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GIGA Research Programme: Power, Norms and Governance in International Relations

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North Korea and the Politics of Visual Representation

David Shim and Dirk Nabers

No 164 April 2011

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GIGAWP164/2011

NorthKoreaandthePoliticsofVisualRepresentation

Abstract

Within internationaldiscourseson security,NorthKorea isoftenassociatedwith risk and

danger,emanatingparadoxicallyfromwhatcanbecalleditsstrengthsparticularlymilitary

strength,asembodiedbyitsmissileandnuclearprogramsanditsweaknessessuchasits

everpresent political, economic, and food criseswhich are considered to be imminent

threatsto internationalpeaceandstability.Weargue that imagesplayan importantrole in

these representations,andsuggest thatoneshould take intoaccount the roleofvisual im

ageryinthewayparticularissues,actions,andeventsrelatedtoNorthKoreaareapproached

and understood.Reflecting on thepolitics of visual representationmeans to examine the

functionsandeffectsofimages,thatiswhattheydoandhowtheyareputtoworkbyallow

ingonlyparticularkindsof seeing.Afteraddressing theoreticalandmethodologicalques

tions,wediscuss individual (and serial)photographsdepictingwhatwe think are typical

examplesofhowNorthKorea isportrayed in theWesternmediaand imagined in interna

tionalpolitics.

Keywords: Visualrepresentation,synecdoche,identity,NorthKorea

David Shim, M.A.

Ph.D.candidateandresearchfellowattheGIGAInstituteofAsianStudies.

Contact:

Website:

Prof. Dr. Dirk Nabers

ProfessorattheInstituteofSocialSciencesoftheChristianAlbrechtsUniversittKiel.

Contact:

Website:

NorthKoreaandthePoliticsofVisualRepresentation1

DavidShimandDirkNabers

ArticleOutline

1 Introduction 2 Identity Constructions in International Politics 3 The Significance of Visual Representations 4 Representations of North Korea 5 Conclusion Bibliography

1 Introduction

Withininternationaldiscoursesonsecurity,theDemocraticPeoplesRepublicofKorea(hereafterNorthKorea) isoftenassociatedwithriskanddanger,paradoxicallyemanating fromwhatcanbecalleditsstrengthsandweaknessesontheonehand,NorthKoreasmilitarystrength,asembodiedinitsmissileandnuclearprogramsandthefearedproliferationofrelated technologies; on the other, its internalweakness such as its everpresent political,

1 Thepaperhasbeenpresentedat the51stAnnualConventionof the InternationalStudiesAssociation,New

Orleans,February1720,2010,andatthe60thPoliticalStudiesAssociationAnnualConference,March29toApril1,2010,Edinburgh,UK.TheauthorswouldliketothankRosemaryShinkoandPatrickKllnerfortheirhelpfulcommentsandcriticism.Thisworkwassupportedbyagrant from theAcademyofKoreanStudies(AKS2010R34).

6 DavidShimandDirkNabers:NorthKoreaandthePoliticsofVisualRepresentation

economic,andfoodcrises,whichareconsideredtobeimminentthreatstoregionalandinternationalpeaceandstability.

The1990sappeartohavebeenadefiningperiodintheserepresentations.NorthKoreasrefusalin1993toadmitinspectorsfromtheInternationalAtomicEnergyAgency(IAEA)toits nuclear complex at Yongbyon, and its threat towithdraw from theNonProliferationTreaty(NPT),whichalmostresultedinapreemptivemilitarystrikebytheUnitedStates,aswellasitsappealin1995totheUnitedNations(UN)foraidassistancetohelpalleviatetheworseninghumanitariansituationmadethecountryacontinualissueofinternationalconcern.

Besides these highly polarized binary representations of strength and weakness,NorthKoreaisconcurrentlyportrayedaspursuingrationalandirrationalactions,policiesorbehaviourpatterns.Inthesereadings,NorthKoreassupposedrationalityisreflectedin itscalculatingbehaviour,which issometimesreferred toasblackmailorcoercivediplomacy,ininternationalnegotiationsregardingitsmissileornuclearprograms.Underthethreatviolence,coercivediplomacyallowsPyongyangtogainmaximumbenefitsintheformofeconomicor foodassistancewithminimal concessions regardingdisarmament. Its supposedirrationality,whichisattimestakenasbeingsynonymouswithgenuinemadness(insaneKimJongil),couldbeinferredfromitsspontaneousorunpredictablebehaviour,leadingforinstancetonucleartests,missilestarts,militaryattacksorthenoncomplianceofinternationalagreements.

Inshort,NorthKoreaissimultaneouslyseeninrathercontradictorytermswhenitcomesto internationalaffairs: it isstrongyetweak,rationalyet irrational,anddeservingofeitherinternationalcondemnation,isolation,andsanctions,orcommiseration,cooperation,andassistance.Eachrepresentationleadstodifferent,and,attimesincongruous,politicalstrategiestowardsNorthKorea.Different imagesand representationsgenerateawholenew formofportrayalofNorthKorea.Inthefollowingpages,wediscussselectedphotographsandphotoseriesofwhatwethinkaretypicalexamplesofhowNorthKoreaisportrayedintheWesternmedia,andhowthissocalledpariahnationisimaginedininternationalpolitics.Itshouldbenoted thatwedonotprofess tocover the fullrangeofNorthKoreasappearance invisualdiscourseapossiblyinsurmountabletask.Itwillbeshown,however,thatparticularpoliticalstrategiesdependuponapreestablishedfieldofperceptiblereality inwhichvisual imagesplayacentralrole.

Anydiscourseanalysisstartsfromthepostulationthatallobjectsandactionsaremeaningful,and thattheirmeaning isconferredbyparticularsystemsofsignificantdifferences(Howarth2001:101).Thisisnottosuggestthatdiscoursehastobetextinanarrowsense;itmakessensetoincludeallkindsofmeaning,astransmittedby,forexample,visualimagesandsoundeffects,intotheanalysis.Asarguedlater,visualrepresentationsinparticularareofimmenseimportanceintimesofincreasedtransnationalinterconnectedness,becausetheybringaboutpoliticalconsequencesbyshapingparticularwaysofseeing(Berger1972),and,hence,byconstructingreality.

DavidShimandDirkNabers:NorthKoreaandthePoliticsofVisualRepresentation 7

Itshouldbenotedattheoutsetthatthekindofargumentdevelopedhererequiressubstantialtheoreticalelaboration,whichwouldgowellbeyondthescopeofthisarticle.Inthenext section, thepaperoutlines somenecessaryontologicalargumentson thequestionsofdifference and identity,mainlydrawing ondiscoursetheoretical insights. Subsequently, itwillbedemonstrated theoreticallyhowvisual representationshavepoliticalconsequences,beforeturningtohowNorthKorea isvisuallyrepresentedandhowthesedepictionstranslateintopoliticalpractices.Theconclusionsummarisesthemajortheoreticalimplicationsoftheanalysis,andbrieflytouchesupontheethicaldimensionofidentityconstructions.

