International Conference International Conference onon

Regionalism, Sub-regionalism &Regionalism, Sub-regionalism & Connectivity: India’s Foreign Policy in theConnectivity: India’s Foreign Policy in the

2121stst Century Century1919thth&20&20thth August, 2013, August, 2013, Aizawl, Mizoram, IndiaAizawl, Mizoram, India

ABSTRACTS

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KEY NOTE SPEAKER

P.S.Raghavan

Special Secretary

[Administration & Development Partnership Administration]

Ministry of External Affairs

Government of India

 

Born in 1955, Ambassador Raghavan took a B.Sc Honours degree in Physics from St. Stephen's College, Delhi University in 1975 and a B.E. degree in Electronics & Communications Engineering from the Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore in 1978. He joined the Indian Foreign Service in 1979.Between 1979 and 1994, he held a number of diplomatic positions in the Indian Missions in Moscow [then USSR], Warsaw [Poland] and London [United Kingdom], interspersed with tenures in the Ministry of External Affairs of the Government of India. In 1994, he was appointed Consul General of India in Ho Chi Minh City [Vietnam] and in 1997, Deputy High Commissioner of India to South Africa in Pretoria. From 2000 to 2004, Ambassador Raghavan was Joint Secretary in the Prime Minister's Office in New Delhi, dealing with Foreign Affairs, Atomic Energy, Space, Defence & National Security. He was Ambassador of India to the Czech Republic (2004-2007) and Ambassador of India to Ireland (2007-2011).In January 2012, he was appointed to head the newly-created Development Partnership Administration in the Ministry, which is charged with the task of ensuring the efficient implementation of India’s economic partnership programmes in developing countries.He was Chief Coordinator of the Indian Ocean Rim Association for Regional Cooperation [IOR-ARC] Ministerial Conference in Bangalore (November 2011) and of the BRICS Summit in New Delhi (March 2012).

In July 2012, Ambassador Raghavan was Special Envoy of the External Affairs Minister to the African Union Summit in Addis Ababa. Since August 2012, he is Special Envoy of the Government of India to Sudan and South Sudan.

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In March 2013, he was promoted as Special Secretary, in which capacity he heads the Development Partnership Administration as well as the Administration, Establishment and other related Divisions of the Ministry of External Affairs.Ambassador Raghavan is married. His interests include reading and a variety of sports, which he follows with keen interest, participating in some of them.

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ENERGY SECURITY ACROSS THE BAY OF BENGAL: AN INDIAN PERSPECTIVE

Arnab Dasgupta, Assistant Professor in Political Science, Acharya B.N. Seal College, Cooch Behar

The three littoral states of the Bay of Bengal, viz., India, Bangladesh and Myanmar, can find a potential means for cooperation in the form of energy, especially, fossil fuels like oil and gas. Two of these states have potential energy reserves and, given their lower rate of energy consumption, they can very well fit into the position of significant energy suppliers to India. The latter, on the other hand, has been suffering from energy insecurity caused by the stagnant domestic production and the ever-rising consumption potential. Thus, energy can provide an opportunity to enhance single-sector cooperation among these countries to a multi-sector one. Apart from that, connections with these two states would also facilitate greater prosperity in the Indian North East. Again, cooperation among these states would lead to similar cooperation with the other states in the extended neighbourhood of India. In that case, Myanmar, an ASEAN member, can very well become a gateway for India as it can provide a good land-bridge to south-east Asia. Additionally, such collaboration can also be extended to China which is also plagued with a host of energy security issues that concern the region in greater extent. A lot has been talked about the possible India-China cooperation in energy sector. The region can be a very good start for such an initiative. The greater North East, including the Seven Sisters, Bangladesh, Myanmar and the Yunnan province of China can become the platform for such cooperation. Such cooperation in the energy sector would enhance the inter-regional connectivity and the

Bay of Bengal region can, thus, become an ideal place of regional confluence.

ENHACING INDO-MYANMAR BORDER TRADE THROUGH CONNECTIVITY

C.Lalengkima

Doctoral candidate in Diplomacy and Disarmament Division, School of International

Studies, J.N.U. New Delhi.

Myanmar, the world popularly known as Burma, is India’s immediate neighbour. The geographical proximity has given advantages to make a better relationship. India is one of the most important Myanmar trade partner. The bilateral border trades have been a carried out by both countries, mostly benefited by North Eastern states especially Manipur and Mizoram. Under the umbrella of ‘Look East Policy’, India accelerates to strengthen the ties with Myanmar through transportation and communication system. During India’s Prime Minister visit Myanmar in 2012, an agenda for connectivity has played a crucial role, and both countries have agreed to work on improving the connectivity between them. India has been helping Myanmar for building and repairing the road connectivity. An important project like Kolodyne Multimodal Transit Transport Project could be useful instrument for enhancing border trade between them. It is hope that the connectivity will renew and enhancing the bilateral ties. Myanmar is an important country to connect the South Asia and South East Asia. So, Indo-Myanmar connectivity could use as significant tool for expanding ties with South East Asian nations. After reinstatement of democracy in Myanmar, many countries have shown keenness bilateral trade with Myanmar. At this juncture, India also trying to enhance trade relation with Myanmar

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in many fields. If both countries build a good transport and communication system, it will boost the bilateral relations and could beneficial for both countries. This paper will look how connectivity has an impact on bilateral trade. It will envisage how good connectivity would help to tighten the bilateral relationships.

