Gaza are exceptions. This inverse relationship between natural resourcebased income and women's participation in the labor force is to be expected: higher levels of unearned income, such as natural resource rents, reduce the need for earned income and promote investments in more capital-intensive industries; the former lowers the supply of and the latter reduces the demand for female labor. Moreover, because their relatively high incomes and redistributive social contracts have supported investments in girls' education, those countries tend to have potential rates of female participation that are much higher than their actual rates.


Graph 7: Ratio of actual to predicted female labor force participation , MENA and selected countries, 1980 and 2000

0

0.2

0.4

0.6

0.8

1

1.2

1.4

1.6

1.8

2

Mor

occo

Kuw

ait

Tun

isia

Egy

pt

Alg

eria

Syr

ia

Iran

Bah

rain

Jord

an

Iraq

ME

NA

LAC

4

Indi

a

Turk

ey

EC

A2

EA

P4

Chi

na

AFR

4

Act

ual /

Pre

dict

ed

MENA 1980 MENA 2000 Non-MENA 1980

Non-MENA 2000

Female public sector employment is an important source of employment and can play a significant role to provide services to women. In many MENA countries a large number of women are employed by the public sector. Generally, public sector employment is highly attractive to women, as the benefits and levels of protection are usually much higher than in the private and informal sectors. Most governments in the region have generous allowances for maternity leave that allow women to return to their jobs even after substantial absences. Perhaps more importantly, women participating in the public sector generally experience less occupational segregation and wage discrimination because of more standardized wage structures and hiring procedures. In addition, non-wage benefits such as greater job security, shorter working hours, and earlier pensions are highly valued by women throughout MENA.

Graph 8: Female Employment in the Public Sector

F e m a l e E m p l o y m e n t i n t h e P u b l i c S e c t o r

1987

1988

1987

1984

1986

1997

1999

1996

1991

1999

0

1 0

2 0

3 0

4 0

5 0

6 0

7 0

8 0

9 0

1 0 0

A l g e r i a E g y p t J o r d a n S y r i a I r a n T u n i s i a W B G L e b a n o n M o r o c c o Y e m e n

(per

cent

of t

otal

fem

ale

empl

oym

ent)


In contrast to other MENA countries, in Yemen women’s participation in the public sector is low – despite relatively high overall female labor force participation rates (see Graph 8). This probably results from the fact that women’s educational attainment is low. This low level has secondary effects – which could explain persisted difficulty to address health and education issues. In a society where women’s interaction with men is more constrained, availability of female service providers (in health, family planning, education, etc.) is critical to provide adequate coverage for women Given the small number of and the clear need for medical professionals and educators, one policy that will help increase employment opportunities for women is increasing the availability of public sector positions to women, thus increasing the relative share of women working in the public sector. Instead of expanding the size of the public sector, Yemen should focus on shifting government resources. As the public sector downsizes in other areas, where excess hiring has occurred, resources that are freed up should be used to build capacity in health and education. In doing so, employment opportunities that also help build the necessary infrastructure needed to ensure socio-economic development can be created for women. At the same time, these kinds of investments can ensure the kind of econo mic base that will help the private sector thrive.

In Yemen, women’s unemployment is relatively low overall, but high among youths. In MENA as a whole, unemployment10 rates in many instances nearly 50 percent higher for women than for men (see Graph 9). Yemen is one of only four countries in the region for which available data suggest that the unemployment rate for women is lower than the rate for men. Given that women's participation in wage employment is low, only 4 percent, the total number of unemployed women in Yemen is comparatively minimal.

Throughout MENA youth unemployment accounts for around half of total unemployment (see Graph 10). In this case, Yemen is no exception. Unemployment among women aged 15-29 accounts for 55.8 percent of all female unemployment. A somewhat lower 46.9 percent of all unemployed men are youths. This finding is rather worrisome, as it suggests that young, relatively educated women are having difficulties finding jobs. This may lead them to become discouraged workers and send a signal to other women and their families that the economic advantages of female education are minimal. Moreover, as a result of young women’s inability to secure employment, discouraged young women may prefer to get married earlier rather than enter the labor force.

Among women in Yemen, the duration of unemployment tends to be longer than that of men. For 40 percent of unemployed women it will take at least a year to find employment. Only 32.5 percent of unemployed men will be out of work for the same length of time.

