Working with volunteers. Building cohesive and safer communities through volunteering

Working with VolunteersBuilding cohesive and safer communities through the role of volunteering

© Designed and produced by Time Business Communications, Dec 2011 T: 07850 287237 E: [email protected]

Andrew Bayes M.A. M.S.c., T: 07712 191078 Email: [email protected]

Crime Programme of the European Union

Section One

Foreword from the MPS ........................................................................................ 5

Foreword from Efus ............................................................................................... 6

Executive Summary ............................................................................................... 7

Introduction ............................................................................................................ 8

Methodology ........................................................................................................... 9

Principles ............................................................................................................... 13

Conclusion ............................................................................................................ 17

Recommendations and Acknowledgements ..................................................... 22

Section TwoItaly ......................................................................................................................... 23

Section ThreeEuropean Studies presented by Efus .................................................................. 37

Section FourTable of Analysis – UK ........................................................................................ 61

Appendix IItaly ......................................................................................................................... 73

Appendix IILithuania ................................................................................................................ 89

Contents

Painted by Rembrandt in 1642 called “de Nachtwacht” (the Nightwatch) represents citizens patrolling to keep peace at night on the streets of the Dutch capital.

“With support from the Prevention of and Fight against Crime Programme of the European Union European Commission – Directorate-General Home Affairs. This publication reflects the views only of the author, and the European Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein”.

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Section One Introduction

Section One Foreword

The report highlights in a number of places that fundamental principle of the British policing model which puts the responsibility of policing in the hands of citizens with a professional body of citizens paid to undertake the task for and on behalf of all citizens. This is the essence of policing by consent and is of paramount importance in the UK, as elsewhere.The task of policing is both simple and complicated. It is simple in that the primary objective is the maintenance of order and the prevention of crimes if possible or the detection of offenders where prevention has failed. The complication comes in the infinite variety of challenges to the maintenance of public order and the evolving nature of criminality. In order for the police to function effectively, it is necessary that they retain the confidence of the communities they serve and that these communities have a clear understanding of the demands of policing. There would seem no better way of achieving than understanding that to spend time working alongside the police. This project has rightly identified the cultural and legal differences that exist between European countries while also acknowledging our shared objectives and a common culture, not withstanding those profound differences. It is clear that citizens in many different contexts are motivated to increase the level of security and perceptions of safety in their neighbourhoods.

From our perspective, the real reason for doing these things should be the selfless desire to build cohesive and safe communities for all citizens, as opposed to simply finding ways in the midst of financially challenging times to deliver public services at a lower cost. The Metropolitan Police has a long tradition of supporting volunteering, as witness the Metropolitan Special Constabulary which continues that ancient links of the office of constable with the ordinary citizen. That said,

…it is apparent from the report that there is much to learn from the imaginative and creative initiatives being developed across Europe. It is my hope that others will build on this work and that it will also provide a stimulus for new forms of volunteering as we all seek to build cohesive, safe and secure communities for this and future generations.

Foreword from the MPSThe Metropolitan Police Service is pleased to be leading this ground breaking research project focusing on the role of volunteers in policing and public security.

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Section One Foreword and Executive Summary

At first a surprising topic when the CECOPS project started, the question of the implication of voluntary citizens in policing activities has become a major European issue. Indeed, if the implication of citizens in policing can be seen as very natural in the UK as the police historically comes from and forms part of the community, in other countries especially France, it is less natural as the police is an emanation of the state and strives to get in contact with the population. Implication of citizens in questions of urban security is rooted in history. In the Rijksmuseum of Amsterdam hangs the famous “de Nachtwacht” painting by Rembrandt. This painting represents the rich citizens patrolling to keep the peace at night on the streets of the Dutch capital. The scene painted in 1642, can be seen both as the representation of the birth of the police, but also as the representation of the peace keeping function that the citizens have prior to the existence of the police. This second vision is highlighted by the fact that in many countries, this citizen participation still exists. The objective of many prevention and security policies today is to go back to this citizen participation. The state no longer has the monopoly on issues of security that it has had to share with the private market and civil society, and this makes way for a conception of security which is no longer only state based, but increasingly citizen focused and human based. On the other hand, today with the economic crisis turned into a budgetary crisis, governments are looking for ways to fill in the

gaps left by reduction in numbers of police officers. The question of the massive development of direct citizen participation in policing activities arises in this context, and one cannot help thinking there is a link between those two elements. The last ten years have been budget-wise very successful for European police institutions. The rise of dangers such as terrorism, serious crime, and even more so the rise of securitarian discourses demanding greater police presence in the streets have favoured the allocation of ever growing budgets. However, global recession has led to a reduction in all public spending and especially those concerning the police. In a period of recession, methods and organisations must change to adapt to this decrease in numbers. Security policies have been sought to be made for the population, today they are made by the citizens themselves. The question is: security is everyone’s business, but can the policing function be shared with non-professionals? If so, what are the principles to safeguard citizen-based policing initiatives from getting out of hand and turning into vigilantism? And especially, what role do local authorities have to play in this safeguarding process? Recognizing there is a general movement in Europe, we welcome the timely opportunity given by this study to gather some important elements to answer these questions.

Michel Marcus Efus Executive Director

Foreword from Efus

In a period of recession, methods and organisations must change to adapt to this decrease in numbers.

This project explores a number of schemes in which volunteers are deployed in support of the police or in delivering functions that might otherwise fall to the police. The schemes considered are drawn from a number of European countries including Italy, France, Lithuania, UK and Germany. This report presents a set of principles emerging from the analysis of the case studies and makes suggestions regarding possible areas for future research. There are many examples of imaginative practices. Schemes range from uniformed reservist forces to those developed by citizens to address issues in local neighbourhoods.

The project looked at three areas of activity: Enforcement, Social Action and Reassurance. In the analysis of each initiative the following areas were considered: Ethical issues, Sustainability and transferability.

Executive Summary

Above: Angeli-alle-fermate

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Section One Introduction and Methodology

Outline of the projectThe CECOPS project brings together partners from the UK, Italy, France and Lithuania. These partners included criminologists, public administrators, police and social researchers, including the European Forum for Urban Security which brings together a large number of cities across Europe sharing research and emerging practice in all areas of urban security. The project has been supported by European Commission Action Grant funding and has been managed through the Lead partner, the Metropolitan Police Service, London. The project explores Community Engagement in Civic Order, Policing and Security (CECOPS) and, as such, it focuses on the growing practice of volunteers taking on tasks and responsibilities which have previously resided with public authorities and the police.

Aims The project aims to establish a set of principles for the effective and ethical deployment of volunteers in functions connected with policing and security. In establishing these principles, the project presents a series of case studies emphasising the range of activities undertaken by volunteers and the differing ways in which they work with statutory agencies. This project will be of interest to policing professionals, third sector voluntary bodies and public administrators.

ScopeIt is clear that significant cultural, political and social differences exist within the locations from which case studies are drawn. The project sought to take account of these differences, acknowledging that these may constitute significant barriers to the transference of initiatives from one location to another.The case studies presented through this project each had common features as well as specific characteristics reflecting local conditions and requirements. Each initiative has been assessed in three areas of activity: Social Action, Reassurance and Enforcement. These three areas of activity are characteristic of policing, although it is understood that in some locations and cultures the police eschew an over social action role, placing their emphasis on enforcement and control.The project does not provide a definitive directory of relevant activity. However, it offers a valuable overview of the range of initiatives in this field; a range which is expanding all the time.

IntroductionThe project application was submitted in May 2008 and was finally approved in 2009. The initial project meeting took place in London (January 2010). The original impetus for the project was partnership initiatives which were presented as part of a previous research project. These initiatives included the Bologna Civic Assistants scheme. When considered alongside other forms of volunteering, it was apparent that a discernable trend was emerging whereby volunteers were undertaking functions which would come under the heading of policing. These functions involved patrolling as a visible presence1 in a defined area either with or without powers of enforcement and with the explicit support of the relevant police service or local authorities. The existence of such forms of volunteering is perhaps less surprising in the UK where the system of policing is based on the notion of citizens’ fundamental responsibility for tackling crime; a responsibility exercised on their collective behalf by a body of professional police but without loss of that fundamental link. This principle has long standing historical roots which include the notion of raising a ‘hue and cry’2 and the ancient office of Constable, dating back to the 13th Century. Indeed, as was made clear during the course of the project, the UK is in the rather

unusual position of having paid professional ‘warranted’ police officers with paid, ‘unwarranted’ uniformed support officers while, at the same time, having unpaid fully warranted police officers called special constables. In this context the term warranted relates to the powers of enforcement exercised by the appointed officer. Again, the term has historical roots with the ‘warrant’ being the document signed by the magistrate before whom the officer swore the oath of office. This document is required to be produced on demand to validate the actions of the officer, notwithstanding the fact that the officer may be in full uniform. This relatively extensive presentation of the situation in the UK is provided as a point of reference for other initiatives; a way of assessing the degree of relevance of a proposed initiative for the purpose of the project. For instance, as can be seen from the case studies below, the Lithuanian ‘Police Supporters’ have a number of similarities with the UK Special Constabulary: volunteers work directly with professional police with clearly

1Visible presence implies some form of overt identification of volunteers which usually includes items of uniform / identity badges and even personal radio communication equipment. 2Raising the hue and cry was the means by which citizens were roused to face a criminal threat. It meant that a citizen encountering a burglar could call on his neighbours’ assistance to tackle the villain.

Methodology

Project PartnersMetropolitan Police Service, London, UK – Mr Andrew Bayes

RiSSC, Padova, Italy – Dr Lorenzo Segato

Comune di Bologna Municipality, Italy – Ms Manuela Marsano; Ms Rita Bizzochi; Mr Gianluigi Chiera

European Forum for Urban Security, Paris, France – Mr Mark Burton Page

Law Institute, Vilnius, Lithuania – Mr. Simonas Nikartas; Dr. Ausra Pociene; Mr Evaldas Visockas

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Section One Methodology

defined responsibilities and a level of authority for their actions. Of course, it is perhaps in the differences that the greatest interest resides, from the point of view of the research. It was agreed by project partners that each would identify, research and present a number of initiatives chosen according to agreed criteria which may be apparent from the preceding paragraphs. The criteria can be summarised as follows: • The initiative involves volunteers• These volunteers undertake functions which might otherwise

fall to the Police or other statutory agencies• The functions include reassurance, social action and/or

elements of enforcement. These terms are defined in greater detail below.

Furthermore, it was felt that such initiatives may operate at different levels within a given society. Some excellent examples operate at a very local level within a defined neighbourhood while others operate at a municipal level, perhaps with political or statutory support. The desire to examine a range of initiatives for the purpose of identifying common themes, principles and the requirements for transfer from one setting to another meant that opportunities for first hand encounters with practitioners would be a key methodological approach. As a result, the project was based on a series of study visits to different locations to meet the volunteers

in the location of their activity. In some cases this meant patrolling with the volunteers and engaging with members of the public which offered some impromptu qualitative data on the perception of citizens with regard to the focus initiative. In each case, this was a highly valuable aspect of the research.Alongside the firsthand study visits, the project team received a number of presentations from senior police officers, public administration professionals and academics. These presentations were structured to provide background on the cultural and political context for each initiative. Through these presentations, it was possible to form a clear picture of the constraints that affect the transferability of an initiative from one setting to another. In addition, project partners have been encouraged to add case study profiles from their own research, to share with partners and to build a body of examples to inform the project. This project does not seek to present an exhaustive list of relevant initiatives, even within the partner countries. Indeed, it is the nature of this activity that any such list is likely to be obsolete the day after publication as new initiatives are emerging all the time. Given the extremely broad range of potential initiatives, there was a need to narrow the field. This was achieved by focusing on the three areas of activity noted above (reassurance, social action and enforcement); in fact the desire was to find at least two of these principle activities in each focus initiative.

Methodology continued

Definition of key termsThe first three terms relate to the qualifying activities for initiatives falling within the scope of this project. The second set of three relates to the basis upon which each initiative was assessed by the project team.

ReassuranceIn the UK context, this relates to the visible presence, in the public realm, of agents of authority (formal or informal), or others available to render assistance, and whose presence increases the level of perceived security among other citizens. Such reassuring presence can take many forms – a central contention of the present study – and there is a certain read-across to the notion of ‘capable guardian’ as defined within the crime prevention field.

Social ActionThis term denotes assistance rendered to the citizen which is not strictly a policing function but takes the form of aid in a situation of particular need. For instance, much of what the street pastors (See UK case studies, below) do falls within this category.

Enforcement Perhaps the most directly linked to the function of policing, enforcement covers the application of criminal laws either through formal prosecution with various powers to deprive citizens of their liberty, to facilitate investigations, or the issuing of fixed penalty notices for minor infringements. This category would also include elements of crowd and traffic control which is the activity most likely to be encountered by volunteers. There are some significant cultural and legislative differences between countries represented in this project and perhaps the most marked difference is that between the continental European countries and the UK. More is said on this elsewhere in the report.

Given the extremely broad range of potential initiatives, there was a need to narrow the field. This was achieved by focusing on the three areas of activity (reassurance, social action and enforcement); the desire was to find at least two of these principle activities in each focus initiative.

Exeter Street Pastors at work in the Community.

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Section One Methodology and Principles

Terms used in the analysis of initiativesEthical implicationsThe issues encompassed by this phrase as used in the present study include: the sharing of personal data, authority levels and the ability to use force or to detain fellow citizens. Several of the initiatives revealed some interesting anomalies in relation to the possession of weapons. Furthermore, within this category are included various aspects of respect for diversity and equal opportunities. These would include the extent to which volunteers will serve their society without distinction and whether the terms of the initiative make proper provision for all elements within a given society.Another aspect of the ethical implications may relate to the possibility of replacing statutory agencies with volunteers for the purpose of cost cutting. There are also implications for employment when volunteers take the place of otherwise paid professionals.

SustainabilityA number of the schemes examined make significant demands on the volunteers with differing levels of commitment and qualification for entry. All these taken together impact on the sustainability of the given project. A further sustainability factor is the financial aspect of a given scheme. Several of those examined reported significant financial constraints resulting from the widespread economic difficulties, while other schemes being considerably less financially dependent have been unaffected.

TransferabilityThis term relates to the relative ease with which a scheme or initiative can be transferred from one setting to another, taking account of the cultural and legislative differences between countries. It should be noted that this issue is not simply a matter of intra-national transferability. There are clear examples of schemes that are so local in character that they cannot easily be replicated within the same cultural context.

Local Authority validation and registration• In a number of cases the activity being undertaken would be

permissible without formal approval from statutory bodies. For instance, the UK Street Pastors or the Italian ‘Angels at Bus stops have no enforcement role and are present in the public space solely to offer assistance and to reassure. Nevertheless, the benefits for both the volunteers and the authorities of having formal validation make this a key principle. This validation allows the volunteers to have credibility, to benefit from any possible public funding and guidance and assistance in carrying out their voluntary function.

• Validation allows a proper separation between the reasons for which the volunteers come together as a definable group and the service they deliver on behalf of society. This is well demonstrated by the excellent Assistenti Civici scheme in Bologna. The associations exist first for their own purpose but are authorised and validated for the purpose of the service offered. This validation is through the City Authority rather than through the police. This can be important in terms of maintaining independence from the police for those who might face confrontational situations made more personally difficult if they are perceived as closely aligned to the police.

• Some form of registration for such schemes is strongly recommended. In many case the activities have the potential to impact on citizens perhaps when they are at their most vulnerable. Registration provides a mechanism for control and for complaint resolution.

Meaningful partnership with professional law enforcement agencies or statutory bodies• This principle is something of an extension of the previous

point. Validation and registration does not require partnership per se. However, the full benefits of such volunteer schemes are unlikely to be realised without a more formal partnership agreement. On the one hand a partnership agreement sets the parameters for the scheme, establishing limits of competence or responsibility. On the other hand volunteer schemes benefit from information and guidance available through statutory bodies. This does not necessarily imply the sharing of personal or sensitive data but rather of offering a broad overview of concerns of complications associated with specific communities or neighbourhoods. By way of example, the UK Street Pastors receive a briefing from the police before undertaking patrols. However, they are not directed to patrol specific areas nor are they tasked by the police. Circumstances

As a result of the research, a number of principles have been identified. The application of these principles is necessary for the proper utilisation of volunteers in the field of civic order, policing and security.

PrinciplesMethodology continued

Angels at Bus stops

14

Section One Principles

exist – according to local protocol – whereby these volunteers may be given detail of vulnerable individuals, such as missing persons.

Written and published protocols with statutory agencies• Again, this principle is an extension of its predecessor.

Transparency in this field of endeavour is important if voluntary bodies are to be trusted and if volunteers are to be offered reasonable protection in the role they take on. The preparation and publication of a formal protocol is seen as being an essential element of establishing this trust. The process of developing such a protocol is likely of its nature to aid the task of building partnerships between those involved. In addition, each voluntary scheme is likely to be different, with its own aims and objectives. This point is very well demonstrated in the case of Bologna where there are many different associations which have gained Assistenti Civici status for different reasons.

Selection criteria appropriate to the scheme• The underlying principle for all the initiatives under

consideration is that of the engaged citizen. It is important therefore that there be minimal criteria limiting the potential volunteer pool (see also Sustainability). However, there is no single set of criteria which can be applied. Those schemes of a ‘reservist’ character are likely to require selection criteria on a par with those for regular members. Other schemes

may require only to exclude individuals with certain types of criminal record. There should be no blanket ban on involving former offenders, only where the offending history would constitute an identifiable risk. It was suggested, during the study visit to London, that one of the most effect Street Pastors is a grandmother in her seventies; her presence has a claming effect on the basis that no one wants to misbehave in front of their grandmother!

Appropriate training• Perhaps a most self-evident principle, the need for training

reflects the fact that the deployment of volunteers in areas normally reserved to statutory bodies demands a level of competence and awareness. The first task is to establish the limitations of the volunteers in terms of requirement to intervene or authority to direct citizens in any way. Within the project a broad range of activities and initiatives was examined demanding an equally broad range of training. For instance the role of Special Constable in the UK, which in terms of the activity of the volunteer police officers is indistinguishable from the full time equivalent, demands a high level of training. In another example, the Speed Watch initiative in the UK requires that volunteers be trained to use the speed assessment equipment but there is no planned engagement with the public and there is often a police presence during the voluntary Speed Watch activity.

Clear supervision• The fact that volunteers are undertaking functions in which,

in some case, they may be exposed to physical risk and may be subject to complaints, requires that there be a formal process of supervision. With the exception of those schemes that are directly linked to enforcement agencies (Special constabulary, Gendarmerie reservists and the like) the line of supervision should not be provided by statutory agencies. This is necessary to avoid confusion over roles and responsibilities. The management and supervision of volunteers differs from supervision within an organisation and itself requires a level of training. A notable example here is provided by the Met Police Volunteer Programme. This scheme enables individuals with a range of skills to volunteer in assisting the police with various tasks. These do not include patrolling but can involve dealing with members of the public calling at police stations.

Detailed remit that makes clear the limitations on responsibilities and expectations of volunteers.• In each case the volunteer scheme should have a clearly

defined remit. This should be captured through the development of a protocol. An example of this point is provided by the Neighbourhood Watch movement in the UK. This initiative has a relatively long history and has developed significantly in recent years, in that schemes now exist on very different lines from the more traditional approach when

schemes were linked directly to a small location such as a single street. This change of emphasis allows greater flexibility but requires that each scheme identifies its own rationale and purpose.