BIMSTEC AND ITS IMPLICATION FOR THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC

DEVELOPMENT OF NORTH-EAST INDIA: CHALLENGES AND

PROSPECTSDipongpou

North-East India is gravely imbalanced in course of development paradigm as compared with rest of the regions albeit a long international border. There are several reasons for this disparity but the ultimate conundrum was due to incongruous relations of India with the Southeast Asian countries. In aftermath of market liberalization and globalization, India surprisingly changes its diplomatic relations toward Southeast Asia and subsequently came to realize the imperative of north-east, which is, the only land route connecting to that part of the world. This realization draws the Government of India in 1990s to venture a sub-regional organization, and formed the Bay of Bengal Initiatives for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) in conjoin with countries of both South and Southeast Asia. The rational motive was to prioritize development in North-East, and bring it closer to mainstream through political integration and economic integration with the

The author is a Ph.D scholar in the Department of Political Science, Assam University Silchar. He can be contacted through the email ID: dipongkamei@gmail.com and mob. No. +91-9401-625-789.

Southeast Asian countries. Beyond any doubt this transformation not just brought positive socio-economic development to North-East but steadily subvert the secessionist movement. The North-East Region can benefit much more if various initiatives of BIMSTEC are prudently materialize. In course of development, however, the operationalization of projects ought-to be wisely exploited as the frontier is vulnerable due as much to its position at the cultural-geographical crossroad. The article therefore assesses the geo-strategic importance of North-East; the phylogeny of BIMSTEC and its implication for socio-economic development in northeast; and lastly the challenges and prospects that the region faced in process of development.

A COMPARATIVE STUDY ON NEWS FLOW IN MIZORAM REGIONAL DAILIES AND MAJOR

INDIAN DAILIESDr. V.Ratnamala1

Abstract: The purpose of the study is to examine the news flow in the dailies. Northeast India can be considered as regional minorities within the mainstream media. The study will be done in the light of Macbride commission report and Shoemaker’s concept of comparing media patterns with demographic and geographic patterns (Shoemaker, 1996). There are numerous studies on North east and media i.e. (Daisy, 2004), (Sonwalkar, 2004) (Das, 2008). (Ninan, 2009) (Sharma, 2006). Moreover it reveals the misrepresentation and the stereotyping of North east as violent prone area in the national media. But to the researcher’s knowledge there are few comprehensive explanations of the coverage of the North east in national Press and vice versa the nature of coverage in Mizoram dailies. The present study attempts this. 1 Assistant Professor, Department of Mass Communication, Mizoram University,Aizawl, Mizoram. Email: ratna2maya@gmail.com Mob: 8794589361

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The Macbride commission’s report, “Many voices one world” discussed about the need of free and balanced news flow. So the present study will see whether there is a free and balanced flow of news in both Mizoram dailies and major Indian English dailies. A triangulation design will be employed in the study. Both quantitative and qualitative research methods will be used in the study. The content analysis will be the major method to study comparatively the news flow in Mizoram regional dailies and major Indian English dailies. One month samples of June 2013 will be chosen for the study. The regional dailies from Mizoram namely Vanglaini, News link and the Mizoram post will be chosen for the study. The major Indian English dailies like The Telegraph, The Indian Express and The Hindu’s North east edition will be chosen for the content analysis. The Hindu and The Times of India are chosen as they are the leading national dailies. All the articles, editorials, photographs, letters to the editor in terms of geographical indicators will be studied. The geographical indicators will be Local (Mizoram), Regional (North east), National (Indian states) and International (other foreign countries). Intensive interviews will be conducted with journalists and editors of the newspapers.

THE CONCEPT OF REGIONALISM AND ITS MANIFESTATIONS IN INDIAN FOREIGN POLICY:

A CASE OF ENERGY SECURITYVivek Mishra and Eva Loreng

With growing cooperation amongst states at several levels and varied arenas terms like ‘Regionalism’, ‘Regionalization’, ‘Regional Integration’, and ‘Regional Cooperation’ are often used, misused and abused. Built on the simple idea of common historical experiences, regionalism is embedded in the psyche of the nations. Officially its roots are related to the emergence of the European Union, but this concept has been with us since time immemorial and at different junctures in history it has taken different forms. Based on its changing nature scholars have divided it into phases according to their convenience. In

contemporary times manifestation of this concept is not confined to issues of low politics it has widened. In the second half of the paper we will look at this concept in context of Indian foreign policy particularly in arena of energy security.India presents an interesting story of increasing energy demands and insufficient supplies. Its dependence on Iranian oil, the American attempts to curtail it and the aggressive Chinese policy of ‘locking’ energy reserves add to the complications. Amidst this, the Look East Policy and India’s North-Eastern states present an opportunity as well as a challenge. These states can play a vital role in overcoming this demand supply gap in the long term by developing cooperation with the Southeast Asian states. With a hitherto languid approach to energy security, India’s policies have failed to galvanize the support they need. Will the manifestation of the concept of regionalism in Indian foreign policy meet the above challenges or will it add to the complications?

INDIA’S LOOK EAST POLICY AND JAPAN: IMPLICATIONS FOR THE REGION

Gargi AdhikariDepartment of International Relations, Jadavpur

UniversityIndia’s relation with Japan remains at the core of India’s drive for recognision as a key global player. India has enjoyed the fruits of a strong, long friendship with Japan. In fact, Indo-Japanese reltions have also formed an essential component of India’s ‘Look-East policy’. Japan’s image in India has been historically positive, and ‘in the collective Indian perception, there was a strong admiration for Japan's post-war economic reconstruction and subsequent rapid growth’. With years, the two countries have come to ‘further strengthen their cooperation and pursue an all round and comprehensive development of bilateral relations, with a particular and urgent focus on strengthening economic ties, through full utilization of the existing and potential complementarities in their economies’. Indo-Japanese relation has been essentially based on global partnership

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agreement which was elevated to the level of strategic partnership in 2006.