10 Because most rural women are in agriculture and/or the informal economy, there are also important urban/rural differences in the unemployment rate for women. According the 1999 Labor Force Survey, the unemployment rate for women in urban areas was much higher than for women in rural areas. The main reason for this difference is that most women in rural areas participate in agriculture and (given the ILO definition of unemployment) are rarely counted as unemployed.


Graph 9: Unemployment Rates by Gender in MENA (percent)

Figure 4.3. Unemployment Rates by Gender in MENA (percent)

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

Algeria2000

Bahrain2001

Egypt2000

Iran 2000

Jordan2000

Kuwait2003

Lebanon1997

Morocco1999

Qatar2002

SaudiArabia1999

Syria 2001

Tunisia1997

UAE 1999

WestBank and

Gaza2001

Yemen1999

Female Male

Source: For Algeria, Jordan, Syria, Egypt, West Bank and Gaza, Yemen, ILO 2003b; for Tunisia, INS 2001; for Bahrain, Qatar, Saudi Arabia , Kuwait and UAE, Girgis, Hadad-Zervose, and Coulibaly 2003; for Iran HEIS 2000; for Morocco, LSMS 1999; for Yemen, NPPS 1999.

For both men and women, unemployment rates tend to be highest among those who have more education. Among women, however, unemployment rates tend to peak at a higher level of education than for men – this is also the case in Yemen as demonstrated by Graph 11 (which depicts female unemployment by level of education). Part of the reason is that educated women tend to compete in the traditionally male dominated fields where they may face gender differential treatment and discrimination. In contrast, low uneducated women tend to work in sectors that may traditionally be female dominated (agriculture or care industry) where they may not face the same competition from men.

Graph 10: Youth Unemployment as a Share of Total Employment in MENA (percent)

Y o u t h U n e m p l o y m e n t a s a S h a r e o f T o t a l E m p l o y m e n t i n M E N A ( p e r c e n t )

0

1 0

2 0

3 0

4 0

5 0

6 0

7 0

8 0

9 0

M o r o c c o2 0 0 0

W e s tB a n ka n d

G a z a

2 0 0 0

Q a t a r1 9 9 7

U A E2 0 0 0

Y e m e n1 9 9 9

J o r d a n2 0 0 1

B a h r a i n2 0 0 0

E g y p t2 0 0 0

A lg e r i a1 9 9 2

S y r i a1 9 9 8

m a l e

f e m a l e

t o t a l


Graph 11: Female Unemployment Rates, By Educational Level, MENA Countries

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

Egypt Iran Jordan lebanon Morocco Tunisia WBG Yemen

None Some primary

Primary complete Middle SchoolHigh School Higher ed

Most workers in MENA work outside the regulated labor market (see Graph 12). Moreover, women in the region are somewhat more likely than men to be engaged in the informal sector. Within the broad category of unregulated work, women and men tend to have different work arrangements. Women are more likely than men to be engaged in non-wage work (self-employment or work on a family farm), while men are more likely than women to work for wages, though without a contract or benefits. This pattern holds in Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, Tunisia, and Yemen (Djibouti and the West Bank and Gaza are exceptions). Farm work—frequently poorly paid or unpaid—is unlikely to provide a positive future for working women in MENA. Evidence shows that there will be fewer agricultural jobs in the future and, where women continue to work in agriculture, their labor is likely to be poorly utilized and poorly rewarded.

Graph 12: Unregulated Sector Jobs as Percentage of Labor Force, MENA Countries

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

Djibouti Egypt Iran Jordan Lebanon Morocco Tunisia WBG Yemen

Per

cent

femalemale

Sources: Household and labor force surveys.


Women have not fared well in the private sector. In most countries of the region (Djibouti and Lebanon being the exceptions) men are more likely than women to work in the paid private sector (see Graph 13). Women, on the other hand, are more likely than men to fall into the other labor force categories of unemployment, non-wage work, and government employment. More generally, women tend to face less favorable working conditions in the private than in the public sector.11

Graph 13: Paid private sector employment as percentage of the labor force, men and women, MENA countries

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

Djibouti Egypt Iran Jordan Lebanon Morocco Tunisia WBG Yemen

Per

cent

Female

Male

Source: Household and labor force surveys.