2 IdentityConstructionsinInternationalPolitics

Differenceislocatedattheheartofanyidentityconstruction.Somethingiswhatitisonlythroughitsdifferentialrelationshiptosomethingelse.Takingmeaningasdifferentialratherthan referential simplygives languagepriority in theanalysisof theworldasweview it.Sincethereisnoessentialcommongroundthatbindsasocietytogether,differentidentitieshavetobepoliticallyarticulated.Identityremainspartial;itcanneverbefullorcomplete.Itcan thereforeonlybeestablishedbydifference,bydrawinga linebetweensomethingandsomethingelse.Allidentityisrelational,formedbysocialpracticesthatlinktogetheraseriesof interrelatedsignifyingelements.Allprinciplesandvalues,therefore,receivetheirmeaningfromrelationshipsofdifferenceandopposition(Laclau1990:21,58).

Theeventualityofasocialidentitythusdependsontheconstructionofathreatening,excludedoutside:aradicalexclusion is thegroundandconditionofalldifferences(Laclau1996:39,52).Itistheunifyingfoundationofanysystem.2Whatfollowsfromthisisthatthereare relationsofequivalencebetween ingroupactors thatcreateantagonisms in relation toothersocialgroups.Inoppositiontotheexcludedelement,allotherelementsareequivalenttoeachother inthattheynegatetheexcluded identity.Theemergenceofacommunityentailsthepassagefromdisconnectedsocialdemandstoauniversaloneviatheconstructionofachainofequivalencesandthecreationofanexternal,antagonisticforceinourcaseNorthKorea.IfthereisanythingliketheWestthathaspoliticalmeaning,itcannotbeconstructedonessentialistgrounds,butrather,andonly,bydrawingarepresentationallinebetweenSelfandOther.Twoconsequences follow.First,exclusionhasanethicaldimensionit isneverneutralandoften takes the formofsubordination.Relationsbetween the ingroupand theoutgrouparepowerrelations.Second,equivalenceisnotsynonymouswithidentity.Equivalencepresupposesdifference,butcaneventuallyleadtotheformationoftentativecollectiveidentities.

Moreover,theexcludedOtherkeepsthreateningtheidentityofthechainofequivalences.Thelattercannotevolveintoapositiveidentity,asitreliesonanegativeoutsiderforitscon

2 Forcomment,seeHowarth(2001:105);CritchleyandMarchart(2004:4);Gasch(2004:25).


stitution.Therefore,politicaltheoristErnestoLaclauconcludesthatinarelationofequivalence,eachoftheequivalentelementsfunctionsasasymbolofnegativityassuch,ofacertainuniversalimpossibilitywhichpenetratestheidentityinquestion(Laclau1996:14).Identityneedsanexternalforceforitsveryexistence;withoutthisOther,identitywouldbedifferent.Hence,theannihilationordestructionofthisexcludedotherwouldleadtoaradicalidentitychange,andanegativeassertionoftheexcludedbecomestheprevalentmodeofrepresentation.Inthissense,theOthercontinuouslyfeedstheidentityoftheSelf.

The question remains of how oneparticularworldview, such as the representation ofNorthKorea as a menace, can be become dominant or hegemonic.Drawing on insightsfromLaclauandMouffesdiscoursetheory,thearticlearguesthathegemonyrestsontheassumptionthatanydiscoursetriestodominatethefieldofdiscursivity.

Particularlycrucial for the followingscrutinyofrepresentationsofNorthKorea, is thatthehegemonicoperationhasadeeplycatachresticalcharacter.Infact,itoftentakestheformofasynecdoche,asapartcomes torepresent thewhole (Laclau2005:72).Laclauconceptualiseshegemonyasathreefoldprocessofsymbolicrepresentationthatdevelopsfromametonymicmoment tometaphoricsubstitutionand finally toa temporaryand incompletesynecdoche(Laclau1998:158;foracritiqueseeWenman2003).Whilethe initialmomentofmetonymyestablishesapoliticalfrontierbetweenusandthem,themetaphoricslideconsistsoftheindifferentcontentsofparticulardemands,whichmakeitpossiblefortheparttorepresentthewhole:synecdoche. In thiscontext,LaclauconcurswithdeconstructionistPauldeManthatasynecdocherepresentsaborderline figure thatcreatesanambivalentzonebetweenmetaphorandmetonymy(deManascitedinLaclau1998:158).AccordingtoJacquesLacan,metaphorandmetonymyarethetwocentralfiguresofstyleintheproductionofmeaning(Lacan1977:157).Whilemetaphorcreativelyreplacesonesignifierwithanother that iscoextensivewiththesubstitutiveorparadigmaticdimensionoflanguage,metonymystandsforthecombinationofsignifiers,andrepresentsthesyntagmaticfacetoflanguage(Lacan1977:156157;Barthes1977:60).

Fig.1:SynecdocheandtheHegemonicProcess

MetonymyMetaphorSynecdoche

Inaccordancewithhisviewsonuniversalism,Laclaumaintainsthathegemonycanonlyestablishanimpuresynecdoche(Laclau1998:168).ForLaclau,thereneedstobeonesectorofsocietyrepresentingtheendsofsocietyatoneparticularmoment.Thisonesectorneedstohavesynecdochicalpotentialtounitedisparateemancipatorystrugglesforsocialintegration.

Itisherewherethefinalmomentofasynecdochethepartstandinginforthewholecanbeseen,andthetheoreticalformulationpresentedhereisessentialforthefollowingdiscussionofvisualimages.


3 TheSignificanceofVisualRepresentations

Inparticular,visualrepresentationseemstobecrucialintimesofincreasinginterconnectednessacrosstimeandspace,becauseitisoneoftheprincipalwaysinwhichnewsfromdistantplacesisbroughthome(Campbell2007a:220).Imagescanenactpowerfuleffectssincegovernments, internationalorganisationsand thepublicarealmostalwayspressed to takeactionwhenconfrontedwith imageryofhumansuffering,suchaswarsandfamines(Lisle2009;Campbell 2003, 2007b;Moeller 1999; Benthall 1987; Postman 1987).AsDebbie Lisle(2009:148)maintains,[w]eseethattheobjects,issuesandeventsweusuallystudy[]donotevenexistwithoutthemedia[]toexpressthem.Accordingly,visualimageshavepoliticalandethicalconsequencesbecauseoftheirrole inshapingprivateandpublicwaysofseeing(BleikerandKay2007).Thewayspeoplecometoknow,thinkabout,andrespondtodevelopmentsintheworld,aredeeplyentrenchedinthewaysthisinformationismadevisibletothem.Inthissense,visionandvisualityarepartofpoliticaldynamicsthemselvessincethepracticeofseeingentailsseriousrepercussionsconcerningthewaysinwhichpeopleinteractwithoneanother.

Despitetheobviousimportanceofvisualrepresentationsinglobalpolitics,littleattentionhasbeenpaidtotheiranalysisinthefieldofinternationalrelations(IR).OnlyafewscholarsarguefortheinclusionofaestheticinsightsintoIRinquiriesinordertoenhancetheunderstanding of the phenomena ofworldpolitics and to address thedilemmas that emanatefrom them (Bleiker 2001: 519; 2006;Bleiker andKay 2007;Campbell 2007b;Pusca 2009).Thereareneverthelessan increasingnumberofpublications,whichconsiderart,photographyandotherformsofvisualrepresentationsaspartof their inquiry.Oneof the latestexamples,whichproclaimed thatartmatters (Danchev andLisle 2009: 775),was the 2009special issueof theReviewofInternationalStudies.3Itseemsthatthesignificanceof therelationshipbetweenvisualrepresentationsandrealityhasbeenacknowledgedinIRprimarilyas a result of the coverage of the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 (Campbell andShapiro2007).