Respect for equality at point of service delivery – functions carried out for the benefit of all ‘without fear or favour’. NB. Not to be confused with open membership• It is necessary to ensure that schemes do not introduce

discrimination into the delivery of public services and policing. For the most part, schemes should undertake to deliver a service to the wider community without prejudice. However, this does not require that membership of a particular association must be open to all. Here it possible to cite an example of an exception as well as one that proves the rule. For the former, the Community Safety Trust is a Jewish organisation which exists specifically to safeguard Jewish interests for obvious historical reasons. Members of the CST patrol Jewish properties and offer a level of reassurance and protection to the Jewish community. Although they operate within these restricted parameters, they maintain good working relationships with the police and other statutory bodies as they provide a necessary service to a potentially vulnerable section of the community. It further follows that members of the CST is open only to Jewish people. For the purpose of an example to support the principle we can take

Principles continued

It is necessary to ensure that schemes do not introduce discrimination into the delivery of public services and policing.

16

of the Christian community (across many denominations).

or creed.

Equipment appropriate to the task undertaken• All volunteers should be supplied with the equipment

necessary for the function they are to undertake. With the exception of those forms of volunteering which are closely aligned to statutory agencies (Special Constables (UK), Rangers (Italy), Gendarmerie Reserve (France)), this equipment would not include weapons or tools of enforcement.

• involve direct contact with members of the public, even in some quite directive situations, means that there is always a potential for disagreement and resentment. Every scheme

should be built into the protocols with local authorities and should be published.

Vetting•

an individual citizen. For the most part, the checks required for volunteers would be at the lowest level. However, it is necessary that checks appropriate to the roles being performed are carried out. Many of the schemes considered created situations in which volunteers work with those who are vulnerable through age or circumstance. When entering into a formal agreement with groups of volunteers, validating bodies such as local authorities have a duty of care towards those with whom the volunteers are likely to engage.

proposed and presented case studies from their own experience or from their own countries. Each case study was examined by the team according to an agreed framework which is set out in the body of this report.

evaluation of all the projects but rather to follow an apparently emerging trend with a view to identifying common factors and

the principles set out above. In promoting the application of these principles, it is important to emphasise the variety of ways in which each principle can be given expression. Indeed, this is evidenced in the case studies

legal and cultural contexts within which these activities take place.

or the country of the project partner making the presentation.

partners. Efus being a Europe-wide forum of cities, it is therefore

countries without making personal visits; hence the presentation of examples from Germany, Belgium and Portugal.

studies. One which follows the broad methodology of the project sees three categories of initiative as follows:Highly structured – Includes all those forms of voluntary activity which take the form of reservist activity closely aligned to statutory agencies (police, Gendarmerie and even the military).

of conduct and recruitment criteria which are broadly in line with the regulars for whom they form a reserve. Here the motivations for volunteering can extend beyond the desire to make a contribution to a community, to include the desire to work towards membership of the statutory body as a regular, or building personal portfolios of experience to improve employment opportunities in the future. In the case of the

felt by an existing employer who not only makes a contribution

Conclusion

Section One Principles and Conclusion

Principles continued

community (across many denominations). However,

or creed.

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Section One Conclusion

Semi structured – This category includes those initiatives which are not aligned to statutory bodies but which operate within clearly defined parameters and according to an established organisational model. Here, the motivation for membership can include the motivation which brings individuals together to form associations or other groupings. In this case the examples would include the Bologna Civic Assistants, Street Pastors and Angels at Bus Stops. It is a particular strength of these initiatives that the volunteers have the basis for association which is not tied to the specific voluntary activity, which always remains ancillary to the primary rationale for membership. This characteristic is clearly demonstrated in the Bologna scheme which is based on the validation of pre-existing associations for specific tasks. It is a particular conclusion of this report that the Bologna model should be subject to more detailed analysis with a view to promoting the model more widely. Unstructured – This final and obvious category in the series is generally made up of those initiatives which have grown directly from communities and which develop organically to meet a particular need. They are often the product of strong individual initiative and leadership and, as a result, can be among the most original and imaginative but with less positive characteristic for sustainability of being dependent on the personal vision and motivation of individuals or small groups. These initiatives do not often survive the transfer of key personnel. Despite this difficulty, they are an authentic expression of the willingness to volunteer which is widespread if not universal.

The issues of motivation and willingness to volunteer are interesting and arguably fruitful areas of research in their own right. It is a conclusion of the project that schemes work best when the motivation is not built upon the perceived failure of statutory agencies but rather the desire to add value to what is being delivered by them. This factor will influence the relationships with such agencies and the ability to develop meaningful partnership agreements between volunteers and others.It is a further conclusion of the project that the voluntary activity studies and presented herein should not be seen as justified by virtue of any possible financial saving they represent for other agencies. It is an underlying principle that this activity is the rightful activity of citizens and is not simply about saving money for statutory agencies. This conclusion may well reflect an Anglo Saxon policing model but it is not felt to be irrelevant to other contexts. From the UK perspective, there is perhaps a notable exception among the case studies, that being Neighbourhood Watch (NHW). Although the example of Community Speed Watch has been included, there is no detailed presentation of NHW. The reason for this is that NHW currently, for the most part, remains a form of volunteering which is based on the mutual benefit of the members of the scheme rather than specifically a wider service. That said, there are growing examples of NHW schemes taking one that wider role in a variety of ways. It is for this reason

that Community Speed Watch is included in the case studies. Other examples may added including a scheme in Sussex where members have been trained to carry out searches either small areas for items or wider areas for missing persons and the like. This is an interesting development of voluntary activity in task that has previously been the principal reserve of the Police albeit on occasions with organised ad hoc groups of volunteers to assist. It is also noted that some limited examples of citizen patrolling by NHW members are beginning to emerge, particularly in rural areas. It is fair to say that various bodies, including government and the Association of Chief Police Officers are still developing policies for such initiatives so there is not yet a fully developed national approach to this development of the NHW movement. It is the hope of the project team that the findings set out in this report will contribute to the developing understanding of the potential for NHW in this area as well as the necessary safeguards that can be put in place to protect both volunteers and their fellow citizens. It seems clear from the range of case studies that in many places these issues have been effectively addressed. At this juncture, it is appropriate to include some conclusions regarding the potential challenges and benefits of deploying volunteers in the ways detailed in this report. This element was included in the presentation of the report at the European Society of Criminology conference in Vilnius in September 2011. Here it was apparent that the present project contributes to wider academic research in this field. The following is a summary of the findings with regard to challenges and benefits.

Potential Challenges• Failure of police to engage fully in information sharing and

supporting volunteers – In the absence of effective control measures and protocols, there is little incentive for the police to provide meaningful information to voluntary bodies. The requirements of data protection make this a sensitive issue for local authorities and police forces which retain a responsibility for the proper handling of data and must balance this requirement with the operational benefits of sharing information. Historically it would seem a fair conclusion to say that less information has been shared than might safely and effective have been the case.

• Tendency to over-regulate – Police forces are disciplined and highly structured organisations. There can be a cultural difficulty in working with bodies which do not share the same approach which, in turn, can lead to a desire to impose hierarchical and bureaucratic structures and processes on initiatives which have emerged in an organic manner and which are naturally informal. Protocols can serve to protect voluntary bodies as much the communities they seek to assist.

• Sustainability of personality led schemes – This challenge is particularly prevalent in those initiatives which have emerged from within communities. Some such initiatives will necessarily be finite because the motivation for their emergence (a defined and localised problem) has ceased. It was of interest to the project team that the Italian experience

Conclusion continuedIt is a conclusion of the project that schemes work best when the motivation is not built upon the perceived failure of statutory agencies but rather the desire to add value to what is being delivered by them.

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Section One Conclusion

(Stanga Committee, Padova), revealed the acquisition on the part of volunteers of a set of skills relating to the processes associated with direct community-based action. It is desirable that such learning be captured and shared.

• Potential for inappropriate tasking of volunteers by police – The establishment of close working relationships with the police and other statutory bodies can lead to a blurring of lines of responsibility with volunteers being tasked by agencies as they might task their own staff. Again, it is the function of the protocol to establish clearly the scope of the voluntary activity and the areas in which the mission might extend without compromising the independence of the volunteers. An example was given by the Street Pastors (UK) whereby, following a serious incident in a neighbourhood, the local police commander tasked the Street Pastors with disseminating a specific reassurance message. In this situation presented, the tasking was fully negotiated and the message was carefully prepared so as not to place volunteers in the potentially difficult position of being seen to speak on behalf of the Police. That said, it was clear that potential challenges could develop from such a situation.

• Lack of accountability of volunteers – It is essential that in any situation where a volunteer is placed in a position of authority, however limited, over other citizens, that effective controls be in place. For instance, where volunteers are validated by a local authority and/or the police, they should be subject to an appropriate level of checks to safeguard the vulnerable. In addition, effective supervision must be in place with information available to the public on how to raise concerns or make complaints against volunteers.

• Tendency to seek a single, standard model – It is a specific conclusion of the project team that the range of case studies explored demonstrates the value of flexibility and diversity in the schemes that are encouraged. This paper does not present a standardised template for schemes rather a number of principles that may be implements in a variety of ways according to circumstance.

• Vigilantism – This would seem to be one of the abiding fears for those who are uncertain about the deployment of volunteers in policing function, particularly where this involves what appears to be largely independent patrolling of the public space. Examples exist where there is the identifiable risk of vigilantism. An effective validation process and the existence of effective and appropriate alternatives would reduce this risk.

Potential Benefits• Greater understanding of the task of policing – The task of

policing is complex and sensitive and it affects everyone. The more this function can be understood, the more effective will be the service delivered.

• Task of policing and maintenance of order is more widely spread – It is not the contention of this project to suggest that the role of policing should be limited to enforcement. The service model of policing demands that the remit be wider. There are many aspects of the maintenance of public order which can be delivered by volunteers in a manner complementary to the work of the police.

• Police officers work alongside volunteers and develop better understanding of local issues – This is connected to the previous point but also reflects the day-to-day benefit of police officers working with volunteers drawn from the communities they serve. The value is found in the relationships and understanding which develop and the enhanced knowledge that police officers gain regarding local issues.

• Development of community cohesion – These next two points are again linked. While these are presented as qualitatively evidenced benefits, there is no claim made here for quantitative measures. In one telling encounter, the project team was near a school in Bologna with members of the Nonni Civici when they were approached by parents who wanted to express their appreciation of their own volunteers.

• Opportunities for diverse sections of community to contribute to the wider community – To continue from the last point, another striking example was provided by the Universo association in Bologna. This organisation exists to support African immigrants in the city whilst also allowing them to make a direct and quantifiable contribution to the life of the community they have entered. This contribution took the form of maintaining a park in a residential quarter. The park had been transformed and is now a value amenity in the community and the volunteers are respected and appreciated for their efforts.

• Cost saving – Mention has been made elsewhere that cost saving should not be seen as the principal aim in supporting citizen engagement in policing. However, it is reasonable also to acknowledge that this is a genuine benefit. Even the highly structured ‘reservist’ schemes represent a significant cost saving in comparison with the regular counterparts. In addition, the cost saving element must also include the hidden benefit derived from crime and disorder prevention. Many of the case studies examined were based on the ability of volunteers to assist the vulnerable, reduce opportunities for offending and to provide informal surveillance and control, all of which reduces demand costs for the police and local authorities. In addition, the cost saving element must also include the

hidden benefit derived from crime and disorder prevention.

It is the function of the protocol to establish clearly the scope of the voluntary activity and the areas in which the mission might extend without compromising the independence of the volunteers. Conclusion continued

22

Section One Recommendations and Acknowledgements

RecommendationsThe primary recommendation of the project team is that local authorities and police services should engage meaningfully with community groups and others wishing to deliver voluntary services. In so doing they should have regard to the principles set out in the report. Furthermore, the project identifies a number of avenues for future research and evaluation which would be beneficial to the development of voluntary engagement in the field of policing, civic order and security. It is hoped that these will enable others to undertake this work and build on what has been achieved through this project.

Acknowledgements Finally, the project team would wish to place on record its thanks to the European Commission for the funding which enabled the work to take place. Further thanks go to the individual municipalities and organisations which have contributed directly to the conduct of the research. Particular thanks go to all of those volunteers and experts who shared their experiences and thoughts with the team and who made the process rewarding, and it is hoped, fruitful for the future development of the role of the citizen in this particular aspect of social life. A special thanks goes to those who have prepared and delivered presentations and papers to the project team at the various study visits.

Recommendations and Acknowledgements

Mr Mirco Alboresi – Associazione Teatro dei Migneoli, Bologna Col. Auffret, Gendarmerie

Mr Michel Barret

Mr Manuel Cameron, Liège

Gen. Danède, Gendarmerie

Ms Corinne Ducottet

Mr Lorenzo Ganitano

Mr Jacques Icks, Neighbourhood Information Networks, Federal Public Service, Home Affairs, Belgium

Mr Michel Marcus

Ms Rita Misukoviene – Safer Neighbourhoods, Vilnius

Prof Giuseppe Mosconi

Mr Christian Mouhanna, CNRS

Mr Marius Narusevicius – Safer Neighbourhoods, Vilnius

Mr Fabian Njilang – Associazione Universo, Bologna

Mr Vytantas Ratkevicius

Mr Rimantas Sinkevicius

Mr Solas – Police Supporters, Vilnius

Ms Dafne Vanhelleputte Neighbourhood Information Networks, Federal Public Service, Home Affairs, Belgium

Miss Yolanda – Police Supporters, Vilnius

Section Two Italy

24

Over the past decade, Bologna Municipality has developed numerous initiatives in the involvement of volunteer citizens in urban security activities. These activities include patrolling, education in civic responsibilities and the conduct of surveys of various problems and issues in support of the statutory agencies.The Bologna project, “Assistenti Civici” (Civic Assistants), is the first such scheme in Italy but is now being implemented in a number other smaller and bigger cities. In order to participate in the annual public call, issued by Bologna Municipality, to engage in the Civic Assistance Service, the local associations have to be chartered into the municipal list of Free Associative Entities, established in the Bologna area. Their field of intervention must involve one or more of the following: childhood protection, environmental protection, protection of urban renewal, support for the Municipality in the dissemination of information to citizens, in the management of big events and urban regeneration in specific neighbourhoods with the aim of promoting community cohesion, civic sense and respect for rules. The apparent advantages associated with stimulating active citizenship and citizens’ participation in administrative life, are counterbalanced by the limits placed on the volunteers’ responsibilities and activities. In this regard, it is important to remain within local, regional and national laws which establish the exclusive competencies of the statutory security forces (Law enforcement agencies). Moreover we

must not underestimate the complications associated with efforts to train volunteers properly in intervention and enforcement functions.

The aim of the Bologna Municipality, in taking part in the CECOPS Project has been to understand how, in other European Countries, volunteers are involved in policing and urban safety and security policies and to share among the partners the experiences acquired in the last years. It’s important to remark that the Associations observed operating during the Bologna study visit were only a selection of the whole group. At the time of writing, there are over twenty individual local associations engaged in the Civic Assistant Project.Many of these are associations with their own history, features, aims and peculiarities. They were founded independently by the Assistenti Civici programme. By joining the Civic Assistant Project, they continue doing their activities in addition to those provided by the agreement they have with the Municipality. Some

others associations have been founded specifically for the Programme. Moreover, some associations are more suitable for a specific kind of service (for example, we have seen Rangers committed exclusively to green areas). Others are engaged in different kinds of services (for example the ‘Universo’ association is involved in schools, parks, critical areas and many other services). Although, during the study visit we saw associations doing specific tasks, it should be noted that many associations undertake a number of voluntary function under the programme.In order to equip volunteers for service, the Municipality provides all associations with the following:• jacket with the logo of Bologna Municipality which some

of them wear over their own uniform (e.g. Rangers) • identification badge • mobile phoneNB. It is important to emphasise that, in keeping with local and national laws, volunteers are not issued with any weapons or aids to enforcement (e.g. handcuffs).

Comune di BolognaBologna – Assistenti Civici (Civic Assistance)

Studenti Civici ‘Siamo Bo’

Reassurance Enforcement Social Action

Summ

ary description of project

Who This is an association of students attending Bologna University. The association has about thirty members and engages in a range of activities divided between reassurance and social action. It does not have an enforcement role.

What ‘Non attaccarci al muro’ – maintenance of information boards located close to the Piazza Verdi. The boards have long been used to advertise room lets and other items of interest to students. However, there has been a problem of arson and damage to these panels. ‘Colorala di idee’ – Anti-graffiti initiative through which recognised urban art and design are used to reduce the appeal of a particular wall or shop shutter for the graffiti ‘artist’. ‘Legalizziamole’ – Scheme aimed at reducing bicycle theft by limiting the market for stolen bicycles. This scheme is linked to a communication campaign ‘sCATENAti’.

‘Facci Sognare’ – Noise nuisance reduction, particularly during night time. The Association offers a mediation service between residents and students. Also, through visible presence, its members deter problems and advise students.‘Non farla fuorisede’ – Activity intended to reduce the incidence of urination and defecation in the street and other public spaces. Aim is make sure that sufficient, well advertised, public facilities are available and are maintained.‘Differenziati’ – This activity combines social action and reassurance. It is, at one level, a recycling scheme through which glass and aluminium is collected from the street. At the same, these items which can become weapons

How The Association maintains a visible presence in public places. Members wear T shirts which identify them as Association representatives.Through telephone, email and website, the Associations seeks new membership and promotes its activities. It is clear that this Association provides students with a civic engagement opportunity as well as a definable contribution to civic order.

The Association works in collaboration with various bodies, including the Commune di Bologna and several commercial organisations, to produce advice literature and other promotional materials.

Section Two Commune di Bologna

26

Associazione C.S.E.N. (Lunetta Gamberini)


Summ


Who The Italian Rangers organisation finds a parallel in one or two other European countries (France and perhaps also Lithuania – see Lithuanian Riflemen’s Union). It is possible to see certain parallels in the UK context with the Scouting movement – at least with regard to the upper age-group, Venture Scouts. The Rangers are volunteers who provide a uniformed presence in various settings – notably in rural and environmentally sensitive locations.

What In Bologna, Rangers are given particular responsibility for the maintenance of the river and its banks along a stretch that passes through or close to the city. This role involves physical patrolling and the reporting of incidents of damage, pollution or other problems to statutory bodies.

Rangers do not have a regular enforcement function. Although there is scope for some limited enforcement in connection with activities on or around the river. This might include checking permits

Rangers work to promote safety along the river. They maintain life saving equipment and patrol to provide assistance where required. The Rangers provide a good outlet for the development of civic responsibility as well as opportunities to learn and practice new skills. They clearly foster a good deal of local and national pride, which parallels the role of the Lithuanian Riflemen’s’ Union. How The Rangers wear a smart and perhaps somewhat military

uniform and local associations benefit from good corporate sponsorship which provides vehicles. In some instances, employers permit volunteers to take time off for particular duties. The Rangers also constitute a ready resource to be called on in any civil disaster situation. They would operate under the guidance and in support statutory bodies.

Bologna – Assistenti Civici Bologna – Assistenti CiviciAssociazione Universo (Giardino Graziella Fava)


Summ


Who This is a local association with ‘Assistenti Civici’ status. It is of particular interest to the present project as its membership comprises exclusively African immigrants. The level of immigration into Italy from Africa is politically sensitive. Alongside formal or informal immigration, there is a large number of foreign students studying at the ancient and renowned University of Bologna. Many join the Association in order to make a direct contribution to their host community and also to learn about Italian civic life.