MENA also faces a significant gender wage gap, with Yemen having less of an issue than the other MENA countries. When women enter the labor market, as in other countries, they are also likely to face discrimination. Wage differentials vary across economic sectors and occupations. Statistics show that in 1997, on average men earned 16 percent more than women, but when examining wage differentials within sectors, the wage differential varied from 33 percent in the construction sector, (where women constitute only a small portion of workers) to 4.5 and 4.3 percent in the trade and service sectors respectively. In the agriculture sector, the largest source of employment for women, the wage differential was 27 percent.

In terms of specific occupations, the highest wage differential occurs among workers in the plants and machinery sector. Among service, shop & market sales, and agriculture and fisheries workers, the wages of women were 25 percent less than those of men. Although the gap does not completely disappear, it is encouraging that there is a lower wage differential in new professions. Among technical specialists, for example, women workers earn on average 8.7 percent less than men, while among administrative/clerk workers they earn 14 percent less than men.

11 The exception is Morocco where wage setting appears to be mo re egalitarian in the private sector.


Simulations indicate that if wage discrimination were eliminated, Yemeni women’s earnings would increase by 36 percent. If women’s education were equal to that of men’s, then their earnings would increase by 13 percent. If the rate of women’s participation increased even to levels of other developing regions, then household income would increase12, bringing tangible benefits not only for women, but for all Yemenis.

Yemen gender wage gap is, however, an interesting contrast to the other MENA countries13. Its household incomes could increase by more than 6 percent if women had the same level of education as men--a potential increase even larger than the increase that would come from eliminating wage discrimination or from increasing participation rates to predicted levels. Those factors are all interrelated. Although earnings of Yemeni women are less than half of Yemeni men’s, only a small portion of this difference is due to discrimination, with the largest part caused by women's very low educational status. As long as women's educational status is so low, interventions aimed at increasing their economic opportunities are unlikely to have large effects on family incomes.

Graph 14: Potential increases in average household income if…

0.0

5.0

10.0

15.0

20.0

25.0

…female labor forceparticipation was at predicted

rates

…wage discrimination waseliminated

…women had the same levelof educaiton as men

Per

cent

Yemen Jordan Morocco

Tunisia Iran Egypt

Source: Staff calculations based on household and labor force surveys.

12 The one MENA country for which estimated income growth is less than 10 percent is the Republic of Yemen--where estimated growth is small for two reasons. First, because actual rates of female participation are relatively closer to their potential, the actual participation rate is 31 percent and the predicted rate is 38 percent. This near parity occurs because in the Republic of Yemen the level of female education is low and fertility is high; thus these factors would not affect the predicted rate significantly. The second, related reason is that women's wages are so much lower than men's wages and therefore women make only a relatively modest contribution to household incomes. 13 In this context, it should also be mentioned, that in Yemen’s public sector, there is a positive discrimination in favor of women. If women were paid according to the same number of years of education as their male counterparts who hold the same positions, women’s wages would actually fall.


In all other MENA countries--no matter how large the effects of discrimination or of gender differences in education on the incomes of working women--significant increases in household income can come about only by bringing actual rates of labor force participation closer to potential rates. For most MENA countries, further reducing the education gap will not be enough to improve the economic empowerment and labor force participation of women. In Yemen, eliminating gender gaps in education is however essential.

19

A FRAMEWORK FOR DEVELOPING AN AGENDA FOR CHANGE.

Gender equality in terms of access to opportunity and security is intimately tied to good governance, thereby implying greater inclusiveness and accountability of the existing institutions in applying fairness and equity.

An agenda for change to enable women greater access to opportunity and economic security would require adjustments in (a) the public sphere, by making existing legislation more consistent with women's constitutional rights and by ensuring equal access to the labor market, quality education, and better skills; and (b) the private sphere, by redressing the power structure within the family and by providing market solutions for women who need to reconcile work and family responsibilities.

Moving toward implementation of this gender policy agenda requires an active role of leadership from the state to spearhead reform and to build coalitions for change, plus greater inclusiveness of women in political life, which should support change at the grassroots level.

Women can play an important role by bringing a different (often more engendered) perspective into government policy. Research shows that greater participation of women in the political process positively affects a country’s social climate and development prospects, and promotes the effectiveness of government institutions. Both in order to promote the goals of equity and efficiency, women need to be full participants in the economic and the political arenas. This critical agenda can be approached in the framework of promoting good governance through greater inclusiveness – particularly in the area of including women in decision-making – and through greater accountability of institutions that are to more actively promote fairness and gender equality.