Again, very recently, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's visit to Japan, soon after the Chinese premier's visit to India, has triggered speculation about attempts to contain China's projections of power in Asia. Resurgent Japan has been said to act as an offset to Chinese diplomatic and economic influence in the Asia-Pacific region. Interestingly, according to many, the manner in which India and Japan maneuver their relationship with Washington has been expected also to be crucial in stabilizing the Indo-Pacific. In such same context, this article would want to delve into the implications Indo-Japanese relations and their other third party partnerships ought to have on the region and its inbuilt insecurities, especially for other regional giants like China, withing South Asia and beyond. Thus this article would also attempt to analyse the aforementioned relation’s ramifications on regional balance of power.

THE LOOK EAST POLICY THROUGH THE EYES OF NORTHEAST INDIA – PROSPECTS AND POTENTIAL

Garima SarkarDepartment of International Relations, Jadavpur

University

The Look East Policy is one of the important strategies of India’s development. It is an attempt to integrate India with its neighbouring eastern economies. The proper implementation of this policy will certainly impact upon the economy of the Northeast. Accordingly certain proposals have been made to form regional blocks so that preferred and free trade can be initiated with East Asian countries by India. These are the BIMSTEC, Kunming Initiative, and the Mekong-Ganga Cooperation Project. The potential benefit that the Northeast could derive from the proper implementation of India’s Look East Policy are the considerable scope of improving trade in certain local products such as tea, spices ,handloom ,bamboo and cane

handicrafts. Improving the quality of the products is an essential requirement to suit the standards of the foreign markets. The Look East Policy will help in legalizing the informal trade taking place along the Indo-Myanmar border. In addition, legalization will also enable the concerned governments to earn revenue through collection of duties on imports and exports. Moreover, the Northeast region of India is famous for its strong cultural and historical linkages with the East and thus it has a wide scope for promoting tourism in the region. In view of the centre’s Look East Policy, an integrated Northeast tourism policy involving all the stakeholders is very desirable. Development of heritage tourism circuits, promotion of traditional handicrafts and textiles, integrated management plans and infrastructure development would lead to a positive impact in many spheres of the Northeast states. This policy can also be expected to curb the existing problem of unemployment in the Northeast. The prospect of developing the motor vehicle servicing industry and fuel agencies to cater to the needs of the passengers and tourists would be encouraged through the proper implementation of India’s Look East Policy.

“SIGNIFICANCE OF THE SIXTH SCHEDULE AREA OF MIZORAM IN INDIA’S LOOK EAST POLICY”

Dr. Jangkhongam DoungelAssociate Professor

Department of Political ScienceMizoram University,

Aizawl, Mizoram

India’s Look East Policy focuses upon bridging diplomatic gap with South East Asian countries and improving economic relationship with them. Look East Policy can also be said as the offshoot of economic liberalization, globalization and unipolar world. The targeted goal of India’s Look East Policy is improving both diplomatic and commercial ties with the South East Asian countries and, the North Eastern states are significant for achieving the said target on account of the geographical contiguity of the region with the South East

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Asian countries. In the midst of this growing importance of the South East Asian countries and North Eastern states of India, many projects are undertaken by the Government of India for speedy pursuance of the policy. As a matter of fact, two important projects, namely, Kolodyne Hydro Electric Project II (HEP II) and Kolodyne Multi Model Transit Transport Project (KMMTP) Road are started in the Sixth Schedule area of Mizoram.

The Sixth Schedule Area of Mizoram was previously a unified Regional Council from 1953 to 1972 in undivided Assam. With the attainment of Union Territory of ‘Mizoram’ by Lushai Hills District of Assam, the Pawi Lakher Regional Council was trifurcated into three Autonomous District Councils, namely, the Chakma Autonomous District Council, the Lai Autonomous District Council and the Mara Autonomous District Council since 1972. The Kolodyne HEP II is a project for production of 460 megawatts of power, to connect the Kolodyne River with Port Sittwi in Myanmar by making it navigable from favourable spot as well as supply of good drinkable water to people of the area. Where as, the Kolodyne Multi Model Transport Project (KMMTP) is a road project for construction of international standard highway which passes through the Lai Autonomous District Council (LADC) area via AOC Veng, Lawngtlai and it should pass through Myanmar as far as Akyab. The successful completion of the two projects will enable the Sixth Schedule Area of Mizoram to be gateway to South East Asian countries by water and road and it will be in the limelight in India’s relationship with the South East Asian countries. Thus, the Sixth Schedule Area of Mizoram has great significance in the pursuance of the India’s Look east Policy, however, there may be certain positive and negative impacts upon the area as a result of the two ongoing projects.

ACCOMMODATING REGIONALISM FOR PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT: CHALLENGE FOR WIDER

SPACEJoseph K Lalfakzuala*

Defining regionalism has never been an easy task. As far as Northeast is concerned it is taken for granted and never subjected to scrutiny the reason behind the relevant of regionalism in the region. The region itself is found almost equated with the structure of a state though more than one region may be found within a state or a state itself may be a part of a wider region. Thus, a need arises to look into the ‘in deep situation’ of the region in order to have a proper notion about the Northeast. One needs to rethink the complex situation of the region according to what Balveer Arora has rightly pointed out that, ‘the historical and cultural complexities on the north-eastern states, with their tenuous economic and terrestrial links with the rest of India, further heighten the trends towards alienation”.A need arises that to do away with alienation of the region so that the region will be part of the core development. The recent challenges for the policy like ‘Look east’ and ‘vision 2020’ are how far these two can accommodate the regional challenges that had imbibed the history and political imbroglio constraint to development. A need arise to revisit the constraint situation as one can say a functional relation that combines multiple nations with their political, economic and cultural inheritance, often based on the geographical advantage, as the case of Northeast with its neighbouring country. Therefore, in this paper a study will be made on how to accommodate the regionalism in the context of Northeast, Mizoram in particular, so as to enhanced the processed of peace and development as the ripple affect will have positive impact not only for the national interest but wider context with its neighbouring countries.*Guest Faculty, Department of Political Science, Govt. J. Buana College, Lunglei, Mizoram and also, currently doing PhD in Centre for Political Studies, SSS, JNU, New Delhi)