What The Association has responsibility for a public park – Giardino Graziella Fava – located in a residential quarter of the city of Bologna. The park, for a long time, was given over to drug dealers and graffiti artists and was not used by local residents as a place of relaxation or resort. The gardens were an identified local hotspot for crime and disorder for statutory agencies which did not have the resource to priorities this small, out-of-the-way public space.

Provides a support mechanism for newly arrived immigrants and students. Allows members to interact with local residents, building relationships and making a contribution to the communal life of their host city.

How The Association has transformed the physical appearance of the gardens. It has built and now maintains a bar within the gardens. This is open to members and local residents at different time during the year, particularly in the summer when the Association hosts music and social events for locals. The Association maintains a ‘legal wall’ for urban artists. These displays from the basis of a competition and contributions are kept in place for a period of time.There is a designated area for dog walkers to exercise their animals. They are encouraged to clear the dog mess and to avoid allowing dogs to foul other part of the gardens where families and children are allowed to play or picnic.

The Association operates in partnership with the Comune di Bologna and has the validation of Assistenti Civici status. It has gained the support of local commercial enterprises, including a major hotel. This commercial partnership has also led to employment opportunities for Association members. It has had a clear benefit for the hotel whose guests are now considerably less likely to fall victim to robbery, theft or assault.


28

Bologna – Assistenti CiviciAssociazione C.S.E.N. (Lunetta Gamberini)


Summ


Who Engaged in Civic Assistant Project, C.S.E.N. (Comitato Sportivo Educativo Nazionale) is an Association of men and women – mainly young people – working in collaboration with civic authorities and local sports club. This association planned a proposal of revitalisation of a large urban park (Lunetta Gamberini) which comprises a sports ground, a sports hall and a large open space. The park is located within a residential district of Bologna and has a history of being the focus for anti-social behaviour, drug dealing damage and graffiti.

What Patrolling the park, volunteers report episodes of violence to the police or ask them to intervene when necessary. They report even security problems to “Civic Assistant Office” of Comune di Bologna.

The aim is to create new spaces for young people and better relationship between the various categories and groups of the users. The activity of the Association is within a larger project focused on a general improvement of the liveability of the area.

How In collaboration with the Municipality and other associations, they work for urban requalification of area, also trough the improvement of urban furniture and public lights and structural interventions.The association involves young people in various activities, in order to keep them away from “bullying” and deviant behaviours

Bologna – Assistenti CiviciAngels at Bus stops (Angeli alle Fermate)


Summ


Who They are a theatre company (Teatro dei Mignoli). The actors are equipped with angel wings and identification badge and they carry out their performances in the evening, at the bus stops and in the buses. At the beginning, in 2007, there were 8 actors, then, thanks to training courses specifically designed for those interested in this activity, the group widened: up to now they have reached the number of about 30 volunteers.

What When asked, they take people home and collect information from people about security problems.They report episodes of violence to the police or ask them to intervene when necessary. They report even security problems to “Civic Assistant Office” of Comune di Bologna.They hand out “bollettini di volo” (reports) with information about security, cultural events in the city, facilities for the citizens, foreigners, tourists and homeless, in collaboration with the URP (public relations office) and the IAT (tourist office).

The aim is to create a new kind of street theatre to face insecurity and social, racial and cultural prejudices.The aim is to give people confidence, trying to break the isolation and to put them in contact with each other.Their presence has increased the number of projects and associations that promote the awareness and the respect of civic rights and duties; set an example of good citizenship to young people; increase the use of public transports, bring theatre and poetry among the people.

How Each actor creates his own “Angel” who tells stories about the city, reads short poems or theatre pieces or just talks with passers-by. They don’t wear uniforms and don’t carry any guns. Their role is different from that of the police, it is not to patrol the streets or make people respect the law.


30

Bologna – Assistenti CiviciCorpo delle Pattuglie Cittadine


Summ


Who The association “Corpo delle Pattuglie Cittadine” works in Bologna since early 1800 with aims of people safeguard in collaboration with Law Enforcement. It’s an apolitical, non-partisan and non-profit making association.The association belongs to Italian Civil Protection.

What They report episodes of violence to the Law Enforcement or intervene themselves when necessary, only if provided for laws in force.They report even security and misdemeanour problems to “Civic Assistant Office” of Bologna Municipality.They give first aid in case of car accidents and natural disasters; co-work with various Public Authority through agreement’s system; watch school areas and critical points.Particular attention is paid to drug pushing, acts of vandalism and thefts.

Volunteer belong to a patrol directed by a patrol-chief and some patrol-assistants.They have a walkie-talkie connected with the association headquarters.

Their presence is a deterrent and a valid instrument for crime prevention. People feel more secure by night.Law Enforcement has an invaluable support in these volunteers.

How They go out from 9:00 p.m. to 02.00 a.m.They patrol streets, parks and critical areas, by foot or by car.

Bologna – Assistenti CiviciAUSER “Nonni Civici”


Summ


Who Auser (Associazione per l’autogestione dei servizi e la solidarietà) is an association engaged in Civic Assistant Project.Being mainly composed of retired persons, the activity of this association is focused on school patrolling.

What School patrolling means volunteers’ presence during the entrance and the exit of children. It’s a watchful eye like that of a grandfather.Particular attention is reserved to suspicious people, to dangerous waste and to pedestrian crossings.Volunteers often make sure that parents don’t park in sprawling way. They can even advert drivers the presence of children.

Their presence is a deterrent and a valid instrument for crime prevention and for promotion of civic pride. Children (but often, parents too!) learn respect of rules.Scholastic staff, parents and pupils feel more secure around the school.

How They report security problems to “Civic Assistant Office” of Bologna Municipality. In case of danger, they immediately call the Law Enforcement by mobile phone they are equipped with.Often they establish confidential relationship with school headmaster, teachers, parents and pupils.In many cases, children grow fond of volunteers.


32

AnalysisComune di Bologna – Assistenti Civici

Ethical Assessment The examples the project team examined appeared not to raise any significant ethical concerns. The programme is well managed and the reward system is appropriate and low cost. On the occasion that the project team observed the Nonni Civici covering school crossing patrols and providing reassurance patrols around a school, we were approached by several parents who wanted to express their high regard for the volunteers noting that they attended without fail and on time; indeed more so than the police were able to manage – no doubt owing to competing demands. The project for recently arrived immigrants from North Africa

Sustainability The particular strength of the initiative is its flexibility. The broad range of associations are able to identify the ways in which they are best able to support statutory bodies. There is something of a parallel here with the Met Volunteer Programme in which individuals with diverse skills, developed outside the police service, offer their time and skills to the police and are matched to where those skills are best suited. This level of flexibility is a key component of successful volunteer schemes.

Transferability This scheme is highly transferable. It is overseen by the local authorities at minimal cost and the flexibility of model allows any number of associations to maintain their own identity and raison d’etre while providing a valuable and visible service to the wider community.

Summary This analysis covers all the Assistenti Civici initiatives as the schemes examined are all examples of a programme of activity overseen by the municipal authority. It was, by common consent of the project team, the best developed and most imaginative use of volunteers in a wide range of areas. The scope spans Rangers D’Italia – a national, uniformed voluntary body – through to the Mignoli Theatre company (Angeli alla Fermati), which undertakes late night patrols using street entertainment to engage citizens, offering companionship, advice and referral to social services as required.

Padova Visit Stanga Committee


Summ


Who Committee of private citizens living in a problematic district. They have seen the degradation process who have affected the neighbourhood over the past 15 years. They have decided to create a pressure group on the local government. They do not present any political objective.

What Although not strictly a reassurance activity, the group seeks to raise the profile of local crime and disorder problems, applying pressure of police and other statutory bodies to take action. In this regard it is not a self-help voluntary body.

SOS provides some focus for local concerns and could be said to provide a voice for local residents with a range of issues.

How SOS maintains a website and also holds public meetings to discuss its concerns.

They patrol in large groups the neighbourhood streets to disturb the illegal activity on the streets.


34

AnalysisPadova – Stanga Committee

Ethical Assessment Among the issues being address was that of open drug dealing on the street. Part of the response involved some from of negotiation between local residents and dealers. There would be obvious ethical concerns about such negotiations notwithstanding the practical benefits. One response (from the municipality) was to build a wall around an area of social housing which was the scene of prolific drug dealing and criminality. The wall had the undesired effect of slowing police access to the estate while permitting dealers to sell through the pervious barrier. From the point of view of the analysis of this initiative: building a wall can never be regarded as a sound response to a social/crime issue. The project involves volunteers patrolling the local area. However, given the apparent lack of formal protocols covering this activity, it seems this may be open to abuse and the potential for a drift towards vigilantism. There is no obvious mechanism for redress (other than through statutory authorities) for those who feel unfairly treated by volunteers within the project.

Sustainability The difficulty with assessment of sustainability is that the initiative emerged as a response to specific and localised problems. The removal of the problem brings an end to much of the activity encompassed by the project. However, as a template for local community action it offers some interesting insights.

Transferability This initiative arose as a result of strong leadership from an individual. As a personality driven initiative its transferability is limited. However, participants have been called upon to advise other communities who are seeking to take similar action. The initiative is perhaps best seen as an example of local problem-solving. It was a bespoke response to a specific set of issues developed against a background of perceived failure by statutory authorities. There are aspects of this initiative which might inform the development of Neighbourhood Watch in other settings, in particular with regard to the visible presence (and willingness to act as capable guardians) of residents in areas of high crime.

Summary This is an excellent example of self-help in the face of apparent failure among statutory agencies to address localised problems. It ran the risk of being to some extent divisive within the community, although, seems to have built quite strong community cohesion through shared endeavour. The project addressed specific local issues which emerged, at least in part, because of certain activities within the housing market coupled with some poor planning decisions.

Padova Visit Granello di Senape – Casa di reclusione di Padova


Summ


Who Association of volunteers, some of them are former prisoners and some trained lawyers involved in the defence of Civil Rights for those currently in custody. They are focused in communication to present the actual conditions inside Italian prisons.

What They present the prison world, pushing to obtain treatment conditions which the law provides for prisoners but are not being met because of lack of founding.They are also promoter of a series of information campaigns about the way to produce right information.

How Their main production is a monthly magazine written entirely by serving prisoners.According to their prison system, they organise meeting between prisoners (or former prisoners) and young students at the risk of deviant behaviour.They organise meetings with the local association of journalists about how to producing and publishing material.


36

Section Three European Studies presented by Efus

AnalysisGranelo di Senape – Casa di Reclusione di Padova

Ethical Assessment The scheme presents no identifiable ethical concerns. The volunteers work to improve conditions for serving prisoners and for those upon release.

Sustainability The scheme is dependent on the continued good will of volunteers but appears sustainable in its present form.

Transferability There are parallel initiatives in other countries through which serving and former prisoners are supported. The particular features of the present scheme may be specific to the context.

Summary


38

Context to European case studies presented by EfusGetting police and citizens to work together, both as two concepts of research and in practical terms of public policies is not simple, and especially when considering the variety of situations in different European countries. Efus’ role in the CECOPS project was to gather some practices of citizen engagement in policing activities at a European level to enhance the coverage outside UK, Lithuania and Italy. Examples from France, Belgium, Germany and Portugal were brought together and added to the project’s case studies. Special focus was directed at France and Belgium and a meeting was held in Paris in May 2011. The subject was of growing interest to the French public authorities, especially as a law was passed by parliament in February 2011 allowing any French citizen (between 18 and 65 years old with a clean criminal record) to become a reservist in the National Police. With a maximum of 90 days service per year, these volunteers carry out “support duties to the interior security forces” and get compensation for any expenses incurred.A debate has been raging in France on the definition of the duties of these volunteers, especially as the number of police forces is being drastically reduced. Other debates have been going on for some time on the development of Neighbourhood Watch schemes à la française. The presentation of the Gendarmerie Nationale’s scheme to encourage new Police reservist recruitment was extremely welcome in this context. The same can be said of their presentation of the “Voisins Vigilants” concept. An interesting initiative by a local network of intermediary citizens in Gif-sur-Yvette, close to Paris was also detailed by

city representatives. A well known researcher was invited to give his views, particularly to explain to the project experts the reasons for a serious lack of trust and confidence in the French population towards the National Police. This enabled the group to clearly understand the differences between the Anglo Saxon and Latin concepts.

Experiences from Belgium were also presented by two senior researchers from the Ministry of the Interior. In Belgium (especially in Flanders), since the end of the 90’s, Neighbourhood Information Networks are being developed under the close supervision of the ministry, local authorities and local police forces in an adaptation of the Neighbourhood Watch concept in Belgium. The local voluntary scheme of Standard de Liège football club stewards was also presented at length by a researcher and the project manager of the city of Liège, to open up perspectives on other forms of voluntary actions.

The presentations enabled the group to get a better idea of the different circumstances that lead to the variety voluntary activities in policing methods throughout Europe and an in-depth knowledge of some of these practices. These are detailed further down in this report.

Case Study – FranceParis Study Visit


Level at which project is organised

Ward • LocalIntermediarycitizens,France• Voisinsvigilants,France

• LocalIntermediarycitizens,France• Voisinsvigilants,France

Borough • Seniorpatrollers,Portugal• Exploratorywalks,Canada

• Seniorpatrollers,PT

City • CivilCourageinEsslingen,Denmark• StewardsoftheStandarddeLiège,Belgium

• StewardsoftheStandarddeLiège,Belguim • CivilCourageinEsslingen,Denmark

Country • NeighbourhoodInformationNetworks,Belguim• ReservistsoftheGendarmerie,France

• ReservistsoftheGendarmerie,France • NeighbourhoodInformationNetworks,Belgium


40

Belgium Neighbourhood Information Network (NIN), Belgium

Reassurance Social Action Enforcement

Summ


Who A Neighbourhood Information Network (NIN) is a structured form of cooperation between voluntary local residents and the local police. Communication between the residents and the police is made through mutual information exchange. The most importatnt aims of a NIN are to increase the feeling of security, to strengthen social cohesion and to achieve collaboration between citizens and police. The local residents choose a coordinator who leads and oversees the NIN, and is the contact between the NIN members and the police services. The local police process information coming from the population. An authorised police officer is designated as contact for the NIN in the local police force. The local authority takes care of the integration of the NINs in the local security policy. They inform peope on initiative and actively support the NINs. If the local authority is opposed to the NIN, the population may self-organise. The Home Affairs Ministry is in charge of the policy support of the NINs, offering them a legal framework.

What Since the start of the Neighbourhood Information Network in Belgium there has been a marked difference between Flanders and Wallonia. 415 charters are registered with the Home Affairs Ministry, 395 in Flanders and only 20 in Wallonia.A NIN is only officially recognized after the Home Affairs Ministry has received and approved its charter. The charter contains the necessary information about the organisation of the NIN and it is signed by the coordinator, the local police and the mayor. After listing the objectives, the charter also stipulates the tasks of the various partners. The charter furthermore contains the contact data of all parties, a communication and evaluation plan. The idea behind a NIN is not that the civilians themselves organise private patrol. Private militias are forbidden by law in Belgium. A NIN does not give individual advantages to its members. Every civilian (whether a member or not) has the same rights and obligations. The NIN is based on the principle of shared responsibilities, which means that civilians are co-responsible for their own security.

The NIN strengthens social cohesion within a specific neighbourhood, increasing cooperation between citizens, and the conception of caring for each other. The increase in loint information with the police also benefits social cohesion in the society as a whole.

How In practice, a NIN is an initiative in which the civilian informs the police of anything suspicious and any criminal acts. The information sent by telephone should be as comprehensive as possible. The local police will use and check this information, which may take time (checking a licence plate or going to the scene of suspect behaviour) and in their turn give feedback to NIN members via a voicemail system (police record a message which is transmitted automatically to each member), SMS and/or e-mail. This feedback can consist of information about the outcome of an event or can be preventive advice. Any feedback from the police to civilian members of the NIN will not compromise the investigation’s confidentiality or any privacy lawe.At present, a global evaluation of Belgian NIN-projects has not been carried out. It is difficult to evaluate the effectiveness of the NIN and the connections between crime reduction and a NIN in a specific area. Nevertheless, each NIN evaluates its own functions at least once every 3 years. The evaluation is made by the NIN coordinator and the authorised police officer. The results are presented at the NIN annual meeting.

AnalysisEfus – Local Network of Citizens – Belgium

Ethical Assessment The basic principles on which the NIN operates do not appear to present ethical concerns. However, anything that deals with information given by citizens to the police, with regard to fellow citizens, must be subject to certain safeguards. There was nothing in the presentation of the NIN which would suggest that these safeguards are not in place. The Belgian legal context places constraints on the NIN, preventing volunteers from undertaking patrol functions. It is interesting to note the significant difference between the two parts of Belgium. It would be useful to understand the cultural differences that might account for this discrepancy.

Sustainability Sustainability for this scheme and similar ones is based on its perceived effectiveness. Citizens who report their concerns generally do so with the expectation that action ill be taken and that they will receive feedback. These perceptions should always form part of the evaluation of the initiative.

Transferability There are aspects of the NIN initiative which compare to the Neighbourhood Watch. Both are based on the wish to improve relations between police and citizens and to provide ways for individuals to pass information to the police. It is noted that each NIN is supported by a charter between the volunteers, the police and the local authority. This would seem to be good practice.

Summary


42

FranceLocal network of citizen intermediaries in Gif-sur-Yvette, France


Summ


Who This initiative was started 10 years ago in Gif-sur-Yvette (21,000 inhabitants, South-West of Paris). It aims to mobilise citizens on public safety and peace issues. The objective is to promote dialogue and information sharing between inhabitants and institutions (the municipality and the local Gendarmerie). The inhabitants become take proactive security actions to improve the environment and peace of their neighbourhood.

What 30 voluntary citizens are chosen by the municipality on geographical and sociological grounds. They can be representatives of neighbourhood committees, society or commercial interests.Meetings with police forces and municipal authorities are organised at least twice a year. Other persons can be invited to these meetings depending on the topics discussed.

The security strategy in Gif-sur-Yvette is designed as a global approach, so the individual impact of this citizens’ network on security strategy cannot be measured, but it has undoubtedly allowed a better mutual understanding and trust between the population and the police, improving social cohesion and community well-being.

How The police and institutions give information to the citizen intermediaries on which prevention and security joint actions have been started and also inform them on crime and disorder figures of the area. The citizens give information to the police on the kind of security their fellow citizens expect, and on facts that could be of interest in on-going investigations.They feedback security information to their fellow citizens and can advise on methods of prevention (burglary for example). This helps to make matters clearer, or at least allows for them not to be exaggerated, potentially decreasing feelings of insecurity.The citizen intermediaries are kept motivated by increasing their knowledge on security matters. For example, visits to courts of law can be organised to increase their understanding of the judicial system and how crimes are dealt with.

AnalysisEfus – Local Network Of Intermediary Citizens – Gifs-Sur-Yvette

Ethical Assessment The ethical issue which emerges from this project relates to the criteria used to select representatives from a neighbourhood. It is essential that such panels comprise a fully representative cross-section of the community and includes those groups often described as hard to reach or hard to engage. These are the people most likely to be vulnerable because they tend to fall outside the normal scope of statutory bodies.

Sustainability A similar structure has been introduced in the UK in support of Neighbourhood Policing. These ‘neighbourhood panels’ work closely with local police to agree priorities and receive regular updates on crime and disorder in the area as well as information on police action to address them.