The right to vote is fundamental to women’s political empowerment, and in Yemen the power of women’s vote has increasingly been recognized although not been effectively used. Despite significant increases in women’s voter registration, in 2003 there was no governorate in which women had higher voting registration rates than men14. Male voters still outnumbered female voters by a ratio of 2 to 1, but this difference has declined considerably since 1993, when the ratio on average was 5 to 1, and in some areas as high as 64 to 1. In other words, over the last decade, women's participation in the electoral process has increased tremendously. Women’s groups and NGOs have been used as powerful mechanisms to increase women’s voice in parliament by raising the value of the woman voter to and the accountability of elected officials to gender issues.

Women’s representation in parliament is an important indicator of women’s political empowerment, but in Yemen the already low number decreased further. Globally, women’s representation in national parliaments (which is one of the most commonly applied indicators to measure women’s empowerment) has increased as women have been given the right to vote. Yet in Yemen, despite high female voters’ 14 Yet in a few districts, women’s voter participation was actually higher than that of men.

GENDER AND DEVELOPMENT IN YEMEN: WOMEN IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE - CHANGE 20

participation in Yemen’s 2003 Parliamentary Elections, the number of successful female parliamentarians decreased from 2 (or 0.7 percent) in both the 1993 and 1997 parliament to only 1 female parliamentary representative (or 0.35 percent) in 2003. This reflects one of the lowest female parliamentary representation rates in the region which, on average, had 6 percent female representation in parliament compared to 13 percent at the global level. Moreover, the very small number of female candidates who are being backed by political parties to run for elections, has been decreasing significantly over the years.

Within MENA, Tunisia has the largest share of women members in parliament at 22.8 percent, followed by Syria at 12 percent (February 2005). At the other extreme, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates have none. The shares are smallest in the Republic of Yemen at 1 percent, and in the Arab Republic of Egypt and Lebanon at 2 percent. Qatar and Saudi Arabia have never had parliaments Qatar has an Advisory Assembly, for which women can vote.

Women’s presence in civil society and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) increasingly plays an important role in promoting the status of women in Yemen. Arab women’s organizations provide an alternative venue for women to pursue political power, when they have difficulty entering the formal political arena. The civil society movement in Yemen has been rapidly evolving, and more than 4000 NGOs are now registered. Many NGOs target women through awareness raising, literacy programs, and reproductive health education. Others focus on developing income-generating activities for women. More and more, NGOs are also advocating for women’s rights and gender equality. These organizations have often been successful in gaining overall expertise on gender issues in various sectors, and their networking, awareness-raising, and grass-roots activities are a valuable contribution to Yemen’s overall development that often goes unrecognized.

Women's participation in trade associations is limited. Trade associations have traditionally been the domain of men, which makes it difficult for women to occupy decision making positions in economic associations such as Yemen’s General Union of Trade Associations. Female membership in trade associations in Yemen is about 30 percent, while women’s participation in leadership committees amounts to only 15 percent. At the local level, women’s participation in branches of the union of trade associations’ and their committees is even weaker, at only 10 percent. On the positive side, a small Business Women's Association whose aim it is to promote women’s and family businesses’ products, was registered with the Chamber of Commerce in 1999. The Women’s Economic Empowerment Association has also been active in studying women’s access to finance. It should also be mentioned that a Yemeni Women’s Union was established in 1993, which has a good number of women members (more than 4000) in all governorates and branches at the district level.

21

HARMONIZING LEGAL STRUCTURES

In most countries in the region, Western laws were introduced in the19th century. The introduction of those laws confined the application of Islamic laws to the area of family law. Today the constitutions of most MENA countries give women rights equal to those of men and the full right of protection under the law (see Annex 1). But a host of other legal provisions fail to give legal effect to the constitutional recognition of equal rights. Hence, women in the region face considerable legally sanctioned differential treatment, which perpetuates gender stereotypes about the relative abilities of men and women and, ultimately, their status in society. Such treatment also constrains women's ability to participate effectively in the public sphere.

Labor laws in Yemen are in many instances particularly progressive15. The Yemeni Constitution contains numerous provisions declaring women's equality with men. In addition, labor laws address women's need to juggle reproductive responsibilities and paid employment, by referring to women's right to job security and adequate benefits (including maternity leave – see Annex 2). These laws are viewed as supporting women who seek formal employment.