ASYMMETRICAL FEDERALISM AND PEOPLES' RESPONSE: A CASE OF NORTH EAST INDIA

Joseph RiameiResearch Associate

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PhD Scholar TISSWithin a policy framework, it is irrefutable that one must consider the contextual reality on which the policy is to be applied. For the policy to work, the voices articulated from people’s lived experiences needs consideration and threadbare understanding. Constitutionally sanctioned frameworks that allow the dilution of historical claims towards politico historical resolutions need to ponder and accommodate newer forms of asymmetrical federal processes. When locked in competing needs and interests, defined by realities constituted on ethnic, linguistic or cultural lines, resolution of differences cannot be based on extreme forms of rationality, and yet, because it would be unworkable when culturo-subjective, a fine line needs to be drawn while negotiating contested terrains towards striking a political balance. Unequal power structures and skewed political, administrative and fiscal processes that distorts ethno compositions and imbalances relationships needs to be altered, paving the way for reformulated units under a federation that dilutes both real and imaginary sense of marginalisation. There are many critics on the Autonomous District Councils under the Six Schedule of the constitution of India in North East in regard to its real autonomy and power enjoy by the tribals and by many scholars to re-look on it. Being hedged in by the institutional arrangement of union and state control, it has never been able to take off in the true sense of the word. The overall aim of the paper is to understand the frame of special provisions under the constitution of India enjoys by different States of north east and peoples’ response. The paper will focus on people’s response especially the tribal communities within the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Council. It is important to look at the larger frame to understand the experience of Manipur. However, both are intrinsically linked together. Hence, it is important to study the peoples’ response emerging from district council Manipur in order to connect with the larger conceptual frame.

DEVELOPMENTAL CHALLENGES IN THE NORTHEAST INDIA: STATE AND COMMUNITY RESPONSES*

Dr.Kalmekolan Vidyasagar Reddy,Associate Professor, Dept of Political Science,

Mizoram University,

Located in a hilly-terrain that is bordered with five countries, the Northeastern India (NEI) had historically been an excluded area. In fact it has enormous development potential, human resource-wise and otherwise. There is greater possibility for development of hydropower in Arunachal Pradesh, Sikkim and other States of this region. There are business opportunities within the NEI, especially Assam, Tripura, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Manipur and Nagaland with Bangladesh and South East Asia. Incidentally, socio-cultural development in the region is remarkable. By and large, communitarian life is discernible in most of the states in the region. Community responses have to be complemented with those of the state, lest the developmental challenges remain unattended. Due to lack of infrastructural facilities, the NEI got disconnected from ‘within’ and ‘without’. Its economic growth has been sluggish. Religious, ethnic and cultural groups play crucial role in the political dynamics of the region. These social institutions influence state and governance significantly.

However, the state at all levels should formulate such strategies which could be of advantageous to the NEI. The NEI has unique challenges which need inventive solutions. Hence, a multi-dimensional developmental strategy needs to be evolved for this purpose. Perhaps, the Look East Policy (LEP) would lead logically to particular efforts at rising road connectivity to Myanmar, China and Bangladesh. While some consider the LEP to be an outcome of implementing the economic reforms in the wake of globalization in the country, some others find it more beneficial. In any case, such initiatives are imperative for developing border trade and economic activity in the region, there is need to develop policies

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which strengthen our mutual dependence with the neighboring countries, like Myanmar and Bangladesh. This paper argues that the developmental challenges albeit numerous and complex, they are largely conjectural in nature, and thus these can be addressed if the state and communities are engaged accordingly.

INDIA-ASEAN RELATIONS IN THE 21ST

CENTURY: EXPLORATION OF THE CHINA FACTOR IN IT.

Koyel BasuAssistant Professor,

Department of Political Science, Jangipur College,

It is not by fluke that a more pluralistic, non-European, non-Western world is emerging that is transforming the global political architecture. Definitely the shift is from the West to the East. In this new world order where there is compression of time and space, Asian aspirations are gaining foothold so much so that the countries of Asia have retaken control of vast resources and are less dependent on imported innovation, capital inflows, development aid and technology. Since Asia is not one, as Okakura Kazuo(1904) had once argued and it is of multiple conceptions; Asia also has different forms of regionalism which in turn has ensured durability of Asia despite its incoherence.In this transformed global environment, Asia’s one of the most populous nation with deep-rooted democracy, India is fast shedding its reticence and arresting global attention. India knows that foreign policy is a part of overall governance and can address its legitimate values and priorities. India’s relations with the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and its by-product, the Look-East Policy are the reflection of the changed dynamic strategic landscape in the region. This seminar paper wishes to explore India-ASEAN relations against the backdrop of an unprecedented post-Cold war atmosphere of political flux. Weighing its options needs careful calculation since the

stakes are very high. Clearly India wants to move away from the no-gainer no-loser situation towards an arena of strategic convergence with ASEAN. This sparks the question whether India can carry on its buoyancy with ASEAN in the midst of China’s countervailing influence. This seminar paper essentially deals with the concept of regionalism and tries to answer where India fits in the jigsaw puzzle of 21st century regionalism with ASEAN? This seminar paper hopes to explore how despite China’s relations subtle diplomacy and overt muscle-flexing, India-ASEAN is getting diversified. It is reaching a diplomatic and strategic high-table which reflects an enlargement of rising India’s foreign policy vision. Despite the shadow of the Chinese dragon cast on it, Indian overtures are being appreciated and understood by ASEAN. ASEAN wants to positively respond to India, a country with economic growth, ideational foundations, civilization linkages and normative aspirations.