Transferability There are no identified barriers to transferability. The approach takes specific account of the role of citizens and the need forß statutory agencies to meet the requirements of local communities.

Summary


44

GermanyZivilcourage in Esslingen, Germany


Summ


Who Esslingen (100,000 inhabitants, east of Stuttgart) has seen that when violence occurs on the streets, passers-by look the other way. People are harassed and threatened because they are disabled, foreign-looking, female or elderly and are victims of aggression. Aggressive behaviour and vandalism are mainly caused by drinking and people feel threatened. Esslingen has had a security council for crime prevention since 1998. Safety can only be improved when people get involved. Esslingen supports the “Zivilcourage in Esslingen” initiative, created in 2007 by a group of committed volunteers. The aim of Zivilcourage is to get people to pay more attention and offer help in cases of bullying, threats or physical assault. Public and private property is also a target for vandalism. The aim is to reduce fear and mistrust and opportunities for criminality whilst providing a better social environment. Zivilcourage is a group made up of the “Jugendbüro”, a social centre for young people, the youth council, the city’s senior citizens’ council, the citizens’ city centre committee, the local mosque association, the police and other individuals.

What Activities are aimed at reassuring the general public, vulnerable groups such as the young and elderly through training. They mainly focus on learning how to intervene with no personal risk. The police support this project and emphasise that Zivilcourage is not aimed at anything in particular, but at small-scale confrontations in public places or on public transport, unreported as they seem normal. They insist that “courageous” people act cautiously, do nothing to make an argument worse or endanger themselves. They should call the police and get passers-by to help prevent things escalating. Acting as a witness can also be a major contribution and reduce the risk of re-offending.

Increasing the numbers of the “Courage” prevents violence and helps victims of violence. It is humanitarian (noticing others and changing one’s attitude because of other’s problems).

How Resources are supported by the Esslingen local administration and Police Headquarters. It is also sponsored by the Esslingen Community Foundation and in 2010 won an award for exceptional voluntary work from the County Savings Bank.Public campaigns: The first campaign was launched in 2009 with events to raise public awareness. Flash mobs (music, theatre, dancing in the streets) were organised to stimulate interest. An “emergency card”, badges and T-shirts were distributed to promote the idea of “Zivilcourage”. The team regularly organises events. In 2010, a public discussion in the City Hall, lectures at the Adult Education Centre, a “banner campaign” in the main shopping street “Civil courage means to me...” with well known people giving their views and a competition for the “best slogan” were organised. In 2011, an Open Space conference is planned. Targeted events for specific groups: The project is regularly presented in schools and meetings of other social groups. In future, the aim is to network more with other groups, including immigrants. This helps to raise awareness and more specifically reach people who can pass the idea on. Practical training in self-assertion, violence prevention and de-escalation strategies for the “active” volunteers and for women and senior people. Broader concepts are being developed including: Values and beliefs which help people to act courageously, de-escalation through non-violent communication and assertiveness.

AnalysisEfus – Zivilcourage (Esslingen)

Ethical Assessment This case study is significantly different from many others in that it describes a broad campaign rather than a defined scheme. It is an appeal for greater awareness among citizens in general with a parallel increase in the willingness of volunteers to take positive action.

Sustainability It is difficult to assess the impact of this campaign or indeed its sustainability. It is part of a wider movement to increase citizen engagement and a willingness to undertake civic responsibilities.

Transferability Transferability is based on the cultural context into which it is introduced and the perceived need to achieve improved citizen participation. There are many features of this initiative which are of interest and which are likely to be transferable even in the context of other projects.

Summary


46

PortugalSenior citizens patrolling the parks, Setúbal, Portugal


Summ


Who Setúbal is a city of 120,000 inhabitants located on the coast, south of Lisbon. This concept is similar to the Assistanti Civici practice of the Comitato Sportivo Educativo Nazionale Association in Bologna, but differs in the sense that it is targetted on senior citizens. The idea of volunteering is different since the park patroller’s expenses are paid.In January 2010, the municipality of Setúbal launched an original initiative by enrolling senior citizens to “patrol” the city. At first they started with one of the main streets (Avenida Luisa Todi), but soon the experience was extended to a newly created park (Albarquel Urban Park).

What Following the opening of the Albarquel Park, the Setúbal municipality signed an agreement with the district council and the “Friends of Albarquel Park” association. The Centre for the well-being of Retired and Elderly People of Setúbal also made an agreement to carry out patrolling in the park, which is situated in a neighbourhood often subject to acts of vandalism such as grafitti tags on monuments and damage to trees and urban furniture. They launched an invitation to senior citizens to take part in the patrols.

The project is aimed both at encouraging activity in elderly people and preventing vandalism and damage to gardens and municipal facilities. The chosen method is to raise awareness among inhabitants on the proper use of the park. So, in a more general way, this project contributes to promoting community involvement.

How Candidates must be over 65 years old. There is no other age limit. They must have good mobility and interpersonal skills (for example, demonstrate their ability to go up to a passer-by in the street, even in a confrontational situation).Out of 32 applications, 15 were accepted, and the senior citizens have been trained to carry out surveillance of the park in shifts as “Senior Patrollers”. They also provide park users with information. The patrols take place all year round, from 9.00am to 7.00pm. Each patrol is given a mobile phone by the municipality, with a direct connection to the police in case of an emergency. Members of the patrol are paid 2.60€ per hour.The retired people who participate in these patrols are all resident in the neighbourhood.

This project has helped to promote a spirit of citizenship and community involvement. Setúbal’s inhabitants show a greater respect for parks and gardens. They are more careful with urban furniture and show a greater overall concern for the environment (for instance picking up dog mess and refraining from dropping litter in the streets).This project has also boosted elderly people’s self-esteem by allowing them to show their abilities and their involvement in the community. This solution also offers economic benefits for the local authority.

AnalysisEfus – Senior Citizens Patrolling Parks – Portugal

Ethical Assessment The scheme appears to offer a number of benefits and is based on some sound values. It recognises the potential contributions of older citizens and actively creates opportunities for their skills to be utilised. However, there is a concern relating to the apparent expectation that volunteers should intervene in conflict situations. This would appear to run contrary to equivalent schemes and have the potential to put individuals at risk. Volunteers are unlikely to be trained to a sufficient level or to be equipped sufficiently to meet the various risks that emerge in conflict situations. The scheme is based on the sound principle that volunteers, being drawn from the local area, have a direct interest in the quality of that environment.

Sustainability In a situation in which the pool of potential volunteers is ever increasing with the expansion of the elderly population, sustainability would seem to be assured. The funding requirements are negligible and there are other locations that would be appropriate for such an initiative.

Transferability Transferability is high.

Summary


48

CanadaExploratory Walks, Methodology


Summ


Who The concept of exploratory walks was conceived in Canada. In the early 1990s, women and professionals, united through the Metro Action Committee on Public Violence against Women and Children (METRAC), developed a safety audit of urban areas. Following up on this initiative, the City of Montreal organised the first exploratory walks and produced an investigation guide on the safety of women in towns. This guide has been translated into several languages and adapted to the context of towns in Europe and Africa.

What Exploratory walks are participative initiatives whereby voluntary citizens go around the streets but not for surveillance purpose, mainly for reassurance. The exploratory walk is a way of conducting a critical evaluation of the environment in the form of on-the-spot investigations. It should lead to recommendations for development and a more harmonious sharing of the public area.

This method of citizen participation in urban security measures shows that planning of public areas should be the result of a global approach and must take into account conviviality (“living together”), accessibility, mobility and the different ways of living in different social groups.

How The initiative consists of bringing together about a dozen of voluntary women to walk through a sector of the town identified as being unsafe. This group of women is accompanied by a woman co-ordinator/secretary. Men can be invited as observers. The group observes the environment in relation to the major principles of safety measures. It analyses the system of signs and signals, the degree of visibility, the capacity to be heard, escape or ask for help, as well as the maintenance of the area. Their observations are compiled and submitted to the authorities responsible for introducing the necessary measures. Walks can be organised not only for women, but with any category of citizens using the same methodology.Involvement of uniformed police at the observation stage should be avoided to guarantee the neutrality of the process. Police authorities are invited to get involved in the reporting phase.

AnalysisEfus – Exploratory Walks

Ethical Assessment In the main there are few ethical concerns identified in respect to exploratory walks. The basic idea is that local residents can provide statutory services with a personal assessment of an area in terms of the sense of personal safety and civic order. It is worth noting that the results of such activities can vary according to whether the assessments are carried out by local residents or visitors to an area. Local knowledge may add to a sense of insecurity, for instance where a person knows about a serious incident that happened in an area in the past. Alternatively, a person living within an area may have become desensitised to environmental features – litter and graffiti – which make the visitor feel insecure. It is important to understand and account for these potential differences when using this technique.

Sustainability The commitment of volunteers to this activity is relatively short term. The exploratory walks take place only periodically so that volunteers can report changes to their perception based on interventions put in place as a result of earlier walks. Sustainability would seem to be linked to visible results. Volunteers will be encouraged when they see that their opinions are valued and acted upon.

Transferability Transferability is judged to be high. Volunteers do not exercise any powers of enforcement nor are they expected to take any direct action in relation to an incident. Indeed this practice is believed to be relatively widespread already.

Summary Exploratory walks, known as environmental visual audits in the UK, are a valuable tool in local problem solving. The walks/audits can have different levels of complexity and sophistication and results of different walks/audits provide longitudinal data for an area. This activity would be at the lower end of engagement in the range of initiatives explored. This is not a value judgement on the initiative, but simply a reference to the degree of direct involvement that volunteers have in the delivery of policing.


50

FranceNeighbourhood Watch ‘Voisin Vigilant’


Summ


Who Citizen volunteers undertaking crime prevention activity within their own neighbourhoods has its origins in the Neighbourhood Watch concept. This had not traditionally been taken up by the French for a variety of reasons, including a negative attitude exacerbated by events of World War II during which the police and some citizens were seen to collaborate with occupying forces through their support for the Vichy Government. In 2006, the initiative seems to have emerged from within the ex-pat British community in the area of Nice and Grasse, apparently in response to an increase in burglaries. The self-help actions of these communities (which had no cultural difficulty with the concept) led to a reduction in the number of burglaries. The local gendarmerie decided to give a minimal framework and supervision to these initiatives. s a result, this has seen the initiative spread to other parts of France but developing in a way that is more sensitive to the cultural context and attitudes.Schemes now operate in 29 départments in France. Work is in progress to make statutory provision for the initiative.

What The schemes strengthen community cohesion, particularly in rural areas which are vulnerable through isolation. One of the objectives of this scheme is also to build interpersonal solidarity. Success of the Voisin Vigilant schemes is conditional on geographical and sociological aspects: •suburbanandresidentialzoneswithmainlyhousing•amiddleorupperclasspopulationwhoareintheareathroughoutthedayorpartoftheday,•Pre-existenceofastructuredsociallifeandcommunityspirit.

How The system is based on communication between citizens and police and the basic concept that citizens are alert to possible criminal activity and willing to notify authorities about their concerns. The process is managed through a system of local area co-ordinators (Référents de Quartiers). The co-ordinators are recruited by the mayor and since March 2011 have the status of Voluntary Citizen of the Gendarmerie which gives them legal protection. Their mission is to organise the network in the neighbourhood, visit the different people who are included in the scheme, give security advice and feedback to the mayor. This coordinator has no policing power of any kind. During the recruitment, special attention has to be given to avoid entrusting this role to people with vindictive tendencies. Well balanced, available, and discreet people are preferred. There are signs to indicate the presence of a scheme in the area. All the local schemes are carried out under the control of the mayor who retains the lead role in security. The Voisins Vigilant scheme is run in conjunction with other policies such as video surveillance, plans for special surveillance of commercial zones or at-risk facilities and the “holiday tranquillity” operations. The elected officials who support the schemes can be asked to participate in public awareness raising events.The municipality can distribute security advice lierature and are responsible for putting up the signs.

AnalysisNeighbourhood Watch – Voisin Vigilant

Ethical Assessment As this scheme closely resembles the Neighbourhood Watch movement which has a long track record in a number of countries, this initiative does not raise ethical concerns over and above those noted elsewhere for schemes which are based on the passing on of information from citizens to the police and vice-versa. There is good oversight by elected members and an effective management structure for the scheme.

Sustainability All such schemes depend on the motivation of members and potential members. This will depend on the results achieved and whether they recognise a benefit in what they do. In France, there is perhaps the added complication of a cultural antipathy towards citizens reporting crimes to the police. There is the additional difficulty in that the police have a the express function in terms of the control of citizens as opposed to the notion that they patrol for and on their behalf.

Transferability Transferability is high in that it is closely aligned to a number of neighbourhood watch initiatives already operating elsewhere.

Summary


52

FranceReservists in the National Gendarmerie, France


Summ


Who As with the Carabinieri in Italy, the Gendarmerie in France has the responsibility for policing the non-urban parts of the country. Responsibility for urban areas falls to the Police Nationale. In addition, there is a third policing service, the Police Municipale, which operates in towns under the authority of the mayor.The rationale for the starting point of the reservist scheme in the 1960s owed something to Cold War concerns about civil defence and the ability of the regular Gendarmerie to meet the anticipated demand. In 1997, conscription was suspended in France and the Gendarmerie reserve was reduced. Since 2000 however, there has been a rapid increase in the number of reservists from approximately 8,000 to 28,000 in 2011. This increase was based on three objectives: reinforcing the defence capability, maintaining the link between the people and the army (often the only link people have to their army is the Gendarmerie) and enhancing employment opportunities by equipping young people with the requisite skills. The reservists are paid volunteers. 37% come from an entirely civilian background, the remainder have a military background. It was pointed out that the Police Nationale is developing a reserve based on the Gendarmerie model. A small part of the reserve (less than 1,000) is the unpaid “réserve citoyenne” using volunteers with exceptional capabilities, experience or interests. They are accredited by the Gendarmerie to maintain the “defence spirit” and the army-nation link. Their duties are particularly linked to awareness-raising rather than policing activities.

What Reservists must guarantee to be available for 30 days maximum per year, in practice it is usually the 28 days of their holiday period. They have the same duties as the “active” gendarmes, but under strict supervision. They will mostly be directed to reinforce low-risk situations and they particularly cannot be given peacekeeping missions where confrontations can occur. Typically, examples of duties are the Tour de France, operating in the background at the G8 or G20 meetings or backing up the Gendarmerie at times when this is necessary. The tight restrictions under which the reservists operate is covered by national legislation in the Defence Code. It should be noted that, for days worked, the reservists are paid at the same rate as their regular counterparts. Given the restrictions and the varied availability, the planning of human resources for events is extremely complicated and has to be made 8 months in advance for a major event like the Tour de France.Besides their 28 days of service, at all other times of the year the gendarmerie reservists promote spirit of defence and citizenship.

How Reservists undertake three weeks foundation training which focuses on aspects of military discipline, communication skills, cleanliness and their position as State representatives. They are organised into small units supervised by professionals and are subject to crucial ongoing training.

AnalysisNational Gendarmerie Reservists

Ethical Assessment There are no specific ethical concerns evident with this initiative. The scheme compares with the Metropolitan Police Special Constabulary, although, perhaps the main difference is the Gendarmerie reservists do not have all of the powers given to the special constables. Given the particular status of the Gendarmerie, it might be more appropriate to compare them to the UK Territorial army which is a military reserve force. It is noted that the reservists operate under legislation which provides protection for them and for citizens. The reservists appear to be well supervised and organised. A programme of training is mandatory for the volunteers.

Sustainability There appear to be no identifiable threats to sustainability. As with all cases of volunteer reserve organisations, the funding requirements are notably less than for regular forces. Volunteers are expected to undertake a predetermined number of duty days per year. With any such arrangement, there is the question of impact on employment and whether there are any identified benefits for employers in the manner of the UK Employer Supported Policing programme.

Transferability Transferability is assessed as high as there is a varietyof other national bodies for reserve/volunteer forces.

Summary


54

Lithuanian Police Supporter (Policijos Réméjas)


Summ


Who Originated in the Soviet period with the ‘Communas’. After independence these disbanded, leading to certain ‘bottom-up’ initiatives until in 1998 legal provision was made for the Police Supporters – ‘Policijos Réméjas’ . In statute, they are recognised as citizens providing voluntary assistance. There are no ranks or formal structures and control of police supporters is maintained by local territorial commissariats.In total 3,942 adults (70% Male). Must meet following criteria: be over 18 years old; speak Lithuanian; have no previous convictions; be of high moral standing, provide a written application to local police chief, promise to abide by rules and ubmit to background checks. In addition there is a Youth branch with 1,529 juvenile police supporters. Minimum age 12 years. Not regulated by law but by regulations issued by Commissioner General. The youth element has both a diversionary function and also a recruitment benefit for the police and other emergency services. For police supporters, numbers were initially quite high but various things have resulted in a fall in recruitment – emigration; stricter police checks; economic downturn (?). Volunteers are only trained as required – depending on duties. They are issued with ID cards renewable every two years.

What Act as stewards for major cultural/sporting events alongside regular police. Patrolling with regular police – provide a non-uniformed presence at certain types of incident and assist with securing scenes and gathering evidence; assist with witnesses and victims. They have other statutory duties including supervising transport system; tackling enviro-crime and general crime prevention.

To accompany social workers / probation officers – predominantly female – and provide support and assure safety. Community leadership

Trading standards/smuggling

How When on duty will generally wear a high visibility tabard stating ‘Policijos Réméjas’. Police Supporters can develop links with individual police officers and work regularly with the same officers.

When working with probation and social services, volunteers will accompany and will also provide transport. They also act as appropriate adults expression from UK context) to protect the rights of juveniles but also have a duty to prevent delinquency.

Test purchasing and other pro-active operations. Police supporters have certain general powers of authority when working with the police, they can assist in an arrest, enter residential premises to stop criminal acts or save life and limb

AnalysisLithuania – Police Supporters (Policijos Réméjas)

Ethical Assessment On the positive side, this project is well regulated with defined recruitment criteria and with clearly stated aims. There is equality of service at the point of delivery. The supporters are very closely aligned to the police. Their training includes advances ‘self defence’ which incorporates aggressive detention techniques. In the presentation given to project partners, there was an unresolved question regarding the carrying of firearms. It appeared that while there was no provision for police supporters to carry firearms. However, in the instance of a police supporter who was also a member of the Lithuanian Rifleman’s Union – authorised to carry a firearm – and who understood this authorisation to extend to those times when he was operating as a Police Supporter. This confusion was perhaps increased by the fact that the volunteer would also wear the uniform of the Riflemen’s Union while acting as a police supporter. This practice was observed in a number of other initiatives.

Sustainability This initiative, along with others examined in the project, has experienced challenges resulting from the severe and widespread financial crisis. Questions remain regarding the availability of sufficient volunteers to maintain the programme in the longer term.

Transferability This initiative shares some interesting common features with others in the UK and elsewhere. However, there are some significant differences which would impact on direct transferability. The role is less clearly defined that with ‘reservist’ programmes, yet some of the responsibilities (safeguarding social workers and assisting police with evidence gathering) would suggest the need for a high level of training.

Summary Good, practical use made of volunteers in support of statutory agencies. Provides an opportunity to develop understanding of police service prior to application and increases awareness of communities of the challenges of policing. There is a need to clarify the situation when members of one organisation – by virtue of that membership, also operate as Police Supporters. There are some interesting comparisons to be made here with the Bologna Assistenti Civici scheme.