One of the first serious acknowledgements of the need to address gender inequality in Yemen occurred when the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in 1984. Moreover, Yemen is currently in the process of signing CEDAW’s Optional Protocol – after Libya being the second Arab country do so. When Yemen unified, a constitution was drafted, which contained a number of important articles related to women's rights. Article 19 guarantees the right of equality of opportunity to all citizens in the political, economic, social and cultural domains. Article 27 states that there should be no discrimination on the basis of sex. Article 38 states that Yemenis are free to move around the country without restrictions. In addition, Articles 5 and 42 of the Labor Law state that women have equal rights vis a vis employment, wages, training, rehabilitation and social insurance.

However, various Yemeni laws issued after unification are in conflict with some international and national laws, and need to be amended – as encouraged by the Women’s National Committee. In contradiction to stated support of women's right to work, which is crucial to women's economic participation, personal status laws in most MENA countries assign men the “right” to consent to the wife’s work outside the home, which has consequences for women’s ability to participate in the economy independently. Concerning the right of movement (see Annex 3), Yemeni men have the right to restrict their dependents' (defined to include their wives and adult unmarried daughters) movements16.

15 Yemen has also signed the International Declaration for Human Rights, the International Convention for Civil and Political Rights, and the ILO Convention on Equal Remuneration. 16 Single women who wish to apply for a passport have to obtain the permission of their male guardian (father, brother, etc.), while married women have to obtain permission from their husbands.

GENDER AND DEVELOPMENT IN YEMEN: WOMEN IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE - LEGAL STRUCTURE 22

In addition, in an effort to protect women (and their honor) a number of other “discriminatory” laws are also part of legislation in many MENA countries, including Yemen. While many provisions are meant to be beneficial for women’s employment, they can also have significant negative effects, as the private sector shies away from hiring women in order to avoid compliance with costly and burdensome regulations, including labor regulations and mandatory employment benefits. This, in turn, leaves many women with no other option than to work in the informal sector, an area which is not covered by the labor law.

Laws governing non-wage benefits are discriminatory, which reduces women's incentives to enter paid employment. Just as discrimination in wages lowers women’s incentive to participate in the labor force, so too does discrimination in non-wage benefits. In Yemen, as in many MENA countries, the employment-related benefits that families receive are generally channeled through the man and not the woman based on the premise that the man is the head of household (unless he is disabled) and the primary breadwinner.

GENDER AND DEVELOPMENT IN YEMEN: WOMEN IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE - ANNEX 1 23

-Annex 1: Women’s Rights

17 Discrimination in non-wage benefits vary between countries, they can include discrimination in housing and children/education allowance, dependant spouse allowance (offered only to the man for a dependant wife), and discrimination against unmarried women employees versus unmarried males. 18 Women can work as lawyers but not judges 19 Ibid

Country

Right for women to work in the law/ judiciary or hold public office

Legal right for women to execute their own contracts

Right for Women to testify in court in their own cases Law that stipulates equal pay

Bahrain Yes Yes Yes No

Law that stipulates equal opportunity (both men and women) to work in all sectors

Equal entitlement to Insurance/benefits (for female and male employees)17

Equal claim to pension (i.e. the husband is entitled to deceased wife’s pension without requirements of dependency or special conditions such as disability)

Algeria Yes Yes Yes Yes

Egypt Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes

Djibouti Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes -- Yes

Iran Yes18 Yes Yes Yes Yes -- No

Iraq Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No

Jordan Yes Yes Yes No No19 No No

Kuwait Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No

Lebanon Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No No

Libya Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No No

Morocco Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No No

Oman Yes -- -- No Yes Yes Yes

Qatar Yes Yes Yes Yes No No Yes

Saudi Arabia No No No Yes Yes -- --

Syria Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No --

Tunisia Yes Yes Yes Yes No -- No

United Arab Emirates Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No No

WBG Yes Yes Yes -- Yes Yes Yes

Yemen Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No --


Annex 2: Maternity Regulations Maternity leave at

full or partial pay Maternity leave

without pay Work breaks for

breastfeeding Employer pays

maternity-related medical care

Job protection during

maternity

Incenti ves to retire upon marriage

Algeria 14 weeks 5 years Yes Yes

Bahrain 45 days 15 days Yes Yes

Djibouti 14 weeks

Egypt 50 days 1 year if 50+ employees

Yes

Iran 12 weeks Yes Yes Yes

Iraq 6 months* Yes

Jordan 10 weeks 1 year if 10+ emp loyees

Yes Yes

Kuwait 100 days Yes

Lebanon 7 weeks Yes Yes

Libya 90 days Yes

Morocco 1 year* 2 years

Oman 6 weeks

Qatar

Saudi Arabia 10 weeks Yes Yes Yes Yes

Syria 105 days 1 month Yes

Tunisia 30 days* Yes Yes Yes

United Arab Emirates 4 months 2 months

West Bank & Gaza 10 weeks Yes

Yemen 60 days

Note: In some cases, women are required to have worked for the employer for a specified time before being eligible for maternity leave. In some cases, women who take maternity leave are not eligible for their annual leave in the same year. Source: Hijab and el Solh (2003) and *US Social Security Administration and International Social Security Association (1999).