MEDIA AND DEMOCRACY: REVISITING THE RELATIONSHIP

Lallianpuii, PhD,Centre for Culture, Media and Governance,

Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi.

The importance of the press as a ‘powerful force for the promotion of democracy’ was voiced as early as 1830s by American thinkers such as Alexis de Tocqueville.Many scholars believe that media plays an important role in defining and sustaining democracy, as one of the many aspects of democracy guarantee the constitutional freedom of expression and the space given to different viewpoints from the people which constitute different sections of the society.As James Curran writes “democracy assume that political accountability requires a variety of institutional arrangements, including free and frequent elections, the presence of strong political parties and, of particular importance to this study, “a media system that delivers a sufficient supply of meaningful public affairs information to the citizens”

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But often the practical difficulties of producing and distributing information to a mass marked by different geography, literacy, wealth, time, access to sources of information and access to media and much more, to express different viewpoints are underestimated.This paper studies the long standing and much debated relationship between democracy and media, the only industry that enjoys constitutional protection. It reviews literature in the concerned subject at the global contexts as well as studies undertaken in India and at a regional level, particularly the North East India often marked by political turmoil. The study is done in order to make a critical review of the existing literature to problematize the field for further study and for the contribution to the growth of knowledge

MEKONG GANGA COOPERATION’S NORTH EASTERN ENDEAVOUR

The Look East Policy (LEP) of the early nineties, as a foreign policy pursuit, signifies India’s renewed thrust of strengthening its linkages with South East Asia. To facilitate the essence of the Policy India has embarked upon a number of collaborative endeavours with its South East Asian neighbours. The Mekong Ganga Cooperation Initiative (MGCI) is one of such decisive sub-regional initiatives of Indo-ASEAN (Association of South East Asian Nations) cooperation. The MGCI was formulated in 2000 with the intent to bolster solidarity and harmony in the fields of tourism, culture and education thereby ensuring considerable development of the Mekong region countries. Determinants like geographical proximities, economic complementarities, political commitments, policy coordination and infrastructure development motivate the formation of the grouping. India and the five South East Asian Nations - Thailand, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia and Myanmar are the members of the Initiative. In its endeavour to reinvigorate the pace of regional integration the MGCI has accorded intense significance to tourism as it has the efficacy of stimulating economic

development of the member countries. It is pertinent to underscore that increased regional cooperation in the field of tourism facilitates the promotion of landlocked regions into land-linked regions. One of the core aspects of the LEP is to economically develop its landlocked North East Region (NER) for which the opening of the Region is ardently required. In this lieu North East Region’s enthralling scenic beauty can play a vital role in fostering the prospect of tourism. But the ground realities of the Region pose certain crucial challenges to the MGCI for making this tourism potentiality extensively effective. The paper thus attempts at appraising the credibility of the MGCI as a sub-regional initiative in promoting the tourism potential of the NER as an impetus to economic development thereby rejuvenating India’s LEP.

RE(MAKING) THE SUB REGION: GEOPOLITICS / GEO-ECONOMICS?Mousumi DasguptaAssistant Professor

Department of Political ScienceVictoria Institution (College), Kolkata

A sub-region in the jargon of International Relations is both tangible and intangible. It is tangible because of its sheer physicality while it is simultaneously intangible because a sub-region becomes one when it is perceived to be one in the collective imagination. The sub-region which this paper regards to be its subject of study revolves around India’s North East, parts of China, Myanmar and Bangladesh. The sub-region which we would be studying would therefore include China, India, countries of the South East Asian region and Bangladesh..The question which ought to be addressed before we delve deep in the sub-region’s machinations is ‘what makes a sub-region happen?’ It is the twin cause of geopolitical reality and geo-economic demands of the post 1990 world order which spawns nurtures and consolidates the idea of a sub-region. The sub-region which is being discussed in this paper is similarly the result of certain demands and realities. Each country of this sub-region has in its foreign policy intended to play to the

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most of its geopolitical advantage vis-a-vis the region thereby furthering its geo-economic demands. The simultaneous execution of such policies by a group of countries who share miles of common borders with each other produces a new geography which in turn becomes the first kernel of a potential sub-region. The present paper wishes to study the foreign policies of China and India which have in their own way contributed to the re(making) of this sub-region thereby questioning the preponderance of geopolitics over geo-economics or vice-versa in the sub-region’s future.

INDIA’S LOOK EAST POLICY : OPPORTUNITIES FOR DEVELOPMENT OF NORTH EAST INDIA

Niharika Singh,Research scholar, Department of Management,

Mizoram UniversityCarolyn, Research scholar, Department of

Management, Mizoram UniversityProfessor A. K. Mishra ,

Department of Managemen, Mizoram University

In the post cold war era, a significant aspect of India’s foreign policy is the Look East Policy (LEP) . Initiated in 1991, India’s Look East Policy marked a strategic shift in India’s perspective of the world. It is “not merely an external economic policy, it is also a strategic shift in India’s vision of the world”. The essential behind this policy is to forge closer and deeper economic and strategic integration with East & South East Asian nations. LEP has passed two phases since its inception. In second phase started from 2003, the LEP has given a new dimension wherein India is now looking a partnership with the ASEAN countries integrally linked to economic and security interest of North East India. The inclusion of North East as an important component by this policy in 2003 is dubbed as a new paradigm of development in