Thepublicationofphotographs showingNorthKorean leaderKim Jongil serves as agood example of how visuals are referred to in international or regional security politicswhenitcomestounderliningthenecessityofspecificpolicyresponses,suchasmilitarycontingencystrategiesandmilitaryexercises.Intheautumnof2008,theNorthKoreangovernmentbeganpublishingpicturesofKim Jongilafterrumoursandreportsofhisworseninghealthbegan to spread.Regardlessofhow thesepicturesare interpretedunderlininghishealthorailmentthisexampleshowshowphotographs functionas referents tomake legitimatestatementsanddrawconclusions.

3 OtherexamplesexaminingtherelationshipbetweenaestheticsandIRare,forexample,thespecial issuesof

Millenniumin2001and2006,andofSecurityDialoguein2007.


3.1 ThePoliticsofVisualRepresentations

Aphotographsuggeststheabilitytowitnessrealityasitis.Asoneamongseveralmodesofrepresentation,photographypossessesa specific feature, since,asMichaelShapiroasserts,it is theonemosteasilyassimilated into thediscoursesofknowledgeand truth, for it isthought tobeanunmediatedsimulacrum,acopyofwhatweconsider the real (Shapiro1988:124;seealsoBarthes1977).Thephotographsuggestsaqualityofrepresentationwhichscholarstermmimetic(Bleiker2001),reflective(Hall1997),ordocumentary(Hamilton1997),andwhichimpliesthepossibilityofseeingtheunvarnishedtruthwithonesowneyes.However,asCampbellobjects,photographsarenecessarilyconstructions inwhichthe locationof thephotographer, thechoiceof the subject, the framingof thecontent, theexclusionofcontext,andlimitationsonpublicationandcirculationunavoidablycreateaparticularsenseofplacepopulatedbyaparticularkindofpeople(Campbell2007a).

It is important tonote thataphotograph isneitherobjectivenorneutral, since it isalreadyaninterpretation(Butler2009).Thatistosay,photographsproducemeaningbecausetheydeterminewhatkindsofobjectsandsubjectscanbeseenandhowtheyaremadevisible.Photographsarebydefinitionreductionsofagivencomplexitysinceonlypartsofthiscomplexitycanbepictured.AsSusanSontagputsit,tophotographistoframe,andtoframeistoexclude(Sontag2003:46).Therefore,notonlycanphotographsbecharacterisedassynecdochic representations,but they canalso serve, inLaclauian terms,asvisual figuresofhegemonysincephotographicpartsvisuallyembodyatotality(cf.Laclau2000b).Asmentionedabove, a reduced representation translates into themodificationofwhat is represented. Inotherwords,photography is inevitably transformativeofmeaningbecauseof its selectionsandreductions,whichcreateadifferent,andthusnew,meaningofwhatispictured.

Of course,onemightargue thatanykindofdiscursive information,be it linguisticornonlinguistic,mustbe translated intoa textual form inorder for it tobeanalysable.Secondly,uponacceptingthisstance,workingwithtextorwritingsleadstothedeploymentofthoselinguisticdevicesthatcorrespondtotheontologicalassumptionsoutlinedindiscoursetheory,foritistheseassumptionsthatguidetheanalysisandareapplied,modifiedandextended to aparticular case.However, ifwe are interested invisual images as ameansofcommunication,wealsoneedtofindwaystoaddressnonverbaldiscourseinamoreimmediatemanner. In fact,asHamilton summarises,thephotograph seems closer to livedexperiencethanwordsevercanbe(Hamilton1997:87)astatementwhichwouldappeartofavourtheimageoverthewrittenword.Incommonparlance,itisalmostnaturaltosaythatapictureisworthathousandwords.Thecentralityofimagesinoureveryday(Western)life,whichhasbeencalledocularcentrismbyMartinJay(1993),revealsthepowerrelationsofrepresentation,accordingtowhichasinglepicturecanberegardedasbeingmoremeaningfulthanabundleoftexts.Criticsargue,however,thatimageryhasbeenimportantthroughouthistoryandtoallsocieties,andobjectthattheclaimsoftheincreasingimportanceofthevisualareEurocentric(Rose2001:89).


Regardless of the debate about whether an image is more powerful than a specificamountofwords,thereisadisputeintheliteratureabouttherelationshipoftextsandimages.Attheheartofthediscussionstandsthequestionofwhetheranimagecanspeakforitself.That is tosay,whether imagesrelyon texts inorder tobecomprehended.ForRolandBarthes(1977),therehasbeenanhistoricalturnaroundintheconnotationprocesseswiththeemergenceofthepressphotograph.Asheputsit,[f]ormerly,theimageillustratedthetext(made it clearer); today, the text loads the image,burdening itwithaculture,amoral,animagination(ibid.:26).4Whatcanbe inferredfromBarthesswork is themeaningguidingfunctionoftexts.Captionscontextualise,emphasise/prioritiseorevenaddparticularaspectstotheimage,sothatitisreadinaspecificornewway.SusanSontagarguessimilarly,statingthataphotographcannotprovidean interpretation justby itself,withoutatext.Itrequirescaptions,which thenchannel its interpretation (Sontag2003;BleikerandKay2007). JudithButlerexplicitlycriticisesSontagsargument,assertinginsteadthat,itdoesnotmakesensetoacceptSontagsclaim[]thatthephotographcannotbyitselfofferaninterpretation,thatweneedcaptionsandwrittenanalysistosupplementthediscreteandpunctualimage(Butler2009).ButlerreferstotheUSDepartmentofDefensesframe,aregulatedvisualperspective,establishedforthepublicinrecentandcurrentwars,whichstructuresthereadingandinterpretationofimagesinadvance.

Whatcanbeconcludedfromthisdiscussionisthatontheonehand,imagesmaybebecomingincreasinglymoresignificantthanwordsinoureverydaylife.Butontheotherhand,wordscangovernorfacilitatethe interpretationandhencethecomprehensionofthese images.AsGillianRoseunderlines,itisimportantnottoforgetthatknowledgesareconveyedthroughall sortsofdifferentmedia, includingsensesother than thevisual,and thevisualimagesveryoftenworkinconjunctionwithotherkindsofrepresentations(Rose2001).