Lithuania

56

Lithuanian Riflemen’s Union


Summ


Who Uniformed organisation originally established on 27th June 1919, was prohibited in 1940, then re-established in 1989 and was given legal status in 2000. It is structured according to 10 districts and has a total of 8,428 members. In addition, there are 5,228 juvenile members. A total of 923 members under 45 years of age undertake drill. The Union is independent of the military but works in partnership and its rationale is the development of soldiering skills, cultural identity, sporting opportunities and social outlet. It is not difficult to understand the emergence and the aims of the Union in the context of Lithuania’s more recent history and the abiding sense of vulnerability consequent to its geographical positioning. The Union is funded via the National Defence Ministry.

What • Largecultural/sportingevents• Civilcontingencyplanning• Defencevolunteers• Workingas‘policesupportersengagedintheroles

as described.

• AspartofthePoliceSupporterfunction,workingtosecure national borders.

The Union helps to promote national cultural identity as well as a sense of service. Through its work with young people, the Union provides diversion from crime and anti social behaviour and provides positive role models for young people, developing their skills in a range of areas. There is some comparison to be made between this and the uniformed youth groups that exist in the UK.

How Union members wear a military-style uniform which they retain even while working as police supporters. Although they also wear the appropriate ‘Policijos Réméjas’ tabards.

This appeared to be a difficult area in so far as, members of the Union are licensed to carry firearms (as the name suggests) and there was some uncertainty about the carrying of firearms while operating as Police Supporters. The Police Supporters are prohibited from carrying firearms. However, members of the Union seem to be exempt.

The Union provides variety of ‘outward bound’ opportunities for young people to develop a range of survival and related skills in the open air.

Lithuanian Riflemen’s Union

Ethical Assessment The issue of some concern involved the possibility of members of the Union operating as ‘Police Supporters’ being allowed to carry firearms. This issue may in fact be one for the ‘Police Supporters’ to resolve. The Riflemen’s Union has a number of objectives including the development of national and community spirit, an objective which reflects the particular historical challenges the country has faced during the 20th Century. The Union seeks also to provide diversionary opportunities for young people. In the research, it was not clear what level of checks were carried out on the adult volunteers who worked with the young people. During the study visit no reference was made to opportunities for women to participate. This would impact transferability for some other countries.

Sustainability The Union has experienced significant funding constraint in recent years. Nevertheless its recruitment level seems stable. The volunteers offer a valuable resource at relatively low cost. As with all such activities, the Union needs to quantify and provide costings for the contribution it makes and the resulting savings for statutory bodies.

Transferability The Union has parallels with the other uniformed voluntary services – notably the Italian Rangers. With this in mind transferability would seem high. Perhaps the issue might be the particular cultural context in which the Union has emerged as expressed in some of the stated aims – national identity/pride, national defence.

Summary


AnalysisLithuania

58

Republic of Uzupis Vilnius


Summ


Who This initiative provided an entertaining and thought provoking alternative to more standard forms of volunteering and community action. This appeared to have been the brain-child of one individual, based on the study of psychology and sociology. The idea was based on the idea of creating a clear identity at a very local level. In so doing, encouraging the development of all the features identified with larger categorisations: cultural, national, even religious. The ‘declaration ‘of the ‘republican’ status of Uzupis – a neighbourhood of Vilnius – comes complete with road signs, a flag, various civil ceremonies and other ways of encouraging local residents to recognise their particular local identity (for those who may have encountered the English writer G.K. Chesterton, this idea has some interesting parallels with his satirical novel The Napoleon of Notting Hill).

What The development of a market area with the encouragement for small traders as well as the opportunity for public speech gives the area a sense of identity which extends beyond the confines of the ‘Republic’. Indeed, the awareness of local politicians of the potential of this scheme itself bears testimony to its value.

The ‘pimp-my-neighbour’ initiative, while appearing not to be entirely politically correct, certainly offered a new way to help the disadvantaged.

How Enforcement would seem to be achieved through informal means and a sense of collective standards.

Republic Of Uzupis – Vilnius

Ethical Assessment This project was perhaps the most unusual initiative presented during the present research. On first sight it would seem to present a number of potential ethical issues. However, the way these matters were being addressed alleviated many concerns. For instance, one aspect of the presentation referred to an action called ‘pimp my neighbour’. This involved taking a volunteer who had been reduced to living rough and, with the assistance of local professionals and tradesmen, providing this individual with a range of services, clothing, an apartment and even dentistry as a way of giving the person a new start and self-esteem. Poorly handled, this could cause considerable distress and difficulty. In the circumstances, it appeared to have been well conducted. The concept underpinning the initiative had been well thought out and planned. However, there would be certain aspects that might impinge on those who did not wish to participate in the venture. There were various ceremonies which, while being undertaken in good humour, might also prove divisive. The nature of the neighbourhood contributes greatly to the success of this initiative.

Sustainability To pick up from the last section. This initiative is the brain child of one individual who has the background and the means to pilot these ideas. There is an aspect to this initiative which is tied to this person’s desire to trial concepts and even to make certain political points. As a consequence, ongoing success is likely to depend heavily on this person or another equally motivated, as well as the acquiescence or active participation of other residents. It is an open question as to what point this local and imaginative initiative becomes politicised and even runs contrary to wider policies.

Transferability A difficult one to assess. The initiative as worked in an area with a high concentration of creative and artistically inclined residents. This community engages freely in a social experiment in a way that is not likely to be replicated readily in areas with a different demographic. That said, the initiative is an opportunity to prove concepts and to trial ideas relating to societal structures and notions of good neighbourliness. It is an initiative which would warrant further and more concentrated analysis to draw out the valuable lessons and the more transferable aspects.

Summary This local and imaginative initiative has many interesting and striking features. The work done to create a sense of belonging and to provide a focal point which stimulates small businesses in the market area are particularly interesting. It has gained local political acceptance if not active support. This would reward further enquiry and evaluation and provides an excellent example of how broad a range of undertakings can make a genuine contribution to cohesions, reassurance and security.


AnalysisLithuania

60


Section Four United Kingdom

62

UK Context

The initiatives reviewed here have been chosen to provide an insight into different parts of this range which extends from volunteer ‘special constables’ who carry out all the basic functions of their professional colleagues.

The underlying principles of policing in the UK would seem to support the inclusion of volunteers in activities that come under the heading of policing and security. The long-standing principle that the professional police are only citizens patrolling on behalf of the wider community and that all citizens retain a fundamental responsibility for combating crime and disorder means that the rationale for volunteers in policing is clearly set out.

As a result of this principle, the UK has a long tradition of volunteer police officers with all the powers and duties of their regular colleagues. This marks a significant difference between the UK and other project partners.

In addition to the obvious example of the special constables, the UK has a burgeoning range of volunteer initiatives which support policing. The initiatives reviewed here have been chosen to provide an insight into different parts of this range which extends from volunteer ‘special constables’ who carry out all the basic functions of their professional colleagues, to schemes such as Street Pastors which are quite independent of the police. In addition, the Metropolitan Volunteer Programme enables volunteers to offer their time and skills to the police to be utilised in a number of different roles, depending on their skills. In some

cases volunteers have taken over the provision of front counter services at small local police stations that are no longer viable for the police service to operate.

The introduction of neighbourhood policing in recent years has also increased the number of volunteering opportunities. Each neighbourhood has a panel or committee made up of local residents which works with the local policing team to set priorities and to receive feedback. Local residents are also encouraged to assist with environmental visual audits as part of the scanning processes used by the police and their partners.

In the range of volunteering activities available, it is important not to overlook the Neighbourhood Watch movement. This has been operating in the UK for the past thirty years. While for the most part activity is restricted to mutual protection and informal surveillance, there are increasing examples of watch schemes taking on a higher profile and providing a visible presence in their neighbourhoods. This is a necessary and perhaps overdue development which will benefit from the various models being developed with schemes such as Street Pastors.

It is also appropriate to note that there exists a significant political impetus for an increase in volunteering. The current UK government is developing its ideas of ‘big society’ and the Mayor of London has also created a major volunteering programme: Team London, through which individuals can offer skills and time to be directed to the most appropriate quarter. Perhaps there is an important principle emerging in terms of the balance between const saving and community building. The most successful schemes seem to be those where volunteers are motivated by a genuine desire to serve a community. While it is clearly good to achieve cost savings through volunteering sustainability will depend on proper motivation of the individual.


Harrow Neighbourhood Watch. Unteracting with the public.

64

Case StudyStreet Pastors


Summ


Who Street pastors are volunteers largely drawn from local Christian church communities. They receive training over 17 weeks and, when deployed work in teams of at least 4 patrolling in specific areas between the hours of 22.00 and 04.00. There is no age limit on the pastors – reference was made to a recent recruit of 78 year age. Anecdotally, the older pastors seem often to be the most effective in calming situations and engaging with people – this seems connected with the lack of any potential threat and perhaps an innate respect for age; one aspect of the project worthy of further analysis.32

What • Visible,uniformedpresence• Linkstopolice,shouldamoreformalresponseberequired• Challengingperceptionofno-goareas• Remainingwithvictimsofcrimependingpolicearrival

• Referralstosupportservices(drug/alcoholrehab;emergencyhousing;medical assistance; transport home)

• Handingoutbottledwater,thermalblanketsorevenflip-flopsforgirlstrying to walk in high heels while drunk

• Removingpotentialweapons(emptybottles)fromthestreet.NB.Pastorswill also take possession of weapons if they are surrendered voluntarily. This is not an act of enforcement but simply a means of removing harmful articles from situations in which they might be used

How • SPsarebriefedbythelocalpolice,insomecasesbeforeeachdeployment.This briefing will not tell the SPs where to patrol but will inform their own decision making process.

• Training,equipmentandoverallmanagementissuppliedbyTheAscension Trust (a registered charity)

• ThereisaprotocolinplacewiththepoliceandtheCrownProsecutionService covering among other things the possession of prohibited articles by SPs in situations where these have been surrendered.

• SPsoperatewithinaprotocolagreedwiththelocalpartnership(includespolice and local authority)

• Willhaveappropriatetrainingforpurposeofmakingreferralstosocialsupport provision

32It is possible to draw an analogy with the approach to tackling football violence: part of the apparent solution has been to increase the age diversity of crowds, thereby encouraging greater informal social control with the stadia.


Project ActivityProject Activity



Ward28 • StreetPastors• SpecialConstables(EmployerSupportedPolicing)• CommunitySpeedWatch

• StreetPastors • SpecialConstables(EmployerSupportedPolicing)• CommunitySpeedWatch(limitedenforcement)

Borough30 • StreetPastors• SpecialConstables(EmployerSupportedPolicing)• CommunitySpeedWatch

• StreetPastors • SpecialConstables(EmployerSupportedPolicing)• CommunitySpeedWatch

City31 • StreetPastors• SpecialConstables(EmployerSupportedPolicing

• StreetPastors • SpecialConstables(EmployerSupportedPolicing)

28WARD = the administrative district represented by elected councillors who sit on the council of the Local Authority. This is taken as the basic equivalent to a neighbourhood for policing purposes. There are 624 Local Authority Wards in London and there are 630 neighbourhood policing teams. It is true to say that all initiatives covered by this project will operate at the Ward level in that they will deploy resources / volunteers in local communities. However, in this matrix the classification is intended to indicate the level at which an initiative is organised. Hence a very small scale local initiative might be organised only within a single neighbourhood.

30London comprises 32 local authority areas called boroughs. The city of London, covering what was the ancient city of that name, now the financial centre is a separate administrative area. 31Some initiatives operate across London but are also coordinated / administered at the borough level. For instance, Street Pastors operates in 27 of the 32 boroughs, each with a borough coordinator but under the guidance and supervision of an umbrella organisation, The Ascension Trust.

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Case StudyEmployer Supported Policing (MSC)


Summ


Who The scheme falls within the remit of the Metropolitan Special Constabulary (MSC). Unlike many of our neighbouring countries, the UK has a long tradition of volunteer police officers. These individuals are attested officers (have taken an oath of attestation) thereby holding the office of Constable. They receive no financial reward for this activity and they work alongside regular officers in a growing variety of situations. They have all the same powers as a regular constable.In recent years, the MSC has developed the Employer Supported Policing scheme through which companies are encouraged to release their staff to work as special constables. The incentives for the employer are staff development, contribution to the local community, the deployment of that staff member in the area of the employer’s premises while on duty as a special constable and the availability of a trained and warranted police officer within the staff the rest of the time. The volunteers work two days (2 x 8 hour shifts) each month. At present the employer is expected to pay the employee for these days, but there are plans to share the burden between the employer and the employee (one day paid and one day in own time)

What Uniformed, visible patrolling presence. Response policing, public order and reassurance.

All the enforcement activity that would or could be engaged in by a regular police officer.

How The MSC is organised at the force-wide or city wide level. However each borough has two regular sergeants tasked with recruiting and managing the MSC locally. The uniform worn is identical to that worn by regulars with the exception of a small MSC badge worn on the epaulette. Although this summary indicates that the aspect of ‘social Action’ is not applicable, the work of the MSC, particularly alongside the Safer Neighbourhoods Teams would necessarily encompass some social action – where this is understood as addressing local or particular concerns that do not relate specifically to security or community safety but which may have indirect links to well being in a given area.

The MSC officers have all the enforcement powers of their counterparts in the regular Service. As a result their enforcement activity reflects that of the regular police.

Special constables share the same social action role as their regular colleagues. The police service remains an agency of last resort


AnalysisUK – Street Pastors

Ethical Assessment The Street Pastor scheme is based on the principle of reassurance and support offered to anyone in need by volunteers who are drawn from Christian faith communities. There has been some concern about equality and diversity issues and whether the volunteers engage in evangelisation. However, these concerns have not been substantiated. It is a fact that volunteers – at present – come from a specific faith community but the terms of their training and the method of operating do not allow for them to engage in overt evangelisation. The pastors provide a range of low level support to people who are vulnerable through drink of drugs in the early hours of the morning. This support may include arranging transport home, arranging medical assistance in cases of extreme need and even handing out flip flops for girls to wear instead of high-heel shoes when their condition is adversely affect by alcohol. The project team found good organisation and management structures were in place to prepare and supervise the volunteers. Training was clear and the volunteers appeared to be motivated by a desire to serve.

Sustainability The hours worked by the street pastors, typically 10pm to 4am, would seem likely to created recruitment problems. However, to date this has not been an issue. The organisation has official charitable status which helps from the point of view of fund raising. The schemes depend on the motivation of local ‘champions’ and the establishment of a management committee. While this means that the spread of schemes is relatively slow, it also means that once these conditions are met the long-term survival of a scheme is greatly enhanced. It is fair to say that the scheme is relatively expensive (many areas have paid coordinators) and, owing to the need to operate in teams with a minimum of four pastors, it is quite resource intensive.

Transferability It should be noted that project representatives identified ‘zero rating’ for transferability to some countries owing to the religious aspect of the initiative. This was specifically the case in those countries where there was strict separation of church and state. Notwithstanding the above, the scheme would seem to be transferable in one form or another and it is worth noting that it bears a number of common features with the Bologna Assistenti Civici scheme. In connection with transferability, there is nothing in this initiative which implies a response to the failure of statutory agencies. Unless, that is it is believed that all social ills must be met by such an agency.

Summary Street Pastors are now operating across nearly every London borough and a large number of other towns and cities throughout the UK. The body responsible for the schemes, the Ascension Trust, is a well established charity which has managed the development of this movement over a number of years. Pastors are well received by police officers and public alike in the areas they operate. The volunteers are from all backgrounds and ages, though all are practising Christians. The diversity of ages is a particular strength of this scheme. The scheme complies with all of the principles identified in this research.

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Case StudyMet Police Volunteer Programme


Summ


Who The Met Volunteer Programme brings individuals with a wide range of skills into the police organisation in a way that reflects those specific skills and matches them to particular needs within the organisation. The basic idea might be to release police officers for tasks which require their abilities and powers but it also acts as a powerful example of the fundamental links between volunteering and policing.

What Volunteers undertake a range of functions many being back office, support services. In addition, some volunteers have been deployed to open front office customer-contact facilities for the police. This is rather a wordy way of saying that they run the front desks of mothballed police stations. It is worth pointing out that employment law requires that the volunteers do not directly replace paid employees but rather seek to support and add value to such staff.

How Volunteers work in various roles undertaking tasks that would otherwise take a police officer away from other duties.


AnalysisLondon – Metropolitan Police Special Constabulary (Employer Supported Policing)

Ethical Assessment The Metropolitan Special Constabulary (MSC) has a long history and reflects the basic ethos of British policing which is based on the notion of citizens patrolling on behalf of their fellow citizens. In the case of Special Constables, there is no payment except for certain expenses. The Employer supported element of the programme enables business to make a direct contribution to communities while also benefiting from having staff trained and warranted as police officers. The Special constables are subject to the same controls and safeguards as their regular counterparts and carry the same equipment. They are trained to the same standard as regulars in respect of self protection and application of force. The absence of routine arming in the UK removes this particular complication from the equation. A potential ethical implication may be identified with the employer supported element, should there be seen to be some inappropriate business benefit accruing from the arrangement. With this in mind certain types of business are excluded (e.g. security companies) where there may be scope for confusion between the core business and the presence of warranted police officers. The other provisions governing the conduct of police officers would seem to alleviate any other ethical concerns

Sustainability There are currently considerable efforts being made to increase the size of the MSC, not least with the approaching Olympic Games which will require a major policing operation. Recruitment is steady and sustainable. The cost in comparison with regulars makes the MSC an attractive option in times of financial constraint.

Transferability There is an assumption that this long-standing initiative is the product of a particular policing style which may have implications for transferability. The regulations governing police forces in other settings may prove prohibitive as may the culture within the service and in the wider society. This said, it should be noted that several of the projects examined bear certain similarities to the MSC, which indicate that transferability may be easier than at first sight.

Summary The MSC is an integral part of the UK Policing model and is a tangible expression of the principles of UK policing. In more recent years the development of employer-supported policing has increased the scope of the MSC and , owing to the willingness of employers to grant staff time to commit to their policing duties has increased the availability and reliability of this resource. The scheme reflects well the principles identified in the present research.

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Case StudyCommunity Speed Watch


Summ


Who Local community volunteers who undertake vehicle speed monitoring in areas which experience problems with speeding and associated danger. These schemes run in many parts of the UK and are a partnership between the local authority, police and the community

What Volunteers check speed of vehicles passing through villages and other neighbourhoods. Vehicles detected travelling in excess of the limit are reported, via the Driver and Vehicle Licensing Authority. The registered owner is contacted by letter and advised regarding the ‘offence’ witnessed. Although prosecution does not normally follow a single infringement, it is possible to mount a prosecution with the evidence of the volunteers. This would usually be for repeated offences.

Although proceedings are normally only by advisory letter, prosecution is possible based on the evidence provided by the volunteers.

How Volunteers are equipped by the police with hand-held speed radar detectors. These record the speed of an approaching vehicle but do not record an image of the vehicle. The volunteers note the licence plate of the vehicle and resulting action takes the form of advisory letter

The scheme works on the basis of education rather than prosecution. Signs are used to alert drivers to their speed. Speeding drivers receive written ‘advice’.