the North East development perspective. Since NE India is a natural bridge between Indian and South East Asia economic integration with its transnational neighbors is expected to open up new opportunities(such as tourism , trade opportunities ect.) for the region. Other than that, this form of sub regional cooperation could serve as building blocs for greater economic interaction and integration between ASEAN and India. As a result of all the efforts made, India’s trade with countries bordering the North East has seen the most dramatic expansion, with the share going up more than five times from 1.7 % in 1992-93 to 8% in 2003-04. However, trade between NE India and its neighbor’s countries has been declined. This shows that something is missing out, especially in context of NE India. Hence, the present paper will be an attempt to analyse the opportunities provided to NE region as a benefits of the policy and how far the opportunities have been tapped and untapped respectively. Suggestions will be provided for the same.

REGIONALISM, SUB-REGIONALISM AND CONNECTIVITY: INDIA'S FOREIGN POLICY IN THE 21ST

CENTURY

Pratnashree Basu,Observer Research Foundation

Politically Diplomatic: Appraising the Kunming Initiative from the Perspective of India’s Foreign PolicyEvery country factors in on a few common bases when it comes to structuring and operationalizing their foreign relations. Agendas of conquest have given way to those of intended cooperation over the course of the history of inter-state relations. Nevertheless, the configuration of successful engagement among nations for lasting mutual benefit and cooperation continues to elude us for various reasons such as political imperatives, insurmountable differences which more often than not bear the legacies of a tumultuous

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history, economic differences, perceived threats to sovereignty and so on. Time has taught us that “… the law of power governs the world of states just as the law of gravity governs the physical world.” (Rochau, 1853)In the context of India’s foreign relations and her engagement with her neighbours too, we can find the influence of similar considerations. Among the regional forums which India is associated with, one of the most recent and at times possessing the potential to be the most promising is the BCIM (Bangladesh, India, China, Myanmar) Forum for Regional Cooperation. The Forum was encouraged by the understanding among the four participating nations of the benefits of a regional attitude on issues of development and prosperity. Nonetheless, over the course of more than a decade, the endeavour is yet to come to terms to with issues that stand in the way of cultivating mutual understanding. Such understanding is the mainstay of a directed approach towards improved connectivity and economic collaboration.This paper would attempt an exploration of the interface between Track I and Track II diplomacy in aiding regionalism, sub-regionalism and connectivity, focusing on an appraisal of the BCIM or the Kunming Initiative. The paper would, as a result, look into the question of the efficacy of second tier diplomatic attempts in realizing their objectives. An exploration of the Kunming Initiative would also inevitably demand a study into India’s ailing northeast which has the scope to assume a key role in the country’s engagements with its southeastern neighbours and China.

“DEVELOPMENT VS. ARMED CONFLICTS VIS-À-VIS DEVELOPMENT AND ARMED CONFLICTS –

A CASE OF MANIPUR”YUMNAM PREMANANDA SINGH

Assistant ProfessorMizoram Law College, Aizawl

Human beings are ‘at the centre of concerns for development’. Development and armed conflict

are antithesis: one represents progress, self-fulfillment and creative partnership; and other symbolizes killings, destruction, gross violation of human rights and poverty. Horror and devastation of the Second World War are still haunting our minds. Civilianization of contemporary armed conflicts lead more casualties of civilians. Armed conflict poses a serious stumbling blocks to development. The UN Charter outlawed war but many international and non-international armed conflicts are occurring around the globe. Axiom is “Peace is sine qua non for entire process of development: no peace no development”. India experiences Maoist conflict, and armed violence in J & K and North East (NE). Manipur is now the most violent theater of conflict in the NE region of India involving more than a dozen non-governmental armed groups (NGAGs). Extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detention, due process violations, torture, forced disappearances by State forces; and stalling of developmental schemes and works, threats, extortion, abduction for ransom, wanton destruction of public property, indiscriminate attacks and bomb explosions, and killings, by NGAGs are now trademarks of conflict paradigm in Manipur. Law such as Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958 (AFSPA) sanction impunity. Only workable mechanism in this critical juncture is implementation of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) in Manipur and thereby development activities will not be hampered. For humanitarian reasons, IHL restrict the rights of the parties to the conflict to use the methods and means of warfare of their choice, and protect people and property affected or liable to be affected by the conflict. Key words: Development, armed conflicts, human rights, peace, NGAGs, AFSPA, IHL

CHALLENGING HIGHER EDUCATION DEMANDS IN 21ST CENTURY: A CASE OF THE NORTH EAST INDIA WITH EMPHASIS ON MANIPUR

Priyalaxmi G.Research Scholar, Dept. of Management

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Mizoram University, Aizawl&

Prof. A.K MishraDept.of Management

Mizoram University, AizawlEducation is the only means which can generate interest, values, aesthetics and other qualities which are necessary to bring peace in human mind. Education is needed for developing the nation in a proper manner in all spheres. Every year thousands of students from the North East go to the universities and colleges of metropolitan cities like Delhi, Calcutta, etc. for education in various fields. There is a great need to spread and uplift higher education in the north east region. We strongly need to discuss specifically the Higher Education system of the North Eastern Region of India for NER will act as a transit point to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries. Hence, India seeks to further its commercial and cultural ties with the other Asian countries. And, the Look East Policy has been shaped in accordance with it. Therefore, there is a serious need for investment in Higher education system and on the infrastructure in this region which will benefit the country as a whole.