3.2 Methodology

Thefocusofthefollowingmethodologicaldiscussionisonlanguageandformsoflanguageuse.Theanalysisstaystotallyclearofanyrelationshiptowhatpeoplereallythink.[Itis]notinterested in innermotives, in interestsorbeliefs; it studies somethingpublic, that ishowmeaning is generated and structured (Waever 1995: 254). Theorists employing discoursetheoryforempiricalanalysesmakeastrongcaseforthestudyof language(Howarth2000;Howarth,NorvalandStavrakakis2000).Ashasbeenemphasisedabove,however,languagemustnotbeseenastextinaconstrictedsense.Itisconceivedofheremorebroadly.AsDerrida,forinstance,stressed,

4 Thequestionofwhetherthe image informsthewordorviceversaisalsodebatable.For instance,Hamilton

argues that the image is still supportiveof the textbygiving it a representational legitimacy (Hamilton1997:87,italicsremoved).Ashestates,theapparentobjectivityofthecameraproducedimagemayhelptofixthemeaningofagiventext,byprovidingitwitharepresentationallegitimacy(Ibid.,italicsinoriginal).


wesaywritingforallthatgivesrisetoaninscriptioningeneral,whetheritisliteralornotandeven ifwhat itdistributes inspaceortime isalientotheorderofthevoice:cinemaphotography,choreography,ofcourse,butalsopictorial,musical,sculpturalwriting.

(Derrida1998:9ascitedinCampbell1998:271)

Acrucialquestionintheanalysisofvisualrepresentationsishowweanalysevisualmaterialssuchaspaintings,photographsorfilms.Whatarethetechniquesormethodologiesusedtounderstand imagery?Firstofall, it is important tonote, inaccordancewithStuartHall(1997:9), thatthere isnosingleor correctanswer tothequestion, Whatdoes this imagemean?Thatistosay,therealortruemeaningofanimagecannotbededuced,asinthecaseofacausalmechanism.Therefore,onlyinterpretativeinquirywillhelpidentifyandunderstandthemeaning(s).However,thisshouldnotopenthedoorsformethodologicalarbitrariness.Indeed,itisimportanttojustifyonesowninterpretationofimageryconvincingly.TothisendthepaperadoptsinsightsfromwhatGillianRosehascalledcriticalvisualmethodology.5AsRoseexplains:

Bycritical Imeananapproach that thinksabout thevisual in termsof theculturalsignificance, socialpractices andpower relations inwhich it is embedded; and thatmeans thinkingabout thepower relations thatproduce,arearticulated through,andcanbechallengedby,waysofseeingandimaging.

(Rose2001:3)

Toanalyseimages,itisimportanttoexposeandunderstandtheirproductiveeffects,representationalpatterns,andrecurringvisualkey themes.That is, toreveal theways inwhichvisualrepresentationsenactsubjectivitiesbypositioningtheviewerinrelationtotheviewed.Thepaper thusaskshow imagesareentangled in theprocessof identityconstruction,andexamineshowtheyallowonlyspecifickindsofseeinghowimagesdeterminetherealmofthevisible and,no less importantly, the invisible,which render specific actions and statementsaslegitimateornonlegitimate.

Concerning the image itself, therearespecificphotographicarrangementswhichaffectitsrhetoricalforce(Shapiro1988).PresentdayimageryofNorthKoreaisassembledmostlyintheformofphotoessaysthatdeploytheirsignifyingeffectsthroughthetellingofaparticularnarrative,aspecificreality,whichismediated.6 5 ForRose,therearethreesitesduringwhichthemeaningsofanimagearecreated.Thefirstconcernsthecir

cumstancesofitsproduction;thesecondreferstotheimageitself;andthelasttargetstheaudiencewheretheimageisseen.EachofthesesitesoperatesonthreefurtherlevelsormodalitiesasRosecallsthem.Thetechnological,compositional,andsocialmodalitiesfunctionasmethodologicaltoolstodifferentiatethequalityofanimage.Whilethecompositionalandsociallevel(referredtohereascontextualmodalities)willbeadopted,thetechnologicalaspectcanbeneglectedbecauseallphotographs inthispaperaredigitallyproducedpictures.Further,assertingthatthethreemodesofmeaningmakingoverlap,thepaperfocusesmoreonthesiteoftheimageandaudiencethanonthemodeofproduction(Rose2001:16).

6 ThedepictionofreallifeinNorthKoreahasbeenthefocusofmanyrecentpublications:Demick2009;HassigandOh2009;Myers2010.


Thecompositionalandcontextualaspectsof imagesareuseful for theanalysisofvisualrepresentations.While thecompositionof imagesrefers, for instance, to thecontent (what isshown?),colour(whatisthehue,saturationorvalueofimages?)andspatialorganisation(howare theelementsof the imagepositioned in relation toeachother?),contextual factorscomprise,forexample,thetime,practices,settings,andrelationswithwhichimagesareencircled(Rose2001:Ch.2).7Allthesequalitiesconstituteelementsofaparticularthematicdiscourse.

On the basis of thesemethodologicalpropositions, the following sectiondiscusses selectedbut characteristic imagery ofNorthKorea.Thephotographs chosen cover the timespanofoveradecade,beginningwiththemid1990s,withanemphasisonmorerecentportraitsofNorthKoreanreality.ItshouldbenotedthatthisselectionisnotmeanttoserveasanextensiveaccountofhowNorthKoreaisrepresentedvisuallybytheWestorWesternmedia.However,thephotosareemblematicoftheoftenstereotypicalwaysinwhichNorthKoreaislookedat,thusestablishingboundariesanddifference.ItwillbearguedthatimagesofNorthKoreashowing itsmilitarystrengthand internalweaknessarehighlightedas idiosyncraticaspectstoemphasizeitsOtherness.TheuseofimagesmarksNorthKoreainparticularways,whichseparatethemfromus.Itshouldalsobestressedthatthearticledoesnotquestion the correctnessor contentof the selected imagesbut rather intends to show thatspecificdepictionsdependonaparticularunderstandingofwhoandwhatisdeservingrepresentationandpublication.Further,theproblem isnot somuch thepresence of such imagery[],butrathertheabsenceofotherviewsamongsttheimagerytheglobalvisualeconomytransmitstoaudiences(Campbell/Power2010:188).Theprevalenceofonevisualperspective,necessarily indicating a lack of alternative representations, affects thewayshowpeoplecometoknowandrespondtoevents,developments,andissuesrelatedtoNorthKorea.Inthisvein,thevisualrevealsitspoliticalandethicalsignificance.

4 RepresentationsofNorthKorea

Amongpolicymaking,academic,andmediacirclesvisualimageryofNorthKoreaiswidelyassumedtoberareandunusual.Thissupposedlackofimagesmighttoalargeextentbeexplainedonthebasisofthelocalconditions,whichrestricttheinternationalmediasaccesstowhat is happening in the country. Possibly because of this, pictures and films depictingNorthKoreaanditspurportedrealityareregardedasevenmorespecialanddesirable.Rarevisitsby foreignobserversproviderareglimpses intoanationwidelyconsidered tobetheworldsmost isolated.8Thisexceptional (orpresumed tobeexceptional) situation sug 7 Itshouldbenotedthatthedistinctionofthecategoriesisnotclearcut.WhileRoseattributescertainaspects

suchas focus,angle,orpositioningofelements to thecompositionalmode, forsomescholars theseaspectshavetobeconsideredascontextualfactors(e.g.BleikerandKay2007).