AnalysisMet Volunteer Programme

Ethical Assessment The issues that need to be addressed in this scheme include confidentiality and employment protection. In relation to the former, volunteers working in police buildings will see or hear personal information relating to other citizens. It is essential that these volunteers use discretion in relation to the information they receive. In relation to employment protection, the volunteers are not permitted simply to replace a paid position but can assist a paid member of staff.

Sustainability At present there are no concerns about sustainability. The scheme has very low financial costs, although there is a network of paid volunteer managers covering the 32 local administrative areas (boroughs) which make up London.

Transferability Other such schemes are found to be operating elsewhere. Transferability is dependent on the legislative provision in each place.

Summary

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AnalysisCommunity Speed Watch

Ethical Assessment The concern that might be evident in this initiative is that of the validity of evidence. However, the basis of this scheme is not prosecution but awareness raising. Any speeding offences are dealt with by way of letter from the police. The fact that the offence was recorded by members of the community is aimed at making the link between the offence and a negative impact on the community. There is an additional question in relation to the vulnerability of community volunteers. However, the scheme is always operated with the assistance and the presence of the police. Of course, the question with this the relative benefits of this scheme over against an enforcement operation run by the police.

Sustainability This scheme is popular in small community such as villages where there is a long term concern about speeding vehicles endangering local residents.

Transferability Transferability of this scheme would depend on the legal context in the intended location and the willingness of the police to support the activity.

Summary

Appendix I Italy


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Civilian patrols: a new urban security strategy?*

Appendix I Civilian patrols

Security strategies and preventive action, typical of North American models, were adopted firstly in the UK and in the past twenty years, in continental Europe. The context was the rise in what Garland (2001) defined as complex crime, or rather the public perception of crime. Typically, the fear of crime in western countries is much higher than the actual risk or any real possibility of actually becoming a victim. At international level, the crime rate has dropped considerably from the beginning of the nineteen-nineties, firstly in the United States and, following that, in most of Europe. In Italy crime has been characterised by a major change. Certain offences have decreased, but others, particularly those against property, have increased considerably. In 2008, the last year of available data, a noticeable reduction in crime has been seen in Italy. In a little over fifteen years, an increase in the fear of crime (Amendola, 2008: 6 et seq.) has also been experienced in this country. So the public wish for self-defence has parameters that are still not properly defined. In Italy, as in the rest of continental Europe, the Hobbesian pact that modern society has entered into between government and governed, is still in force. In exchange for a complete monopoly on taxes and the deployment of force, the government has given protection and security against external threats, using the army and internal, by the use of police. In this context, citizens are regarded only as passive consumers of security services.

Despite the continuing monopoly of the central State in the matter of public security, the practice of co-involvement in communities for local crime prevention policies is increasing across the whole of Europe. The UK methods will be referred to extensively in the following pages. In Holland, as in France, one of the most common initiatives aimed at maximising local resources in crime prevention is including young people who are considered leaders in their community, as ‘promoters’. In practice, the involvement of the community in the control of crime swings between two principal preventive approaches: the situational and the social. The first, as everyone knows, is focussed on measures which could dissuade potential criminals, for example strengthening passive security systems or with the use of video surveillance, rather than the circumstances which lead to an individual’s misconduct. Conversely, social prevention is based on a theory of the causes of crime and seeks to eliminate, or at least reduce, the social and economic conditions which create an environment favourable to unlawful behaviour.

The ambivalence of community prevention operations is also evident in approaches which, according to widespread opinion (Graham Bennet, 1995: 71 et seq.), can include: • community organisation, based on residents’ actions and

strengthening of common ties to prevent crime and to replace it with informal social control

• community safety, based on models which encourage citizens to observe their own neighbourhoods with more collaboration between citizens and the police

• community development, based on empowerment at community level, accompanied by an overall improvement in social conditions, in terms of both living conditions and services.

The acceptance of citizens’ co-involvement in the protection of their neighbourhoods seems to dominate current discussions on community crime prevention in Italy. Recently, the political debate on urban security has been dominated by an antipathy to ‘patrols’. It is clearly recognised that using the word ‘patrols’ has contributed in some way to the confusion and controversy. The concept of ‘patrol’ brings territorial control to mind as it is perceived as being militaristic in nature. The concept being emphasised is that these so-called patrols have been wrongly defined and do not represent the original initiatives on either international or Italian grounds. Naturally this assertion needs to be clarified. It was introduced at national level in the Law of 15 July 2009, n. 94. As Moro correctly

observes in a recent contribution (2009: 183), in reality they are not patrols or new forms of vigilantism at all, but rather groups of citizens who are exercising what is technically defined as ‘passive surveillance’ of the area. International literature (Graham, Bennet, 1995: 76 e ff.) clearly defines these forms of community prevention which are included in the concept of community protection. Types of passive surveillance include practices such as Neighbourhood Watch, also known as Block Watch, Crime Watch, Community Watch, Home Watch or Apartment Watch and also the initiatives Street Watch and Neighbourhood Wardens. These are all forms of keeping areas safe with the involvement of unarmed citizens, separate from police powers and preventing, through their presence and informal surveillance alone, criminal groups from occupying the area and potentially alerting problem situations to the police. Citizens Patrol or Vigilante Groups are very different. In these cases, citizens are dedicated to territorial surveillance, with specific powers to identify and potentially to arrest suspicious persons. In other words the national legislature has introduced into our system a rule of “passive surveillance”, while paradoxically the political and media debate takes the form, be it for or against, of a return to the concept of vigilantism. To confirm this, it is enough to analyse the requirements of the rules on the ‘patrols’ under consideration in Law 94/2009: in particular the rule (art.3, paragraph 4) in question reads: *article published in “Local autonomy and social

services” n.3/2009, (4.6.1/VI, pp. 487-497).

The national legislature has introduced into our system a rule of “passive surveillance”, while paradoxically the political and media debate takes the form.

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“The mayors, subject to agreement with the prefect, can avail themselves of the collaboration of associations of unarmed citizens for the purposes of highlighting to the State or local police forces, events which might harm urban security or situations of social unpleasantness”, Now, because people might refer to vigilante activity on the part of a people’s association, according to international literature (among others, see Johnston, 1996: 221 et seq.), they must observe at least six conditions in the following context:1) The need for planning and for an organisation, even if

very small. 2) The willing participation only of private citizens. 3) The aim of guaranteeing greater security, both for the members

of the group and for the rest of the community. 4) Spontaneous activity, without authorisation or support from

the state or the local authorities. 5) Direct action against subjects or behaviour considered

abnormal. 6) The potential use of force.It seems immediately evident that in recent national law, there are no conditions which would allow for at least three of these elements which would consist of forms of vigilantism, particularly the last ones. These are more controversial from the point of

view of democratic principles in legislation. In other words, since paragraph 40 identifies specifically methods of using the volunteers only for identifying events which could upset urban security or cause social unpleasantness, we must exclude any active intervention whatsoever on their part. In this sense the provisions of the law can be considered legitimate and not contrary to our justice system. A law intended to reintroduce a more traditional idea of justice would be highly undesirable. Even without reference to the notorious death squads, still present in countries such as Brazil or Colombia, forms of active vigilantism still remain in western countries to this day. We can include among vigilante activities the existence of Guardian Angels, which started in the United States in 1979 and subsequently spread, first to Canada and then also to Europe.Guardian Angels particularly distinguish themselves from ordinary forms of community surveillance in that they wear uniform, are subject to special training1 and intervene physically, although unarmed, to stop anti-social activities (Pennel et al., 1989). Important in this sense is their motto: dare to care. In other words, the Guardian Angels can be considered vigilantes, not that they necessarily use force in their interventions, even though their operational philosophy allows them to (Johonston, 1996: 228). Forms of unarmed Citizens patrols are also fairly widespread in Russia, where the prevention and suppression of crime is

traditionally considered the duty of the individual citizen. A similar experiment was introduced in Hungary, in the city of Pecs (Graham, Bennet, 1995: 77). However, it did not produce significant results in terms of the prevention of crime2. We can disagree with many types of preventive intervention on the basis of real, active vigilantism on the part of some citizen groups. In the first place there is the risk that these groups of local vigilantes do not fully respect the law, taking upon themselves unacceptable suppressive roles (Pavarini, 1994: 451; Sagar, 2005: 104). In addition, there is more than a remote possibility that these voluntary organisations become gradually absorbed into the police force, engendering an unacceptable overlapping of roles. There is the case, for example, of the Texas Rangers who, having sprung up spontaneously in 1823 as a group of local vigilantes, were then incorporated into the American Department of Public Security in 1935 (Valero Briceño, 1993: 94).3 Furthermore, the first assessments conducted on the activities of the Guardian Angels in the United States, in San Diego as well as elsewhere, did not seem to show any particular effectiveness in their interventions (Graham, Bennet, 1995: 78). In particular, the Angels cannot have any effect on the most violent offences, or those which in theory should be their objectives, while they appear to have a modest impact on offences of a predatory nature (Pennel et al.,1989: 388). We emphasise that, from the second half of the 1990s, many Italian local administrations, regardless of their political

standpoint, have begun experiments in passive surveillance, by means of agreements with volunteer associations made up also, for example, of senior citizens or foreign residents. Among the most notable of these, the City Angels, active in Milan since 1995 and easily distinguished from the American Guardian Angels by their clearly marked solidarity (Furlan, 1997), or through the number of active volunteers, more than two hundred of whom are present in the area every day and the significant action of the Assistenti Civici, or Civil Aid, begun by the Municipality of Bologna in 2001 (Nobili, 2004: 328). On the other hand, it also has to be emphasised how the experiment promoted by the Municipality of Bologna might draw inspiration from the historic activity of the Corpo delle Pattuglie Cittadine, or Civilian Patrol Corps, a voluntary association formally recognised since 1828 (Braccesi, 1993: 11) with the aim of protecting people and property, by assisting the normal forces. Curiously, this is the Italian voluntary association that can be most easily likened, at least in origin, to that of vigilante groups and the only example in our country, until 1986, of an armed voluntary organisation, with powers to assist the police. We would prefer to compare the Italian experiments with the Neighbourhood Watch programmes (NW); or, better still, to the Neighbourhood Wardens programmes which represent some of the better known strategies for prevention of crime which have been widespread in North America since the beginning of the 1970s and subsequently largely developed in Great Britain. It can be 1The Angels’ training provides, amongst other things,

training in martial arts and in operational techniques of arrest (Pennel et al., 1989: 387).

2Now in Hungary, yet more worrying forms of territorial vigilantism have reappeared, in which there are highly political connotations. One might refer in particular to the Magyar Garda, literally the ‘Hungarian Guard’, a paramilitary militia of a party, which numbers over two thousand members. This organisation, which has an underlying extreme-right political ideology, is structured in companies and regiments and its members, on joining, swear oaths of absolute fidelity, as in the case of a regular army.

3One should bear in mind that, up to the end of the 1800s, in most of the frontier territories of the United States, observance of law was often ensured in a summary fashion by groups of local vigilantes. There was the famous case of the Reno brothers’ gang, who carried out the first train-robberies in peace time, who were captured and lynched by the Jackson County Vigilance Committee in 1968 in Seymour Indiana.

Guardian Angels particularly distinguish themselves from ordinary forms of community surveillance in that they wear uniform.


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confirmed as the single most widespread community prevention strategy in these countries. According to the British Crime Survey in 2000, 27% of families participated in a NW project in England and Wales (see fig. 1), and a similar increase has taken place in the United States. 41% of the American population lives in a zone covered by a NW initiative (Bennett et al., 2009)

Figure 1 – Percentage of families involved in N.W. projects in England and Wales from 1984 to 2000. Source: British Crime Survey.

1984

10

0

20

30

1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000Source: British Crime Survey.

The starting theory is that any area can be made more secure by widespread participatory surveillance by its inhabitants. Included are the concepts developed through environmental criminology: “Natural Surveillance” (Jacobs, 1961), “Defensible Space”

(Newman, 1972), but also indirectly through ideas of opportunity. It is important, in this regard, to quote a well-known passage from the American anthropologist Jane Jacobs, found in her well known book “The Death and Life of Great American Cities”, published in 1961: “The first thing to understand is that the public peace – the sidewalk and street peace – is not maintained primarily by the police, necessary as they are. It is kept primarily by an intricate, almost unconscious, network of voluntary controls and standards among the people themselves and enforced by the people themselves.” Bentham’s design of the Panopticon has also come to be used as an instrument through which the neighbourhood networks guarantee security, monitoring the presence of outsiders or of unusual behaviour in an area. In general, the different types of Neighbourhood Watch can be traced back to one single model. The principal objective of NW programmes is the voluntary involvement of the residents of a certain area in activities for the prevention and control of criminal activity, generally in collaboration with the local police. In England and the USA, police forces have begun to promote and then co-ordinate, especially in the early years, these forms of neighbourhood control. This is in contrast to what has happened in our country, where the initiatives have often come from local administrations.

In fact, in the Anglo-Saxon world, a NW is started following a meeting between neighbourhood committees and local police, usually organised and sponsored by the latter by distributing information or directly approaching the residents of an area (Garofalo, McLeod, 1989: 328). At the initial meeting the police officers (known as Watch Liaison Officers) set out the objectives and operational methods of a NW project. The proposal is to create a community capable of exchanging information on crime problems, adopting preventive measures (for example security systems in blocks of flats), organising neighbourhood surveillance and maintaining contact with the police.During the first meeting, they identify the group of people who are available to participate in the NW programme and members are divided into committees and subcommittees. At this first meeting they also elect a local coordinator (known as Block Captain) who has the task of maintaining contact with the neighbourhood police officer and recruiting new participants. The first meeting should then be followed by others throughout the year, always organised by the area co-ordinator. The agencies which support the NW projects regularly distribute new information. In this way the community is updated on the latest statistics on local crime and on how they might adopt new security measures, either personally or in their homes. The existence of a NW programme is signposted, with a clear deterrent message, by stickers on doors, windows, gates, showing

a large, always vigilant eye.4 In this way, the citizens become “eyes and ears” (Garofalo, McLeod, 1989: 329; Graham, Bennet, 1995: 79) of the police, identifying suspect individuals, behaviour and activities within the area. The function of the watcher to dangerous situations is therefore one of contacting the police (“observe and report”). Direct intervention on their part is discouraged. The position cited by the English Home Office is unambiguous:

“Members of NW projects are not vigilantes. Patrolling the streets is the prerogative of the police”. Surveillance of the area is carried out in the course of normal daily activities, and there is no lack of tactically organised vigilance on the part of the residents of a neighbourhood. In line with the functions of the control agencies, all these activities should produce a noticeable reduction in crime, in particular offences against property. Additionally, greater social cohesion, a closer bond between the citizens and police, greater awareness about real risks of victimisation should all create, on one hand, a feeling of greater security, and on the other hand, an improvement in the image and activities of the police. Particular limitations and contradictions in NW experiments have been clearly analysed by, among others, Rosenbaum (1986: 106 et seq.) and Hope (1995: 49 et seq.).

4Many researchers complain of the fact that the preventive actions of the NW programmes often result in the affixing of a series of stickers on house windows, (among them see Hope, 1995: 49 and Graham, Bennet, 1995: 80). The choice of these images to indicate the presence in a given area of a NW programme is due to the symbol and motto of what was the most famous American investigation agency, Pinkerton’s National Detective

Greater social cohesion, a closer bond between the citizens and police, greater awareness about real risks of victimisation should all create, on one hand, a feeling of greater security, and on the other hand, an improvement in the image and activities of the police.

Public peace – the sidewalk and street peace is not maintained primarily by the police, necessary as they are, but is kept primarily by an intricate, almost unconscious, network of voluntary controls.


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In particular: • The success of NW programmes does not depend solely on

the size of the initiative, but also on the social composition of the community and on the attitude that the police have towards it. The police have shown that they prefer to interact with ethnically and socially cohesive communities (composed preferably of white citizens, educated in and respectful of the law) and may ignore problems which occur in other more problematic areas. To summarise critically, NW works where there is the least need for it;

• Paradoxically in certain cases community action can produce greater fear. The distribution of information on crime, and advice on security, may risk increasing fear and anxiety and, worse still, reinforce racial prejudice

• It has not been shown that the existence of a NW programme naturally increases surveillance in an area. Potentially, the effectiveness of this strategy is rather to reduce the feelings of social anxiety (in this regard see also Bennett and Lavrakas, 1989: 355 et seq.).

• Finally, it is unlikely that a community project will maintain itself over the long term with only the support of its participants. It is therefore necessary, after it has been started, to ensure the support of the local public administration.5

It should be pointed out that the scholars Bennet, Halloway and Farrington have recently (2009) subjected NW initiatives to systematic testing. They also considered hundreds of studies and subsequently selected those of the highest quality, or rather analysis which had the requisites of scientific evaluation and in particular quasi-experimental methods of control cases (overall 19 examined the impact of 43 specific NW initiatives, for a synopsis see Tab. 1). The study shows that the neighbourhood control initiatives tend to be effective in reducing crime. According to the authors, it is even possible to discern an overall reduction in crime of between 16 and 26% in the zones involved in NW interventions, compared to control cases.

Table 1 – Impact of 43 NW interventions, analysed in 19 individual evaluation studiesSource: Bennet, Halloway and Farrington (2009)

Author of the research and year of publication

Place of experimentation

Indicator measured

Consequences of the intervention

Anderton (1985) UK, Cheshire, Northwich Division Domestic burglary Positive effectsBennett (1990) UK, London, Wimbledon Domestic burglary Negative effects

UK, London, Acton Domestic burglary Negative effectsBennett and Lavrakas (1989) USA, Baltimora Victimisation Negative effects

USA, Boston Victimisation No effectUSA, Bronx Victimisation No effectUSA, Brooklyn Victimisation No effectUSA, Cleveland Victimisation Positive effectsUSA, Miami Victimisation No effectUSA, Minneapolis Victimisation No effectUSA, Newark Victimisation Negative effectsUSA, Philadelphia Victimisation No effectUSA, Washington Victimisation No effect

Cirel et al. (1977) USA, Washington, Seattle Domestic burglary Positive effectsForrester, Chatterton, Pease (1988) UK, Rochdale, Kirkholt Domestic burglary Positive effectsHenig (1984) USA, Washington DC, the First Police District Domestic burglary Positive effectsHulin (1979) USA, California, Fontana Domestic burglary Positive effectsHusain (1990) UK, Birmingham, Handsworth Wood Domestic burglary Positive effects

UK, Brighton, Saltdean Domestic burglary Positive effectsUK, Burnley, Hargher Clough Domestic burglary Uncertain effectsUK, Manchester, Trafford, Stretford Domestic burglary Positive effectsUK, Preston, Grange Estate and Moor Nook Domestic burglary Positive effectsUK, Sutton Coldfield Domestic burglary Uncertain effects

Agency – an eye open above the phrase “we never sleep” – which also gave us the term ‘private eye’, meaning private detective (Valero Briceño, 1993: 93).

5Based on suggestions from the police, the members of an NW note down all of the details (physical characteristics, times, registration number etc.) relating to suspect situations and persons. Moreover, some programmes provide a ‘telephone-tree’ system, which allows for alerting the members of the group after the police have been advised (Cesaria, 1993:50).

The success of Neighbourhood Watch programmes does not depend solely on the size of the initiative, but also on the social composition of the community and on the attitude that the police have towards it.