INDIA’S EXPERIENCE IN SUB-REGIONAL COOPERATION: AN ANALYSIS OF BIMSTEC

SUB-REGIONALISM.Rajasree. K. R

PhD Research ScholarDepartment of Political Science

University of Hyderabad India promotes interaction with various sub-regional groupings. The major sub-regional groupings India has membership is Bay of Bengal Initiatives for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) and Mekong Ganga Cooperation. Both of these groupings create a connecting link between South Asia and South East Asia. BIMSTEC was established in June 6, 1997 in Bangkok. It was the first formal link between South Asia and Southeast Asia. It was formed by seven countries to promote cooperation in trade, investment, information technology, fisheries, power generation, telecommunications,

tourism and transportation. BIMSTEC acquired a profile larger than SAARC and offered possibility before India to deepen the already existing trade relation with Thailand, Myanmar, Nepal, Bhutan and Sri Lanka. The second ministerial meeting of BIMSTEC identified thirteen priority sectors covering all areas of cooperation. Member countries have decided to finalize a Free Trade Area after mutual consultation. In this regard, BIMSTEC setup a Trade Negotiation Committee (BIMSTEC-TNC) in its fifteenth meeting held in September 2007 in Dhaka. Terrorist financing, arms traffic, illegal migration of persons and trafficking of drugs and other illegal substances still remains as major problem in the sub-region. BIMSTEC can be a use full mechanism to envisage cooperation on this aspect. After sixteen years of its establishment how far it is successful in promoting sub-regional cooperation. What extended India has keen interest in envisaging cooperation in this framework. The broader interests of India in regional and sub-regional cooperation are the main theme of analysis in this paper. This paper also intended to analyze the strategic, political and economic interest of India in BIMSTEC sub-region.THE GLOBAL DIMENSIONS OF INDIA’S ENERGY

SECURITY

Dr. Suwa Lal Jangu,Assistant Professor

Political Science, Mizoram UniversityAizawl, Mizoram-796004

Globalization and interdependence has changed the notions of international relations because countries know they do not have a free hand and have to give and take much more than before. Energy Security is shaping the paradigms of the New International-Relationship in the 21st Century. The energy became as security concern for us eventually after the end of Cold war. The impact of energy on global security and economy is clear and profound, and this is why in recent years, energy security has become a source of concern to most countries. However, energy security means different things to different countries

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based on their geographic location, their endowment of resources their strategic and economic conditions. The growing concern over energy security hosts a debate about the feasibility of resource conflicts and the threat of terrorism to the global energy system, maritime security, the role of multinationals and non-state actors in energy security, the pathways to energy security through diversification of sources and the development of alternative energy sources. This paper provides global dimensions of India’s energy security, bringing together a diverse range of global dimensions of energy security in this short study. Energy security is the emerging field of foreign policy; the focus is on the global dimensions of India’s energy security, but it also explores the global linkages of the domestic dimension of energy security. Accounts for the multi-faceted nature of energy security challenges and broadens discussions of these beyond the prevalent debates about energy security. This paper analyses India’s energy security across the global dimensions as energy security policy, foreign policy, economics and environment. To Identifying market, economic development, environmental sustainability, and security linkages of domestic dimension of India’s energy security are another objective of this study. SOUTH ASIAN REGIONALISM AND THE ROLE OF

INDIA: A NEO-REALIST PERSPECTIVE

SACHIN N. PARDHE*Post Cold War international relations are being determined by the sweeping trends of globalisation and economic integration, giving leverage to economy over polity as against the preceding century world. If a region goes well with composite economic development there are lesser chances (though not complete absence) of conflicts among states within the region because of increased economic interdependence, however, in politically fragmented regions, like South Asia, economic ties need to be built to strengthen political ties. Interestingly, the “new” regionalism in South Asia as argued by Ananya Mukherjee Reed, is

almost entirely a product of the contradictions of globalisation, which increases competition on the one hand, and the need for collaboration on the other. Thus, the need of collaboration amid the complex political relationship has been crucial in determining regional cooperation in South Asia. However, neo-realists emphasise that the regional cooperation is more based on relative gains in politically fragmented regions and hence building economic cooperation in a hostile neighbourhood is a tough task and needs specific measures. The paper argues that South Asia is a classic example of this neo-realist interpretation of cooperation and that there are inbuilt fault-lines in the geographical texture of the South Asian region that have not only been causing the ‘trust deficit’ among states but also defining the security concerns of the regional states making regional cooperation a difficult task. In this context the paper will attempt to offer fresh perspectives on the role of India in making South Asian regionalism work.

CLIMATE CATACLYSM : A THREAT TO NORTH EAST INDIA

SATABDI DAS *Climate change is one of the greatest challenges faced by humankind in modern times. It affectsdifferent regions in different ways. This is true for India as well where each of the states is impactedby climate change in a very different way. The North Eastern region of the country, consisting of theeight states of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Tripura, and Sikkim and known for its biological and cultural diversity, is highly vulnerable to such climate variability because of its strategic location and its transboundary river basins as well as due to the large dependence of the population on natural resources, and its poor infrastructure development. Although the region fall under high rainfall zone with subtropical type of climate, but in recent years it has witnessed severe droughts and unprecedented floods due to climate change induced rapid glacial melting in the Himalayan

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region. Such drought or floods- both extremes pose a threat to the economy, Livelihoods and social fabric of the region. Sometimes such environmental degradation of the region also comes from unscrupulous human activities and faulty industrial and development policies. In the current scenerio environmental security and sustainability of the region are greatly challenged by these impacts. Several steps were already taken to mitigate the problem at the national level. However, effective implementation of these efforts requires decisive actions at the local level and successful utilization of the environmental resources and solution of the envir onmental problems. The objective of the present study is to highlight the following: · The Climate induced resource scarcity in the North east and its resultant effects on human survival ; · What are the possible ways to combat the problem of climate change in the northeastern region of India given its socioeconomic instabilities? · Local response to the problem and efforts for environmental managementCONNECTING THROUGH MYANMAR IS A CRUCIAL INGREDIENT FOR INDIA’S LOOK EAST POLICY: AN OVERVIEW