8 Suchstatementsrefermostlytothecountrysassumed lackofparticipation inregionalor internationalrelations.However,ifmeasuredintermsofofficialdiplomaticrelations,forinstance,NorthKoreaisnotevenremotelyasisolatedasTaiwan.


geststhatbecausewedonotseemuchofNorthKorea,wedonothavesufficientknowledgeabout it,which in turncreatesa legitimate reasonorquasiimperative tovisualize itonemust see it to believe it. This situation points to the linkages betweenways of seeing,knowledgeandpolitics. Imagesnotonlypromise tohelpus to seeand, therefore,understandwhatisreallygoingon,buttheyenableustoknowwhichwillinformourpoliticalandethicalresponses.

Despite theabovementioned claim that imagesofNorthKoreaare lacking,numerousphotographicessays, illustratedbooks,documentariesandtelevisionseries,aswellasplatforms,socialnetworksorservicesontheInternetsuchasflickr,youtubeorGoogleEarth,revealtheprincipledavailabilityofimageryofNorthKoreaanditsenduringvisualizationincontemporarydiscourses (BBC2005,2009;Bech2007;BostonGlobe2008,2009;VanHoutryve2009a,2009b;KangandWatanabe1997;LIFEundated;McNulty1995;Lee2008;Fragala2009;Righetti2003;Morris2005).9They show that,contrary topopularbelief, imageryofNorthKoreaisnotasrareandexceptionalaspresumed.10

SothebasicquestioncouldbetoaskhowNorthKoreansandNorthKoreaappearinvisualdiscourse.ContemporaryimageryoftheDemocraticPeoplesRepublicofKorea(DPRK)revealssimilarcompositionalandcontextualmodalities,whichresultinrecurringandsometimescontradictory (but incertain thematic fieldscongruent)representationalpatternsandkey visual themes: backwardness, bleakness, madness, dangerousness, isolation, poverty,scarcity,andweakness.ThesedepictionsshowhowNorthKoreaisvisuallyconstruedastheveryantithesis,andhenceOther,ofmodernglobalisation.The images telluswho theyareandhowlifeproceedsoverthere.Showingpredominantlythesamemotifs(pitifulandmiserablewomenandchildren,emptyanddesertedplacesand spaces,monuments,homogenousmasses,weaponsandsoldiers)andemphasisingvisual(contextualorspatial)contrast,thesephotographsresultinwhatcanbetentativelydescribedasahegemonicvisualityaninterpretativeorvisualframewhichallowsforthedepictionandreadingofimagesonlyinspecific ways. This visuality regulates the (in)visibility of objects, subjects, and circumstances,andthereforedetermineswhatisexistentandwhatisnot(Butler2009).

4.1 NorthKoreaasaWimp

Agoodexampleofwhatis(made)almostinvisibleinWesternrepresentationsofNorthKorea issmilingor joyfulordinaryNorthKoreanpeople.TomasvanHoutryvesphotoessay,

9 TheInternetinparticularseemstoprovideanalmostboundlesssourceofacademic,journalistic,governmen

talandprivateinformationonNorthKorea.Forinstance,EvanRamstadreportsoncitizenspiesuncoveringwhattheybelieveareNorthKoreassecretswiththehelpofGoogleEarth,anonlineserviceprovidingsatelliteimages(Ramstad2009).

10 EspeciallyafterthepublicationofpressreportsaccordingtowhichNorthKoreanleaderKimJongilsufferedastrokeinAugust2008,theinterpretationofphotographyofKimJongilbecamepopularamongNorthKoreaobservers(Kolonko2009;Fragala2009;Time2008a,2008b).


published recently in Foreign Policy (see Figure 2), is indicative of this visual frame (VanHoutryve2009a).WhiletheessayclaimsthatvanHoutryvetookarrestingphotographs[]rarelycapturedandevenmorerarelydistributedintheWest,itsheading(TheLandofNoSmiles)suggests thathappyorcheerfulNorthKoreanpeopleare impossible to find.Thecaptionofoneoftheimagesreinforcesthisframebyexplainingthat[w]henvanHoutryveapproachedNorthKoreans, theywalked off or averted their eyes.He never once photographedasmile.Evenchildrenranawayfromhim(ibid.).

Figure2:TheLandofNoSmiles(ibid.)

TheobservationofsupposedlydismissiveNorthKoreansmade in theessay isnotuncommon amongmanyNorthKorea visitors. In his illustrated book entitledThe LastParadise,photojournalistNicolasRighettisimilarlynoted,

Apartfrommyguide,inthestreetnobodyspeakstome.WhenIamalone,nooneestablishescontact;nooneseemstopayanyattentiontome.LifegoesonifIdidnotexist.Noteventhepoliceorsoldierstaketheriskofapproachingme.Fearimbuesusall.

(Righetti2003)

WhattheseexcerptssuggestisthatthedifficultyofestablishingcontactbetweenvisitorsandlocalsinNorthKoreaisduetotheanxietyandreluctanceonthepartofNorthKoreanpeople:They[theNorthKoreans]walkedofforavertedtheireyes[]Evenchildrenranawayfromhimornobodyspeakstome[]nooneestablishescontact.Thehinderedcontactisexplained by North Korea analysts mostly in political terms, according to which ordinaryNorthKoreancitizensareprohibited fromapproaching foreigners.However,puttingasidethe likelihood that theseNorthKoreanpeoplecouldat that timeofdayhavesimplybeen(nonpolitically)indifferenttowardsthem,thequestioncouldbeposedtheotherwayround:whyshouldNorthKoreansapproachstrangersholdingacamerawho,presumably,donotspeaktheirlanguagebutneverthelessattempttotalktoandphotographthem?


These citations arenotmeant to suggest that thephoto essayand illustratedbook (orother recordsofNorthKorea)arewrongoruntrue; theconcern isnot related to thecompletenessortruthfulnessoftheimages.11Ratheritisaquestionofwhattheydo,howtheyfunction,andtheimpactofthisoperation(Campbell2007b).Thatistosay,howinterpretations, identities, and responses are enacted through specificways of seeing. Since imagesshouldnotbeunderstoodasmediatingobjectiveinformationbutratherasevokingaffectiveresponsesonthepartoftheviewer,achangeinthecharacteristicsoftheimagefrominformativetonormativecanbeconcluded.Inotherwords,photographsdonotnecessarilyshowwhatisgoingon;rather,theytellushowweshouldfeelaboutwhatisgoingon(ibid.).

The photo essay published in Foreign Policy is interesting for another reason aswell.WhiletheintroductoryremarksmentionthatvanHoutryvetookphotographsofPyongyangand itspeople, the titleTheLandofNoSmiles indicatesasynecdochicrelationshipbetweenimages,textandtitle,inwhichthebeingofthewhole(land)isinferredbythevisualrepresentationofthepart(Pyongyang).Asthe introductionadds,They[the images]showstarkglimmersofeverydaylifeintheworldslastgulag.

Ingeneral, such synecdochic representations arenotuncommon inmedia accountsorphotoessayssincethelatterattempttocapturetheverycharacterofpeople,placesandcircumstanceswithinasinglemoment.AnarticleonNorthKoreasfoodsituationpublishedintheObserveronAugust18,1997alsoexemplifiesasynecdochiclinkbetweentextandimage(seeFigure3).