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Author of the research and year of publication

Place of experimentation

Indicator measured

Consequences of the intervention

Jenkins and Latimer (1986) UK, Merseyside, York Avenue Domestic burglary Positive effectsUK, Merseyside, Burford Crescent Domestic burglary Negative effectsUK, Merseyside, Villiers Crescent Domestic burglary Positive effectsUK, Merseyside, Red Acre Domestic burglary Positive effects

Knowles, Lesser and McKewen (1983) USA, Los Angeles, Manhattan Beach Domestic burglary Positive effectsLatessa and Travis (1987) USA, Cincinnati, College Hill Domestic burglary Positive effectsLewis, Grant and Rosenbaum (1988) USA, Chicago, Northwest Victimisation Positive effects

USA, Chicago, Northeast Victimisation Negative effectsUSA, Chicago, Back of the Yards Victimisation Negative effectsUSA, Chicago, Auburn-Gresham Victimisation –USA, Chicago, Edgewater Victimisation –

Lowman (1983) Canada, Vancouver Domestic burglary Positive effectsMatthews and Trickey (1994a) UK, Leicester, New Parks Domestic burglary Positive effectsMatthews and Trickey (1994b) UK, Leicester, Eyres Monsel Domestic burglary Positive effectsMukherjee and Wilson (1988) Australia, Victoria Domestic burglary Positive effectsResearch and Forecasts Inc. (1983) USA, Michigan, Crary-St. Mary’s Domestic burglary Positive effectsTilley and Webb (1994) UK, Birmingham, Primrose estate Domestic burglary Positive effects

UK, Rochdale, Belfield Domestic burglary Positive effectsUK, Rochdale, Back O’Th’ Moss Domestic burglary Positive effects

Veater (1984) UK, Bristol, Kingsdown All offences Positive effects

Neighbourhood Warden projects, developed particularly in Great Britain, are the prevention initiative most similar to those in operation in our municipalities. It is an experiment in citizen involvement which is more advanced and mature than the traditional Block Watch (BW). In the case of BW, civilian volunteers are only involved in the passive defence of their own area or neighbourhood. It is a programme which works on the basis of excluding all outsiders and strangers. The Neighbourhood Wardens are, on the other hand, composed of voluntary associations who serve the whole city and, a crucial distinction, not just their own neighbourhood. The volunteers, always in strict co-ordination with the police, guarantee a visible presence in residential and public areas. The function, in its broadest sense, is that of improving the quality of life in the city and contributing to the redevelopment of public spaces. Their presence in an area, identifiable by a recognisable tabard, is aimed at preventing, by acting as a deterrent, any street offences and anti-social behaviour, promoting social inclusion and taking care of the environment.

Each warden has a number of tasks which vary according to the needs and agreements fixed by local security partnerships, for example: • fostering links between citizens, the police and other local

services. • contributing to the development of the sense of community

and to respect for the shared communal regulations of the local community.

• supporting vulnerable groups such as the elderly, the disabled and victims of crime.

In addition, with regard to effectiveness and caution owing to the lack of widespread and rigorous evaluation, the Neighbourhood Wardens initiatives appear to be more prominent than Neighbourhood Watch initiatives. One of the first independent national evaluations conducted in 2004 by the British Government recorded a decrease of 28% between 2001 and 2003 in victimisation in the pilot areas in contrast to a growth of roughly 5 % in the control zones (Neighbourhood Renewal Unit, 2004: 30).

In the case of BW, civilian volunteers are only involved in the passive defence of their own area or neighbourhood. It is a programme which works on the basis of excluding all outsiders and strangers.


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If it is possible to envisage an effective deterrent function in these Neighbourhood Wardens, we must reject the idea that street patrols by volunteers could serve to interrupt criminal offences in the course of being committed. In the seven areas analysed between November 2001 and January 2003 on 1,657 patrols carried out overall, there were only 13 criminal offences(0.8%) encountered ‘in flagrante’. In other words, the wardens come across one criminal act for every 127 times they go out on the street!6 More significant are the positive effects of the Neighbourhood Warden initiatives on the social perception of anxiety. The fear of being assaulted or robbed was reduced by ten per cent in the areas involved in the pilots, compared to a slight increase in the control areas. Naturally these first results, even if they are on the whole encouraging, should be further supported by other rigorous and more detailed evaluation studies. If, as we has tried to show, Law 94/2009 which introduced “volunteer observers” into our system cannot be traced back to the controversial concept of patrols, it is thus exempt from formal and substantial criticism. The Interior Minister’s decree of 8 August 2009, which defined the operating parameters of volunteer observer associations and the requirements for the enrolment on the prefect’s list, specified amongst other things that such associations must not be linked to political parties or movements. They must not be associated with union organisations or be in any way linked to these, or linked to organised followers. These

are all absolutely essential caveats, although the facts are different. Security volunteers are still an almost completely unknown entity in this country, even today as there is very low enrolment on the prefect’s registers. It is a result which can be entirely discounted if we note the absolute lack of duties assigned to these volunteers. Article 2 of the Interior Minister’s decree specifies that the volunteers carry out “merely observational activities in specific areas of the community”. The observation can be carried out actively “exclusively in groups composed of a number of people not greater than three, without the aid of motorised means”. It is clear that duties and methods of carrying out volunteer observation are fixed in such a limited way they would be of very little use and would arouse little interest in the community. If perhaps there was a better recognition of the work already begun, in a low-key way, especially by the Emilia-Romagna, Lombardy and Tuscany regions, we would not nomally have to resort to emergency-style and off-the-cuff rules. Particularly worthy of special mention are the regional rules of Emilia-Romagna (L.R. 24/2003, art. 8), the first in Italy to completely regulate the use of volunteers in urban security. In this region alone, the local administration has signed up to more than one hundred agreements with voluntary associations and, by 2008, 57 of the Municipal Police organisations had used volunteers for urban security intervention.

The regional law in Emilia-Romagna, in art. 8, provides that the use of volunteers (and only associations regularly registered in accordance with the regional framework Law on volunteers n. 266/1991) is aimed at:

“…maintaining an active presence in the area, in conjunction with and not a substitute for that normally ensured by the local police, with the purpose of promoting education and community spirit and respect for the law, mediation of conflicts and dialogue between people, integration and social inclusion”. A later directive deals with the details of regional legislation and states that the voluntary associations should contribute, among other things, to the development of preventive actions, keeping citizens informed, education and street security. In addition, they can guarantee a greater presence and visibility in urban public spaces and help foster relationships among citizens, the local police and other local services.

The national law is moving slowly and tentatively in the area of public security. The regional law of Emilia-Romagna positions itself in two areas, local administrative police (who have their own rules) and volunteers (whose remit is concurrent with State legislation). The “volunteers” legally come under the “control of the functions of the local administrative police” and in particular in the “promotion of an integrated security system” on a regional basis. They are, specifically, one of the ways in which the regional law pursues the objective of a ‘civilised and orderly cohabitation in the city and regional areas”. They are volunteers in a technical-legal sense, because they are part of a voluntary association registered by regional law. They have a much wider range of activities, though not in the sphere of public security, and consequently, the provisions of the Interior Minister’s Decree of 8 August last do not apply to them. But, what counts for more, they are an ‘active’ presence, a resource for the region and the community at large, not merely observers. Gian Guido Nobili Area Manager, Research and Planning Service for Security and Local Police Policies – Emilia-Romagna Region Lecturer in Legal Sociology, deviance and social change – Modena-Reggio Emilia University

6Similar conclusions were drawn from earlier research on the patrol activities of the Guardian Angels: out of 672 patrols studied over a period of six months, only two arrests were recorded (Pennell et al., 1989: 387).

The fear of being assaulted or robbed was reduced by ten per cent in the areas involved in the pilots, compared to a slight increase in the control areas.

Members of NW projects are not vigilantes. Patrolling the streets is the prerogative of the police.


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BibliographyAmendola G. 2008 Insicurezza e vita quotidiana nelle città italiane in G. Amendola (by), Città, Criminalità, Paure, Naples, Liguori, pp. 1-24. Bennett S.F., Lavrakas P.J. 1989 Community-based crime prevention: an assessment of the Eisenhower Foundation’s Neighborhood Program, in “Crime and Delinquency”, 35, n. 3, pp. 345-364. Bennett T., Holloway K., Farrington D. 2009 The Effectiveness of Neighborhood Watch, in: The Campbell Collaboration Reviews of Intervention and Policy Evaluations (C2-RIPE). Braccesi C. 1993 Le Pattuglie Cittadine, 160 anni di storia, in “Sicurezza e territorio”, n. 10, pp. 11- 16. Cesaria C. 1993 Neighborhood Watch, in “Sicurezza e territorio”, n. 7, pp. 49-51. Furlan M. 1997 Angeli di Strada, Milan, Edizioni Paoline. Garland D. 2001 The Culture of Control. Crime and Social Order in Contemporary Society, Oxford, Oxford University Press, Italian translation: La cultura del controllo. Crimine e ordine sociale nel mondo contemporaneo, Milan, Il Saggiatore (2007). Garofalo J., Mcleod M. 1989 The structure and Operations of Neighborhood Watch Programs in the United States, in “Crime and Delinquency”, 35, n. 3, pp. 326-344.

Graham J., Bennet T. 1995 Crime prevention strategies in Europe and North America, Helsinki: Criminal Justice Press. Hope T. 1995 Community Crime Prevention, in “Crime and Justice”, Vol. 19. M. Tonry, D.P. Farrington (by), Chicago: University of Chicago Press, pp. 21-89. Jacobs J. 1961 The death and life of great American cities, New York, Vintage Books, Italian Translation: Vita e morte delle grandi città. Saggio sulle metropoli americane, Turin, Einaudi (1969). Johnston L. 1996 What is vigilantism?, in “The British Journal of Criminology”, Vol. 36, n. 2, pp. 220- 236. Moro G. 2009 La cittadinanza attiva e le politiche locali della sicurezza, in Oltre le ordinanze. I sindaci e la sicurezza urbana, Cittalia – Fondazione Anci ricerche, pp. 181-208. Neighbourhood Renewal Unit 2004 Research Report 8. Neighbourhood Wardens Scheme Evaluation, http://www.neighbourhood.gov.uk/publications.asp?did=294. (website consulted 12/05/09) Newman O. 1972 Defensible space. Crime prevention through urban design, New York, Mc Millan.

Nobili G.G. 2004 Bologna: trasformazione dei fenomeni e delle politiche, in “Quaderni di Città sicure”, n. 30, pp. 279-336. Pavarini M. 1994 Bisogni di sicurezza e questione criminale, in “Rassegna Italiana di Criminologia”, 4, pp. 453-462. Pennell S., Curtis C., Henderson J., Tayman J. 1989 Guardian Angels: A Unique Approach to Crime Prevention, in “Crime and Delinquency”, 35, n. 3, pp. 378-400. Rosenbaum D.P. 1986 The Theory and Research Behind Neighborhood Watch: Is It Sound Fear and Crime Reduction Strategy?, in “Crime and Delinquency”, 33, n. 1, pp. 103-134. Rosenbaum D.P., Lewis D.A., Grant, J.A. 1986 Neighborhood-based crime prevention. Assessing the efficacy of community organizing in Chicago, in D.P. Rosenbaum (by), Community Crime Prevention: Does It Work? London, Sage, pp. 109-133. Sagar T. 2005 Street Watch: Concept and Practice, Civilian Participation in Street Prostitution Control, in “The British Journal of Criminology”, vol. 45, n. 1, pp. 98-112. Valero Briceño H. 1993 Crisis Penal y Fenómeno Delictivo, Caracas, Carrieri. The Angels’ training provides, amongst other things, training in martial arts and in operational techniques of arrest (Pennel et al., 1989: 387).

Now in Hungary, yet more worrying forms of territorial vigilantism have reappeared, in which there are highly political connotations. One might refer in particular to the Magyar Garda, literally the ‘Hungarian Guard’, a paramilitary militia of a party, which has over two thousand members. This organisation, which has an underlying extreme-right political ideology, is structured in companies and regiments and its members, on joining, swear oaths of absolute fidelity, as in the case of a regular army.

One should bear in mind that, up to the end of the 1800s, in most of the frontier territories of the United States, observance of law was often ensured in a summary fashion by groups of local vigilantes. There was the famous case of the Reno brothers’ gang, who carried out the first train-robberies in peace time, who were captured and lynched by the Jackson County Vigilance Committee in 1968 in Seymour Indiana.

Many researchers complain of the fact that the preventive actions of the NW programmes often result in fixing of a series of stickers on house windows, (among them see Hope,1995: 49 and Graham, Bennet, 1995: 80). The choice of these images to indicate the presence in a given area of a NW programme is due to the symbol and motto of what was the most famous American investigation agency, Pinkerton’s National Detective Agency – an eye open above the phrase “we never sleep” – which also gave us the term ‘private eye’, meaning private detective (Valero Briceño, 1993: 93).

Based on suggestions from the police, the members of an NW note down all of the details (physical characteristics, times, registration numbers, etc.) relating to suspect situations and individuals. Additionally, some programmes provide a ‘telephone-tree’ system, which alerts members of the group after the police have been informed (Cesaria, 1993:50).

Similar conclusions were drawn from earlier research on the patrol activities of the Guardian Angels: out of 672 patrols studied over a period of six months, only two arrests were recorded (Pennell et al., 1989: 387).


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Appendix II Lithuania

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Lithuanian Study Visit Project Activity



Ward • RepublicofUzupis• LithuanianPoliceSupporters• LithuanianRiflemen’sUnion

• LithuanianRiflemen’sUnion• LithuanianPoliceSupporters

• RepublicofUzupis• LithuanianRiflemen’sUnion

Borough • LithuanianPoliceSupporters• RepublicofUzupis• LithuanianRiflemen’sUnion


• RepublicofUzupis• LithuanianPoliceSupporters

City • LithuanianPoliceSupporters• LithuanianRiflemen’sUnion



The Law Institute is a public research establishment, whose main objective is to create a scientific foundation to improve the legal system in Lithuania. With that aim, the Institute carries out the following activities: • performs applied scientific research of the legal system, crime

and its prevention• participates in drafting laws and other legal acts• carries out the legal and criminological expertise of laws and

other legal acts• publishes research papers and develops strategies, participates

in the improvement of lawyers’ professional skills and the legal rights of the individual.

For this project, the aim of Institute‘s researchers is to highlight society‘s involvement in ensuring security in Lithuania and to overview the basic structures.It is important to note that Lithuania is the only country representing ex-communist Europe in this project. This has resulted in a unique situation in citizen involvement in self-defence initiatives.Owing to the lack of a democratic country‘s experience, the tradition of volunteering in Lithuania is very new and is still evolving. Some people are, however, still fully engaged in traditional voluntary activities. The ongoing economic, social

and cultural processes in Lithuania are still in transition from a totalitarian to a democratic society. It will be some time before democratic values take over, not only in law, but also in the public consciousness.We can assess the population’s involvement in methods of ensuring security as follows:For example, one of the main forms of co-operation between citizens and the police in the maintenance of public order are the Police Supporters, who are still regarded as the heirs of the Militia Supporters – a voluntary coercive organisation which existed during the Soviet era.

The other is the increasingly popular concept of Safe Neighbourhood Groups, which are popular in democratic Western countries.Some security activities are of a more coercive nature and are more consistent with the culture of violence which prevailed in the Soviet period (e.g. Police Supporters, self-defence groups). Others are more social and pro-active, reflecting volunteering trends prevalent in democratic states (e.g. Safe Neighbourhoods, the Republic of Uzupis Project)

Law Institute of Lithuania

Appendix II Civilian patrols Lithuania – Law Institute of Lithuania

Owing to the lack of a democratic country‘s experience, the tradition of volunteering in Lithuania is very new and is still evolving.

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It must be assumed that citizens’ involvement in ensuring society‘s security in Lithuania is a relatively new phenomenon, more frequently organised and encouraged by the police than the people themselves. This can be attributed to the Soviet legacy, which has led to public negativity. On the other hand, safety is an important problem and more and more public safety initiatives are starting up in co-operation with the police.Lithuania, in this context, has both a pre-war and a Soviet era history – the Police Supporters and the Riflemen’s Union. These forms of civic involvement are seen as an important aid to the police in carrying out their duties, particularly the maintenance of public security and crime prevention. They are characterised by detailed legal regulations, a fairly rigid structure of rights and functions and most of them involve the use of force. The rights, obligations and duties of Police Supporters are established by law. Their main function could be seen as citizens’ involvement in police duties.The law enables Police Supporters and Riflemen to continue their activities in the field of public order and to exercise their right to use coercive measures but only with the authority of the police. On one hand, this limits the possibility of abuse. On the other hand, it restricts them to a narrow framework, mainly being limited to patrolling and ensuring public order. This could be

an important reason for the lack of public involvement in police activities.Many Police Supporters are not satisfied with their limited remit and would like a broader mandate to ensure public order, but this could result in greater opportunities to use coercive measures without police officers being in overall command. It could lead to the police not taking any other methods into consideration. These problems are under discussion with the intention of closing possible legal loopholes in the regulation of the Police Supporters and how to improve the way they (as well as the Riflemen who are carrying out their duties) could be more effective, resulting in more citizens being involved in their ranks.The other form of civic involvement is a Neighbourhood Watch community. This is taken from the Western democratic model. In Lithuania, two types of safe neighbourhoods can be identified 1) Where the initiative comes from the police 2) Where the initiative comes from the community.The first model is most common, but the main problem here is that the police cannot themselves establish a safe neighbourhood

community. Their function is restricted to passing on the idea. A safe neighbourhood spreads, depending on how strong the community is and how willing they are to accept such an idea and to implement it.The second example is much less common. Often close-knit communities in villages and towns, who face security problems, decide to fight back themselves and form safe neighbourhoods or self-defence groups.In cities these examples are very rare. Perhaps the only known case is the Uzupis community in Vilnius, which primarily aims to establish a viable community. This is necessary for an effective safe neighbourhood. The spread and success of safe neighbourhoods in Lithuania mainly depend on the creation of strong communities, the relevance of safety measures, confidence in the police, types of buildings in cities and the residents. The self-defence units can probably be seen as the original neighbourhood watch and in some cases their activities are similar to those of the Police Supporters’ joint action in local communities. In practise they are groups of people who face serious security issues and decide to combat them themselves, usually by carrying out the duties of the police, patrolling and ensuring public order. The main problem is how close to

breaching legal limits these activities can come. There is no clear legal framework providing a mandate for such groups. This lack of clarity can result in violations of human rights. An important step would be a more detailed and clearer legal framework for such activities, which should provide clear powers for these teams. The initiatives of the community and rights to self-preservation should not be restricted.

Summary

Appendix II Lithuania – Summary

Often close-knit communities in villages and towns, who face security problems, decide to fight back themselves and form safe neighbourhoods or self-defence groups.

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OverviewThe analysis will overview the main forms of society’s involvement in ensuring security in Lithuania

• Police Supporters’ activity

• Lithuanian Riflemen’s Union’s role in safety and security

• Creation of the Neighbourhood Watch communities and self-defence groups.