Annex 3: Voting, Equal Constitutional Rights, Freedom of Movement and Marriage

Country Year of right to

vote*

Suffrage* Constitutions that stipulate equal rights

and duties for all citizens under the law (both men

and women)

Restrictions on Travel Marriage

Right for a woman to travel or obtain a passport without a husband/guardian’s permission/signature

Female minimum legal age for marriage

Right for women to conclude their own marriage contract

Right for women to get a divorce by the court20

Algeria 1962 18 years of age; universal Yes * Yes 18 No Yes

Bahrain 1973 18 years of age; universal Yes * Yes None Yes /No21 Yes Djibouti 1946 18 years of age; universal Yes * No None Yes No

Egypt 1956 18 years of age; universal and compulsory

Yes No 16 Yes Yes

Iran 1963 15 years of age; universal No22 No 18 No Yes

Iraq 1980 18 years of age; universal Yes * No 15 No Yes Jordan 1974 20 years of age; universal Yes No23 13 No Yes

Kuwait .. Adult males pre-1920 and their male descents at age 21

Yes No 17 Yes Yes

Lebanon

1952 21 years of age; compulsory for all males; authorized for women

at age 21 with elementary education

Yes Yes 15 Yes Yes 24

20 In all MENA countries, women have the right to be granted a divorce under special circumstances e.g. husband is imprisoned, or unjustified absence of the husband, or husband’s unjustified non-payment of maintenance. However, in certain cases (non-payment of maintenance, or physical and mental abuse), the burden of proof is entirely on the woman and in practice it is very difficult in such cases to get the court to approve her a divorce. All countries allow women to be granted divorce through Khul’u, whereby, a woman for any reason she deems justifiable, can be granted a divorce as long as she pays back the dowry to the husband and renounces any marital financial rights. Many women report that even obtaining Khlu’u is a frustrating and long procedure. Some countries require the husband’s signature even in a Khlu’u divorce. 21 Two legal systems are followed based on two Islamic schools. Maliki (women must have their male guardian represent them in marriage, no woman can execute her own contract, and Ja’afari (any adult man or woman of sane mental capacity can execute his or her own marriage contract). 22 In Iran the twentieth amendment of the Constitution gives men and women equal protection under the law but does not accord them equal rights 23 As of 2003 women no longer require to have their husband’s signature when applying for a passport. 24 In Lebanon women can seek divorce pertaining to their particular religion.


Voting, Equal Constitutional Rights, Freedom of Movement and Marriage (continued)

Country Year of right to vote*

Suffrage* Constitutions that stipulate equal rights and duties for all citizens under the law (both men and women)

Restrictions on Travel Marriage Country Year of right to vote*

Right for a woman to travel or obtain a passport without a husband/guardian’s permission/signature

Female minimu m legal age for marriage

Libya 1964 18 years of age; universal and compulsory

Yes * Yes 20 Yes Yes

Morocco 1963 21 years of age; universal Yes Yes 15 No Yes

Oman .. In 2000 elections, a limited and selected group of Omanis

Yes ∗ No None Yes /No7 Yes

Qatar .. Suffrage is limited to municipal elections

Yes * No None No Yes

Saudi Arabia

.. None for all Saudis NA No None No Yes

Syria 1949, 1953

18 years of age; universal No No25 17 Yes Yes

Tunisia 1957, 1959

20 years of age; universal Yes * Yes 17 Yes Yes

Inted Arab Emirates

-- None for all Emiratees Yes * Yes None No Yes

West Bank/Gaza

-- No self government -- No9 18 Yes Yes

Yemen 1967 18 years of age; universal Yes 15 No Yes

25 Husband/male guardian can obtain a letter from the Minister of Interior to be presented to Immigration Control to prevent wife or female relative from leaving the country

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