WithregardtophotographicrepresentationsofHIV/AIDSinAfrica,BleikerandKay(2007),forinstance,havenotedthatsomepicturesofhumansufferingshowexclusivelydecontextualisedmiseriesinwhichthedepictedareabstractedfromtheiroriginalcontext.12Thephotographsare taken fromaspecificperspective, leavingoutparticularculturalorsocietal featuresandshowingonlydesolate,passivevictimswhoaremarkedbytheiragony.

This kind of photographythe exposure of individualsmostly in the form of photographiccloseupsischaracterisedbyapersonalcode,whichcanhavedepoliticisingeffects(Shapiro1988).Suchphotographsmostlyevokepityinsteadofcompassiononthepartof theviewer,providingherwitha secure and safeposition away from the remote scenewhere thepictureswere taken. It is important tonote thatdepictionsofsufferingcanbecomeawayofaffirminglifeinthesafehereandnow,givingpeopleasenseofbelongingtoaparticulargroup that isdistinct fromothers (BleikerandKay2007:151).Thesufferingor

11 Photographersorphotojournalistsoftenhavenocontroloverhowtheir imagesarebeingusedorcirculated

sincethepicturesarerefinedbythepublisherseditorialdepartments.VanHoutryvespersonalwebsiteshowsthathiscaptionsfortheimagespublishedinForeignPolicytendtobedescriptiveratherthaninterpretative.

12 TheabstractionofimagesfromtheiroriginalcontextresemblesLaclausproblematisationof(distorted)representation.Thatistosay,imagesareexamplesofdistortedrepresentationssince,paraphrasingLaclau,animageinscribesaninterestinacomplexrealitydifferentfromthatinwhichtheinterestwasoriginallyformulated,andindoingso[]constructsandtransformsthatinterest(Laclau1993:290,italicsinoriginal).


deathoftheotherismetonymicwiththeaffirmationoftheselfasamemberofaparticulargroup (Biehl2007:139). Inotherwords, theviewers identity is substantiated through theviewingofsuchimages.13

Figure3:Anationshungerinachildsface(Observer1997)

Figure3showsachildlyingonafloorinaNorthKoreanhospitalandcarriestheheadingAnationshungerinachildsface.Thispictureepitomisesaparsprototorepresentationwiththemotionlessandlistlesschildembodyingthenationshunger,thatis,thesufferingandplightofthepeopleoftheDPRK.Theailingboyservesasthesynecdochicsignifierforavulnerablecountryandprovides thereaderwithan interpretative frame,whichallows forthereadingoftheimageonlyintermsofanationwidehumanitarianemergency.Similartothe example above, thepartial content (boy) assumes the legitimate representation of thewhole (nation), thereby revealing the hegemonic mode of the image. The photographtogetherwithitscaptionspurportstoofferasummaryofthenutritionalconditionsinthecountry,suggestingthatNorthKoreasrealityisproceedinginthesamewayastheboys.Thepart(boy)becomesconstitutiveofthewhole(thenationsreality)or,asChandlerhasnoted,[t]hatwhichisseenasformingpartofalargerwholetowhichitrefersisconnectedexistentiallytowhatissignifiedasanintegralpartofitsbeing(Chandler2007).

13 In JohnBergersWaysofSeeing,anexample isgivenofhowrepresentationsof theOtherserveas identity

constructionsoftheSelfbyreferringtothegenreofEuropeanoilpaintingsdepictingfemalenudes.Whilefemalenudepaintingswerenotonlyrepresentationsoffemininity(other),theywerealsoconstructionsofmasculinity(self),accordingtowhichmenactandwomenappear(Berger1972:47,italicsinoriginal;seealsoRose2001:12).


Inconclusion,therefore,synecdochicrepresentationscanbecrucialinmobilisingandfacilitatingreliefactionssincetheysuggestcausalchainsbetweenthewellbeingofachildandthewellbeingofawholecountry.Byreducingcomplexity,theycreatetheincentivetoacttodosomethingandsuggestthatactionsareeffective.Itisimportanttonotethelinkbetweentheenablingofeffectiveactionsandsynecdochichalrepresentations.AsCharlotteEpsteinnotes,synechdochism[]constitutesasetofbeliefsorpracticeinwhichapartofanobjectorpersonistakenasequivalenttothewhole,sothatanythingdonetothepartisheldtoimpactthewhole(Epstein2008:112).Onthebasisofthissignificantargument,thepaperestablishes the link between particular representations ofNorthKorea and related policypracticesinthenextsection.

4.2 NorthKoreaasaMenace

ThemainargumentofthisarticleholdsthatNorthKoreaisrepresentedinconflictingterms.Theinnercoherenceandpossiblecontradictionsoftheserepresentationsseemtoplaynoroleinthisambiguouspicture.Withinthefieldofinternationalpolitics,NorthKoreasthreatpotential is frequently associatedwith itsmissile and nuclearprogrammes and thepossibleproliferationofrelatedtechnologies.OneofthelatestexampleistheUSDepartmentofDefenses2010BallisticMissileDefenseReview,whichconsidersNorthKoreasnuclearambitionsand itsdevelopmentof longrangemissilesoneof themostsignificant threats to theU.S.homeland (USDoD2010:4).Even thoughNorthKoreahasnever successfully testedlongrangemissiles(nottomentionthatPyongyanghasalwaysemphasisedthatitwouldtestsatellites),thereportsimplyassumesthatsoonerorlaterNorthKoreawillhaveasuccessfultest[]and[]willbeabletomateanuclearwarheadtoaprovendeliverysystem(ibid.).

Aspartofthesethreatrepresentations,itisacommonpracticetoreinterpretimageryreleasedbytheNorthKoreangovernment.Forinstance,photographsofNorthKoreanmilitaryparades are usually taken and distributed by the countrys official Korea Central NewsAgency(KCNA).OutsideNorthKorea,theseimages,are,however,habituallyseenasexemplifyingthebelligerenceanddangerousnessoftheNortheastAsiancountry,asintheabovementionedUSDepartmentofDefense report (ibid.,seealsoTime2003).Anothergoodexampleof remaking senseofofficialNorthKorean imagery is thephotosofNorthKoreanleaderKimJongil,whicharereleasedbythegovernmentsinceautumn2008inanapparentattempt todispeldoubtsconcerningreportsofhisdeterioratinghealthcondition.Yet, theyaremostlyreadexactlytheotherwayaround.

Anotherpopularmotiveamong threatrepresentationsofNorthKoreaarephotographsofitsmilitary,which,forinstance,showaperfectlyorganisedgoosesteppingstructure.Oftenthisissimultaneouslyconstruedasasurprisegiventheweakeconomyandisolationofthepoliticalsystem.The textunder thephotoshown inFigure4,publishedbyLIFEmagazine,constructsamystifyingoxymoronbycontrastingthecountrysmalnourishedeconomy


and infrastructurewith a purportedly thriving army as the nations primary employer,consumer,andunifyingforce.ThephotographisagoodexampleoftheconcurrentintegrationofNorthKoreassupposedweakness(malnourishedeconomyandinfrastructure)andthreat(militarystate).