India inaugurated its Look East Policy in the 1990s under the premiership of P.V Narasimha Rao with the aim of bolstering its relations with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member states. Since its inception, Look East Policy has been a significant agenda in India’s foreign policy focusing primarily on forging closer economic ties with the ASEAN nations. Subsequently, India became a sectoral dialogue partner of ASEAN in 1992, a full dialogue partner in 1996 and since 2002, a Summit level partner. India has concluded a Free Trade Agreement with the ASEAN nations in 2009 which became operational in 2010. Among the ASEAN nations, Myanmar (sharing a land border with India) which came under a civil government in 2011 could be an integral part of India’s Look East Policy and a gateway for India in ASEAN. But there has been an absence of any deep engagement with Myanmar since the

launching of the Look East initiative by the Indian government. However, as we enter the Phase II of the Look East endeavour, India has shifted its focus from trade to wider economic and security cooperation, political partnerships, physical connectivity through roads and rails. Hence a closer engagement with Myanmar has become a priority for Indian foreign policy makers as it would give a boost to India’s Look East Policy and facilitate India’s dream to emerge as a major Asian power vis-à-vis China.Hence this article will focus on India’s Look East Policy as an important agenda in its foreign policy, the strategic importance to connect Myanmar in its Look East imperatives and how far India has been successful in doing so.

THE ISSUE OF DIVISION OF TRIBES BETWEEN INDIA’S FOUR NORTH EASTERN STATES AND

MYANMARTiken Das

(Research Associate at NESRC, Guwahati)

The division of Burma from India has divided the different tribes of North East India between the two countries. The government of both countries and other organizations has not taken any step to find out the nature of the links as they exist at present and to suggest ways of improving them. At the same time the government of both countries took several measures to improve trade relation between both countries. The author visited four districts namely Mon in Nagaland, Chanlang in Arunachal Pradesh, Champhai in Mizoram and Ukhrul in Manipur during the month of April-May, 2013 and met some village leaders to understand the relation of the tribe of four North Eastern states of India namely Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram, Manipur and Nagaland living in Myanmar border with their members on the other side of the border. The author found that the division of Burma from India has been resulted the separation of some tribes between Myanmar and the North Eastern States of Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram. They include the Konyak Naga of Nagaland, the Kuki near Moreh, the Tanghkul near Ukhrul, the Paite near Churchandpur in

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Manipur, the Thangsa and Wangcho in Arunachal Pradesh, the Mizo and Paite of Mizoram and others elsewhere. This division has serious implications for their economy, identity and culture. These communities have been in contact with each other during the decades of division and have even assisted each other in their nationalist struggles for autonomy in the North East and in Myanmar. However, the official attitude to these links has kept changing according to the political and economic situation of the two countries.

ROLE OF THE CHURCH IN THE PROCESS OF PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT IN MIZORAM

AbstractZarzosanga, Research Scholar,

Department of Political ScienceMizoram University

Mizo society has always been a close-knit and highly organized society. Even before the establishment of formal political administration and voluntary associations, the socio-economic, political and social affairs were at the safe custody of the society, headed by the Chiefs. Thus, the spirit of social bonding was fairly strong and also greatly revered by the members of the society, and as such social values and ethics were treated with high regards. Even after the introduction of formal political administration in Mizoram and the spread of Christian ethics and principles, along with the establishment of various Civil Society Organizations, the tradition and custom of honoring and respecting societal values and perceptions still persist in every spheres of our daily administration. This has further enhanced the reputation and influences of the Civil Society Organizations in the state today, particularly that of the Church. So, the main objective of the paper is to trace and discuss the role played by the Church in the politics and administration of Mizoram, as well as to analyze the extent of its contributions in the maintenance and sustenance of peace and development in the state. The paper will also discuss the problems, reactions or issues that often cropped up these days, in relation to the various activities

undertaken by the Church and the Mizoram People Forum (MPF), an organization which came into existence on the initiatives taken by the Church leaders, by analyzing recent issues that have emerged.

INDIA’S LOOK EAST POLICY: POTENTIAL AND PROSPECTS WITH A SPECIAL REFERENCE TO

THE NORTH EAST REGIONZonunmawia

Department of Political ScienceMizoram University, Mizoram

Dr. Manmohan Singh, the architect of the policy, rightly said “Look East Policy was not merely an external economic policy; it was also a strategic shift in India’s vision of the world and India’s place in the evolving global economy”. In fact, Look East Policy is a multi-faceted and multi-pronged approach to establish strategic link with ASEAN (Association of South East Asian Nations) to harness the comparative advantages vested in the region in various sectors. The Look East Policy is supposed to tap the geo-economic potential of the North Eastern Region to make the region as gate way to East and South East Asia. India’s Look East Policy presupposes that trade relations and free markets with South East Asia will uplift the region out of the sackles of insurgency, poverty and economic backwardness and consequently result into political, economic and social freedom. On the contrary, the North Eastern region may be seen as the transmission belt only owing to underdevelopment of infrastructure in the region. In other words, the North East region can serve only as an exchange location. These concerns or challenges need to be addressed in order to reap the fruits of Look East Policy. The paper is designed to identify all policy measures that have been undertaken under the aegis of the Look East Policy concerning the North East Region with respect to the challenges and its policy response. It will also further probe into the prospects of the Look East Policy in the North East region in the recent years.

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