Fig.4:NorthKoreasMilitary(LIFE[undated])

Itisalsoastrikingexampleofthedisseminationandreinforcementofhegemonicviewsbyanuncritical,echoingpress.PhotospublishedoutsideNorthKoreaalsoshape themediascognitiveapprehensionofNorthKorea,authorisinginadvancewhatwillandwillnotbeincludedinitspublicrepresentation.Inthisprocess,mediaandpoliticsformacoherentrepresentativecomplex.Ininternationalpolitics,totaketheexampleoftheguidelinesontheEUsforeignandsecuritypolicyinEastAsia,NorthKoreasnuclearprogrammeandtheproliferationofrelatedtechnologiesareamajorthreatfacingtheregion.ThisdangerwouldalsoaffecttheEUsincethreatstoregionalsecurity[]haveadirectbearingontheinterestsoftheEU(CEU2007:2).

It is through the combination of picture and text that discourse exercises its genuinepower.AsJudithButlercontends,Interestingly,althoughnarrativesmightmobilizeus,photographsareneededasevidence[](Butler2009:69).Theconstructionofthreat,incredibility,andacertainmythof theNorthKoreanpeopleasahomogeneous, robotlikemassgohandinhand.Pictures,suchasthatshowninFigure5,undoubtedlystructureourcognitiveapprehensionofNorthKoreaasaninternationalactor.Themechanismofpoliticalrepresentationandanechoingmedia illustrate theconstructivepowerofpolitics toratifyreality,thatis,toregulateourperspectiveonsomethingwehaveneverdirectlyseen.


Fig.5:AHomogeneousMass(BostonGlobe2008)

WhileNorthKoreaisrepresentedasathreat,itisalsoconstruedasstandingoutsideof,ordefying, internationalobligationsandnorms.In thiscontext,observersfrequentlycitemissileandnucleartestsaswellaswithdrawals,nonratifications,andnoncompliancewithinternationaltreaties,suchastheNonproliferationTreaty(NPT)andtheComprehensiveTestBanTreaty(CTBT),andwiththeUNSecurityCouncilsresolutions(CEU2009).TheimageofNorthKoreaasanoutcastisfrequentlymirroredintheinternationalpressandthepictorialrepresentationsofNorthKorea.

UndertheheadingNorthKoreasBigStick(Figure6),theexplanationthatcomeswiththepicturemaintains thatNorthKorea isbelieved topossessa largenumberofchemicalweapons,andtohavebeenpursuingnuclearweaponssince1956.Ithasalsobeendevelopingitsmissiletechnology,anditscurrentlineofrocketsmightbeabletoreachHawaii.AlthoughSouthKoreanmissilesareshownaswell,thecaptionfailstoprovidethesameinformationonSouthKoreasmissiletechnologyandnuclearambitions.Forinstance,according to theSouthKoreangovernment, it is currently attempting todevelop itsown rockettechnologytolaunchasatellitefromitsownsoil.WhileNorthKoreaclaimstobepursuingthesamegoals,theproblematicapplicabilityofrockets,whichentailsocalleddualusetechnology(bringingsatellitesintoorbitwiththesametechnologyusedforlongrangemissiles),isalmostalwaysstressedwithregardtoNorthKoreasrocketprogramme.Furthermore,concernsregardingnuclearproliferation,covertnucleardevelopment,andthenondisclosureofnuclearactivitiesarenotunknowntoSouthKoreanpolitics.In2008,theSouthKoreanMinistry of ForeignAffairs andTrade (MOFAT) released classifieddocuments showing formerpresidentParkChungheesambitiontodevelopnuclearweapons(Yoon2008).In2004,theSouthKoreangovernmenthadtoadmitthatscientistsofthestaterunKoreaAtomicEnergyResearchInstitute(KAERI)hadconductedsecretnuclearexperimentsandactivitiesfromthe1980suntil 2000.These experiments involved the conversion and enrichment ofuranium,and the separationofplutonium (Kangetal.2005:4049).Although theexperimentswere


notofficiallyauthorisedbythegovernmentandtheamountofnuclearmaterialinvolvedwasmarginal,thedirectorgeneraloftheInternationalAtomicEnergyAgency(IAEA),whoinvestigatedandreportedon theactivities,found theirnatureand thefailureof theadministrationtoreportthemamatterofseriousconcern(IAEA2004:paragraph41).TheadmissionshowedthatpastSouthKoreangovernmentshadnotonlyfailedtoabidebythesafeguardssystemoftheIAEAandtheNPT,buthadalsointentionallymisledtheIAEAandviolatedinternational agreements. ForKang et al. these revelations entail amajor reevaluation ofwhatgovernmentsandanalystsaround theworld thought theyknewaboutSouthKoreasnuclearhistory(ibid.:paragraph42).

Fig.6:TheNorthKoreanMissileThreat(LIFE[undated])

Thefooteroftheimageprovidesalinktoanotherphotoessaywhichallowsviewerstoseetheaftereffectsofanatomicbomb.The juxtapositionoftheconsequencesofanuclearattackwithNorthKoreasaforementionednuclearambitionsandmissilecapabilitiesisadirectarticulationofitsdangerousness.WhatisleftoutisthattheUnitedStatesistheonlycountrytohaveusednuclearweapons.

Therefore,whileSusanSontagmaintainsthatanarrativeseemsmorelikelytobeeffectivethananimage(Sontag2003:122),itisarguedherethatthetwogohandinhand.FollowingJudithButlerinthisregard,itisattemptedtoshowthatpoliticalnarrativesmightmobiliseanechoingpressandaninternationalaudience,butphotographsservetoconstructthetruthonmore solid ground.Thepolitical inscription of identities and ofparticular subjectivities forNorthKoreaasaparticularOtherofaWesternidentity,aremutuallyconstitutive.Itisinthiswaythatpoliticalrepresentationandvisualprocessingcontinuouslyfueleachother.


Tobesure,representationsofNorthKoreaasathreat(andalsoasawimp)donotneedtobebasedonhardfactsinordertobeaccepted.Publiclystatedanticipationsorestimations of an imminent event are sometimes sufficient for a particular reality to emerge(Campbell1998:3).AgoodexampleistheimminentlaunchofaNorthKoreanprojectilein1999.AsSuh(2004:155)notes,USintelligenceagenciesallegedlyhadevidenceofmeasuresbeingtakenbyNorthKoreatotestfireamissile.Althoughthelaunchhadnotyetbeenexecuted,itwastreatedasafact,whichenabledcertainactionssuchaspubliccriticism,theissuanceofstatements,anddiplomaticactivity.Inotherwords,thepracticesofproblematisingNorthKoreatookplacebeforeanactionwaseventakenbythecountry.

ThemorerecentexampleofaNorthKoreanrocketlaunchinApril2009showsthatthenatureoftheparticularactivitydoesnotmatterintermsofthethreatrepresentationitfuelsinthiscasewhethertheprojectilewasamissileorasatellite.This launchsparkedadebateaboutwhetherthisobjectwasreallyamissileorindeedasatellite.AlthoughtheSouthKoreandefenceministerandtheUSnationalintelligencedirectorindicatedthatNorthKoreawasmorelikelytohavelaunchedasatellite(KoreaHerald2009a;Yonhap2009),thisdidnotappeartohaveabearingoninternationalconstructions.Thelaunchdidnotmatterintermsofhegemonicthreatrepresentations,becauseeventhestartofaNorthKoreansatelliteprogramwasrepresentedasamenacetoregionalpeaceandstability.Anexample isprovidedbythestatementofUNSecretaryGeneralBanKimoon,formerSouthKoreanforeignminister,whoportrayedthelaunchasbeinginoppositiontopeacefulpurposes,regardlessofitsnature:ImconcernedabouttheDPRKsrecentmovetolaunchasatelliteorlongrangemissile.Thiswillthreatenpeaceandstabilityintheregion(KoreaHerald2009b).

Thestandardverbalconstructionofthiseventalsoservesasanexampleofhegemonicrepresentation.Inaccordancewiththetheoreticalargumentofthispaper,onemightcontendthata successfulhegemonicproject requires thataparticular identity is temporarily constructedthroughnaming. Interestingly, thenameTaepodong (large cannon) isused for instancepredominantlybyUS,SouthKorean,andJapanesepolicymakers,analystsandmediatorefertoaNorthKorean rocket type,althoughPyongyangnamed itKwangmyongsong (brightstar).Thepredominantuseof the former term indicatesexclusionarypractices, linkingourargumentwiththemaintheoreticalclaimputforwardinthefirstpartofthepaper:Thecontingencyofahegemonicdiscourse relieson theconstructionofa threatening,excludedoutside.Thesimplicityofthisconjectureisexemplifiedbythestatementthattobesomethingisalwaysnottobesomethingelse.Asthepaperhasattemptedtomakeclearinthecourseoftheargumentation,theprocessofexclusionisfundamentaltoanykindofidentityconstruction.

5 Conclusion

Thisarticlearguedfortheimportanceinaccountingforthesignificanceofvisualrepresentations inapproachingandapprehendingmatters related toNorthKorea.Due to theoften


claimedlackofknowledgeaboutthecountry,NorthKoreaappearstobebeyondtherealmofcomprehensionmaking images an importantmeans for its understanding. The paper attemptedtoillustratehowNorthKoreaissimultaneouslyandsometimescontradictorilyrepresentedasaweakand fragilecountry,andasadanger to,andoutcastof, the internationalcommunity.Theoretically,itwasdemonstratedthatthelimitofanysocialsystemandanycollective identity isoneofexclusion: the inside isconstitutedbyanantagonisticrelationshiptotheoutside.Theeventualityofahegemonicdiscoursethusdependsontheconstructionofathreatening,excludedoutside.InthecaseofNorthKorea,avarietyofimagesandrepresentationsgenerateaparticularkindofsubjectivityfortheNortheastAsianoutcast.ThepaperdiscussedanumberofWesternrepresentationsandshowedthatsynecdochicdepictionsarepervasiveinmediaaccountsandphotoessayswhichaimtocapturetheessentialcharacterofpeople,placesandcircumstances.Theattempttorecordtheverybeingofpeopleandplaces isadefiningmomentof identitiesandmeanings,since images telluswhotheyare,whattheydo,andwhatitlookslikeoverthere.

Important to note are the consequences of such representations, that is,what kind ofpoliciesorresponsesappearsuitable.Imagesofmassmobilisationlikeparades,exercises,orsportsevents inNorthKoreaareoften readaserasing the individualityof thepeopledepictedon thephotographs, turning them intoa faceless,willlessandhomogenoushorde.Individuality,however, isconstitutiveofhumanness.Ifwerefuse toacknowledgethe individualityofNorthKoreanswedonotgrant them theequalstatusofhumanness,which inturnaffectsthewaysweconceiveorreacttospecificdevelopmentsinNorthKorea.14Dehumanisationservespoliticalpurposesandrevealsspecificeffects,suchastheformulationandimplementationofpolicypracticesthatwouldotherwiseraisequalms.

Thecrucialproblemremainsthatidentityisstatusquooriented,inthesensethatassertingonesown identitymeansasserting the identityofaparticularOtherat thesame time.Obviously, identity is indangerof takinga stableantagonistic frontierwithin the internationalsocietyofstatesforgranted.Insuchasituation,thereisnoroomforchange,butcountries likeNorthKoreaarecontinuouslyrepresented inasimilarway.Wecanstart to thinkaboutalternativerealitiesonlyifweacknowledgetheheterogeneityofanycollectiveidentity and the inherent riskofhegemonic representations. Inpointing to contradictions andperhapsmisunderstandingsinthewayNorthKoreaisseenintheworld,thispapercanalsobeseenasanefforttothinkanewaboutenemies,outsidersandcountriesthatareprobablytooeasilyconstructedaswimpandmenaceatthesametime.

14 Forinstance,insteadofviewingtheperformanceoftheNorthKoreanArirangmassgamesasthestrangest

showonearthas theGuardiandid, this festivalcouldalsobemademeaningful inanaestheticorartdiscourse,whichwouldenablethechoreographytoberecognizedasaskilfulandhighlyelaborateartisticperformance(Guardian2005;Butler2004,2009).


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GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Leibniz-Institut fr Globale und Regionale StudienNeuer Jungfernstieg 21 20354 Hamburg Germany

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All GIGA Working Papers are available free of charge at www.giga-hamburg.de/workingpapers. For any requests please contact: [email protected] Papers Editor: Bert Hoffmann

Recent Issues

No 163 Erich Gundlach and Matthias Opfinger: Religiosity as a Determinant of Happiness, April 2011

No 162 Georg Strver and Tim Wegenast: Ex oleo bellare? The Impact of Oil on the Outbreak of Militarized Interstate, April 2011

No 161 Gero Erdmann: Transition from Democracy Loss of Quality, Hybridisation and Breakdown of Democracy, March 2011

No 160 Daniel Flemes and Alcides Costa Vaz: Security Policies of India, Brazil and South Africa Regional Security Contexts as Constraints for a Common Agenda, February 2011

No 159 Matthias Basedau, Georg Strver, and Johannes Vllers: Cutting Bread or Cutting Throats? Findings from a New Database on Religion, Violence and Peace in Sub-Saharan Africa, 1990 to 2008, February 2011

No 158 Annegret Mhler, Miriam Shabafrouz, and Georg Strver: Conflict Prevention through Natural Resource Management? A Comparative Study, January 2011

No 157 Matthias Basedau and Thomas Richter: Why Do Some Oil Exporters Experience Civil War But Others Do Not? A Qualitative Comparative Analysis of Net Oil-Exporting Countries, January 2011

No 156 Bert Hoffmann: Civil Society 2.0? How the Internet Changes StateSociety Relations in Authoritarian Regimes: The Case of Cuba, January 2011

No 155 Juliane Brach: Technological Readiness in the Middle East and North Africa Implications for Egypt, December 2010

No 154 Sandra Destradi: India and the Civil War in Sri Lanka: On the Failures of Regional Conflict Management in South Asia, December 2010

No 153 Karsten Bechle: Neopatrimonialism in Latin America: Prospects and Promises of a Neg-lected Concept, November 2010

No 152 Durgesh K. Rai: Asian Economic Integration and Cooperation: Challenges and Ways For-ward for Pan-Asian Regionalism, November 2010

No 151 Philip Kitzberger: The Media Activism of Latin Americas Leftist Governments: Does Ideo-logy Matter?, November 2010

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