BackgroundPolice Supporters are generally seen as the modern-day versions of the militia supporters of the Soviet regime. Militia supporters were collaborators/volunteers who helped to ensure public order. In comparison with the present Police Supporters, they had more powers including the right to patrol, arrest offenders and make decisions without police officers being present. Many militia supporters belonged to the Communist Party or the Komsomol (Communist Party Youth Branch). They often had privileges such as priority housing, reduced price visits to sanatoria and rest-houses and three additional days paid holidays.3 Therefore, it is not surprising that there were so many of them. On January 1st 1977 there were 3,371 communes, with 101,325 militia supporters (32,114 communists and 24,808 Komsomol members). There were also specialised groups (35,202 militia supporters) devoted to the fight against the ‘embezzlement of socialist property’ and ‘speculation’ (2,944). At the time of the Liberation Movement (1988-1990) groups of ‘green bands’4 were operating actively. They were citizens who helped maintain public order during rallies and

protect the political leaders of the liberalisation movement.5 From the Restitution of Independence until 1998, citizens‘ participation in securing public order was not governed by law. Police Supporters helped the police, mainly patrolling to ensure public order in the same role as the former militia supporters.6 This type of voluntary assistance to the police was governed by the police‘s internal legislation, but the status, rights, obligations and powers of Police Supporters was not fully understood and was not defined legally. In 1998 the Law on Police Supporters was adopted and came into force formally, legalising the already existing Police Supporters’ duties. It also defined their status, functions, rights and obligations.

Forms of community and neighbourhood participation ensuring security in Lithuania

3Lietuvos vidaus reikalų istorija // Anušauskas A. Represinė SSRS vidaus reikalų sistema Lietuvoje. Vilnius, Lietuvos Respublikos vidaus reikalų ministerija, 2008. 4They were so called because of the green bands they used to wear on their arms.5Istorijos akimirka: Jie buvo kariai savanoriai... // Universitas vilnensis, 2007/June: http://www.vu.lt/lt/universitas_vilnensis/uv1679/p:2/867/6After the restitution of independence a part of ex-militia supporters were seeking to assist the police.

Police Supporters


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3Lietuvos vidaus reikalų istorija // Anušauskas A. Represinė SSRS vidaus reikalų sistema Lietuvoje. Vilnius, Lietuvos Respublikos vidaus reikalų ministerija, 2008. 4They were so called because of the green bands they used to wear on their arms.5Istorijos akimirka: Jie buvo kariai savanoriai... // Universitas vilnensis, 2007/June: http://www.vu.lt/lt/universitas_vilnensis/uv1679/p:2/867/6After the restitution of independence a part of ex-militia supporters were seeking to assist the police.

7Kalesnykas R. Policijos ir kitų socialinių institucijų, teikiančių socialines paslaugas gyventojams, bendradarbiavimas. − Vilnius: LTA Leidybos centras, 2000. P. 65.8Police supporters‘ activity in Lithuania is governed by the following law regulation: „ Law on Police supporters“ of the Republic of Lithuania (1998 m. birželio 18 d. Nr. VIII-800); Regulations of Police supporters of the Republic of Lithuania (patvirtinti Policijos generalinio komisaro 2002 m. rugsėjo 20 d. įsakymu Nr. 497); Regulations of the movement “The Young Police supporters“ (patvirtinti Policijos generalinio komisaro 1998 m. spalio 28 d. įsakymu Nr. 160)9Art. 5 paragraph 1 of the Law on Police Activities of Republic of Lithuania establishes the main tasks of the police: 1) protection of human rights and freedoms; 2) ensuring of public safety and order; 3) rendering of emergency assistance to persons when it is necessary because of their physical or mental helplessness, as well as to persons who have suffered from criminal acts, other violations of law, natural calamities or similar acts; 4) prevention of criminal acts and other violations of law; 5) detection and investigation of criminal acts and other violations of law; 6) control of traffic safety. (Valstybės Žinios, 2000, Nr. 90-2777).

Who are the Lithuanian Police Supporters? In general terms, the Police Supporter is a citizen, a member of the public, providing assistance to the police in protecting human rights and freedoms, helping with the prevention of crime and other offences and helping to ensure the safety of the social environment.7

The status, functions, rights and obligations of Police Supporters is listed in the ‘Law on Police Supporters’ of the Republic of Lithuania. Article 2 of the Law provides the legal definition of Police Supporter: “The Police Supporter is a citizen of the Republic of Lithuania, who is not a police or military officer and who supports the police voluntarily in accordance with the order established by this law and other legal acts.”8

Functions and activity of Police Supporters1. To guarantee human rights and freedoms2. To preserve public order3. To supervise traffic safety4. To monitor the compliance with environmental protection rules5. To prevent (in a proactive way) crimes and other lawbreaking6. To implement measures to prevent illegal acts (crimes,

administrative lawbreaking, etc.)7. To support victims of crime, other lawbreaking and accidents

and support the vulnerable

8. To rescue people and their property in cases of disaster or other untimely events

9. To visit families at social risk to make sure their rights are protected and to prevent crimes (in conjunction with juvenile police inspectors or social workers).

Generally, the activities of the Police Supporters conform to police duties under the Law on Police Activities of the Republic of Lithuania. This allows the assessment of Police Supporters as assistants to help the police in carrying out some of their functions. Often the job of Police Supporter is limited to ensuring public security – i.e. patrolling the streets or assisting police officers at large public events. In some cases they give assistance in helping the police to solve the big problem of the distribution of illegal alcohol and carry out raids on markets. When implementing preventive actions, (along with police officers, Children Rights Protection Institutions and Correctional Inspection personnel), Police Supporters check convicted people who are under court restrictions. They also visit problem families. They participate with police officers, and in mobile teams, patrol rural areas and places where young people gather. They check derelict buildings, often using their own vehicles. They also provide other assistance such as helping to organise social crime prevention projects, funding prizes for winners of organised competitions and producing liteature mainly with the financial backing of the business sector.

Rights and obligations of Police SupportersAccording to the law Police Supporters’ rights are:1. Under the order established by law and other legal acts and

under police supervision, they are allowed to use special equipment

2. They can instruct people to keep public order and obey the law.

Acting alongside police officers, Police Supporters have following rights: 1. To help police officers arrest suspects and deliver them to

police stations in compliance with law 2. To legally permit them to enter private or other premises for

the purpose of crime prevention, detention of a criminal or, in the event of a disaster which could endanger life, health or property.

3. To stop vehicles in cases of suspicion of a crime or violation of the law.

When working with a police officer on an assignment given by the chief of police, Police Supporters may be equipped with special equipment including rubber truncheons, tear gas cannisters, manacles and handcuffs.

It should be pointed out that many of these rights can only be used when acting with police officers (except the right to demand that people respect public order and comply with other laws) as many of them involve the use of force. These rights are limited to specific functions assigned to the police by law and to the possible use of force.Police Supporters can be identified as follows: they wear special tabards with the title ‘Police Supporter’ and have a Police Supporter certificate. These do not grant them any powers while they are off duty.


Police Supporter working alongside the Police.

Young Police Supporters working with the community.

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10Kalesnykas R. Policijos ir kitų socialinių institucijų, teikiančių socialines paslaugas gyventojams, bendradarbiavimas. − Vilnius: LTA Leidybos centras, 2000.

Police Supporters‘ obligations1. Once notified of an offence or other violation and identified

the intent to commit a crime or the actual crime or other offence, they must take steps to prevent it, inform the police immediately, organise crime scene protection until the police arrive, identify witnesses and provide other assistance to investigating officers.

2. To provide immediate medical care to victims or people in need of help.

3. To take all possible measures to rescue the property of individuals or state, private and public property in the event of disaster.

4. To keep information and professional confidentiality private. 5. When on duty, to wear identifying badges, introduce

themselves and show the Police Supporter certificate.6. To comply with laws and other regulations and to carry out

tasks entrusted to them with speed and accuracy.During the performance of these duties they must respect and ensure human rights and freedoms.

Requirements for Police SupportersPeople willing to become Police Supporters must comply with the formal requirements set out in law:1. Age limit (according to Article 7 of the Law on Police

Supporters a person may become a Police Supporter at the age of 18 if they are a citizen of the Republic of Lithuania).

2. Language (an essential requirement is to speak Lithuanian).3. Personal details (the Law on Police Supporters stipulates that

a Police Supporter cannot have been convicted of crime or be serving in the military or police, including military volunteers)

4. Personal standards (a citizen wanting to become a supporter must carry out Police Supporters‘ duties with moral and ethical standards)

5. Volunteering (a citizen may become a Police Supporter only by free will and without compulsion. Individuals with any unacceptable reasons for wanting material or other benefits should not become Police Supporters)

6. Other requirements (the person must complete an application for the chief of the territorial police office, be trained as a Police Supporter and agree to commitments laid down for participation in ensuring public safety).10

If necessary, training for Police Supporters is regulated by examination. For example, Police Supporters, acting jointly with police officers, are entitled to use physical or mental coercion only if they have passed the tests.

Funding and social security of Police Supporters Police Supporters are financed from the State budget. The Police Department provides funding to the territorial police authorities who sponsor the activities of the Police Supporters. Funds are allocated for required spending, but not for remuneration (Police Supporters work on a voluntary basis). For example, in 2007 and 2008, 225,000 LTL were allocated. Essential equipment for the Police Supporters was purchased from these funds: tabards, distinctive signage, cameras, specialised tools and flashlights. Funds were also used for training purposes (Instructions for Police Supporters was published). The most active Police Supporters are encouraged with souvenirs, gifts, letters of thanks and awards. During 2009 and 2010, owing to the difficult financial situation in the country, the Police Department jointly financed the activities of the Police Supporters and Neighbourhood Watch communities. They also funded the production of information material for Neighbourhood Watch such as posters and publications. This was achieved with only 70,000 LTL and 20,000 LTL respectively allocated to the Territorial Police Office.

The Law on Police Supporters establishes the following guarantees 1. The State pays a lump sum to a Police Supporter if, in the

performance of his duties, he suffers injuries which fall into the following categories:

Group I or II disabled person – 60 MSL (2,260 EURO) Group III disabled person – 40 MSL (1,500 EURO) 2. If a Police Supporter loses his life during the performance of

his duties, his family members will be paid a one-off allowance in equal shares up to 120 MSL (4,520 EURO).

3. Allowances are not paid if: a) The Police Supporter was killed or injured during the

performance of an intentional criminal act b) The death or injury of a Police Supporter was caused by

intoxication from alcohol, narcotic, psychotropic or toxic substances

c) The Police Supporter attempted to or committed suicide, or harmed himself intentionally

d) The death or injury of a Police Supporter was caused by driving a vehicle without a licence or allowing it to be driven by a person under the influence of alcohol, narcotic, psychotropic or toxic substances or who did not have permission to drive it


During 2009 and 2010, owing to the difficult financial situation in the country, the Police Department jointly financed the activities of the Police Supporters and Neighbourhood Watch communities.

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11According to the research data of „Lithuanian population survey of the police“ less than half of the respondents relied on the police (see: http:/www.policija.lt/index.php?id=91). In 2007, according the survey of „Baltijos tyrimai“ 39 percent of people were relying on the police, in 2008 – 40 percent, in 2009 – 42 percent, in 2010 – 48 percent. A very different tendency of rapidly growing trust of the police is shown in the research data that was commissioned by Police Department: in 2007 – 57 percent, in 2008 – 53 percent, in 2009 – 62 percent, in 2010– 60 precent. In fact the the latter surveys are assessed critically by scientists, it is believed that either deliberately or unconsciously the mistake were made in the study – the numbers showing the confidence of the population almost completely corresponds the rates of distrust of survey conducted by „Baltijos tyrimai“ (see: Sakalauskas G., Dobrynina M., Justickaja S., Kalpokas V., Mališauskaitė-Simanaitienė S., Nikartas S., Pocienė A., Zaksaitė S. Registruotas ir latentinis nusikalstamumas Lietuvoje: tendencijos, lyginamieji aspektai ir aplinkos veiksniai. Teisės instituto mokslo tyrimai T. 7. Vilnius, 2011. – p. 242 -24.)

e) The health of a Police Supporter was impaired, or he died owing to illness or injury related to armed conflict, and if it is not related to his Police Supporter duties.

4. In the event of a Police Supporter being injured or his health being impaired because of the dangerous behaviour of an offender, the law provides him or her with assistance of a non-pecuniary nature.

Work organisation of Police SupportersPolice Supporters are closely connected not only with police activities, but also with the institutional and territorial police structure. Their admission, work organisation and training are implemented through the police authority. For example, Article 3 of the Law on Police Supporters provides that a Police Supporter is added to the list on the authority of the Chief of Police, in accordance with a request for help in a certain area. On the order of the Chief of Police’s office, individuals included on the Police Supporters’ list at a police station can be assigned to a police officer leading a team (to carry out Police Supporter’s duties) based on the principles of territorial or police duties. At a Police Supporter’s request, he can be transferred to the list at another police station, when it is authorised by the chief of that station. Police Supporters work in their city of residence. Their work is co-ordinated by an appointed local police officer. They work to a pre-prepared schedule, for example, in Vilnius they have to patrol with

police officers at least twice a month. Without an accompanying police officer, a Police Supporter automatically loses his authority and can act only in accordance with the rights and obligations of the ordinary citizen.

Population involvement in Police Supporters’ activities In 2010 there were a total of 5,442 Police Supporters in Lithuania. Of those, 3,942 were adult Police Supporters (in 2009 there were 3,863, in 2008 4,019 and in 2007 4,401) and 1,500 young Police Supporters (in 2009 there were 1,529, in 2008 1,451 and in 2007 1,476). These downtrends can be explained by the fact that police removed inactive members from their ranks in 2009. Many former Police Supporters have emigrated from Lithuania. In 2009, Lithuanian Police Supporters gave 32,880 hours of assistance to the police and helped to investigate 99 criminal offences and 2,751 administrative offences. These numbers show that the activities of Police Supporters is fairly insignificant in Lithuania. This could be attributed both to the recently emerging tradition of volunteering and to relatively passive civil action. Despite close links between Police Supporters and the police authority, a high level of mistrust in the police in Lithuania11 could be the reason for very little involvement in the Police Supporters.Dislike of authority and a limited capacity for self-expression may also discourage some active citizens for whom this type of duty is unacceptable.

Police Supporters can be divided into two main groups. They are either young (student-age) or older people. For example, in Vilnius, women have taken a major role in the young Police Supporters recently. Among the older Police Supporters the majority are men. This could be explained by the fact that among young people, women are more likely to engage in voluntary activities and are more proactive. Young men become Police Supporters more rarely, but those who do participate are highly motivated.An important factor that often motivates young people is that those who became Police Supporters and gained experience, got extra points when joining the Police School in Klaipeda. The experience gained allowed them to meet the formal criteria as well to get experience. Often Police Supporters are young people who are studying to join police-related professions in higher education institutions (for example, penitentiary law. Another motivating factor for volunteering is youthful enthusiasm, personal self-fulfilment and a desire to make an impression. Among young Police Supporters, ensuring public safety is regarded as an activity where force can be used (for example, arresting criminals). Participation in Police Supporters’ activity among older people could be a result of their former profession. Frequently, a Police Supporter is a former police officer (retired) or an individual who has worked in similar institutions (such as national defence). These activities are an extension of former work. Additionally, the benefit of this kind of person volunteering is that they know

the specifics of police work, have the experience and do not need special training. These Police Supporters have special motivation for the task. Women are less involved in Police Supporters’ activities and this could be attributed to a change of lifestyle or perhaps an unwillingness to engage in risky activities as they get older.According to Police Supporters who were interviewed in Vilnius, individuals who joined did not normally belong to any specific group which could be regarded as an obvious source of recruitment. They did not belong either to a religious community or a trade-union, or any specific neighbourhood community. It is likely that only former police officers had any previous connections. Usually people get information about Police Supporters by word of mouth or get the information themselves and are looking for opportunities to get involved in self-defence activities. For example, there are known instances of employees of private security companies becoming Police Supporters. In most cases the companies have signed co-operation agreements with the police. It should be pointed out that the Law on Police Supporters governs the voluntary citizens’ assistance to the police, so activities on an employment basis should not be regarded as necessary for Police Supporter membership.The only known case of voluntary non-governmental organisation members becoming Police Supporters is the active association of ‘Voluntary Safety Groups’ in Siauliai, which will be discussed in another part of this review.


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The relationship between Police Supporters and the community Police Supporters can be assigned to any area where they are needed. Their activities cover the entire city and each time the patrol area may be different. Therefore Police Supporters generally do not have previous contact with the local community. They are not familiar with the problems of a particular area, or the demographic of the resident population. In this way the relationship between the Police Supporter and the local community is more anonymous. Of course, it is different in small towns. A low population density leads to closer relationships between Police Supporters and local people. In some cities and districts of Lithuania, Police Supporters are encouraged to maintain closer links with their resident community, for example, to take the initiative in mobilising safe neighbourhood groups. The aim to involve the leaders of residential communities in the Police Supporters is gradually spreading. Keeping closer connections with local communities could be hampered by the Police Supporters being under the control of the police’s territorial structure. According to one of the police officials, some Police Supporters would like to work only in their own residential areas (for example, a small town), but, under the current legal regulations they are obliged to assist the police throughout the entire area.

Local residents’ opinions on Police Supporters is not the same everywhere. They are often identified with the police, so public opinion on their activities is usually the same as their view of the police. Although recent public opinion on the Lithuanian police is improving, it is still more negative than positive. This kind of public attitude is more often felt by young Police Supporters. In contrast, the older members think that the public attitude towards them is positive. Experience has shown that Police Supporters can often be agents/mediators between citizens and police officers. When a conflict occurs in a public place, the Police Supporter can often be the first person to talk to the offenders. Because he usually gets a less hostile reaction than a police officer, the Police Supporter is trusted more than a police officer (for example, in domestic disputes). Often smaller conflicts are solved without the police being involved, with only the help of a Police Supporter being necessary. Their clothing and civilian status allow them to be trusted more than a police officer would be.

Relationships between Police Supporters and police officers Police Supporters can patrol only when accompanied by police officers (when patrolling, two police officers and one Police Supporter or two Police Supporters and one police officer). However, these groups are not permanent. At any time a Police Supporter may be assigned to other officers. Relationships between police officers and Police Supporters can range from quite formal to friendly. The police officer is directly responsible for the Police Supporter’s safety which to a large extent determines their opinion. For example, especially at the beginning, young Police Supporters, especially girls, are not always trusted. It is often seen as extra work for the police officer rather than help. Sometimes police officers do not understand what motivates these people to volunteer. However, the attitude is gradually changing and the real benefit of the Police Supporter’s contribution is being felt.

The abuse of Police Supporter status Strict legal regulations of Police Supporters’ activities provide few possibilities for abuse of the Police Supporter’s position. Firstly, while acting individually they have no more powers than the ordinary citizen. Secondly, all additional rights are given only when they are working with police officers. Thirdly, Police Supporters can use neither special equipment nor guns without the participation of police officers. Police Supporters and their tutor police officers have alleged that there are some people who get involved in the Police Supporters only to get the certificate, which they think can give them certain privileges, such as avoiding responsibility when violatiing traffic rules. There is one known case, which was published in the media, where a person under the pretext of Police Supporter status was committing offences.12 However, Police Supporters and officers say that such cases have been very rare during the past few years. With this in mind, in 2009 the police got rid of inactive members, who were Police Supporters in name only and did not participate in any activities.

12Police supporter K. M. used to participate in the police operations, disclosing the illegal alcohol sellers. Later he used to present himself as a police officer to the same offenders and demanded a bribe in exchange for that promising them help to avoid criminal liability (Policijos rėmėjas užsidirbo meluodamas // Kauno diena, 2010 m. sausio 30 d.: http://kauno.diena.lt/naujienos/kriminalai/policijos-remejas-uzsidirbdavo-meluodamas-260860).


Police Supporters are often identified with the police, so public opinion on their activities is usually the same as their view of the police.

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SummaryIn conclusion, the main characteristics of Police Supporter status and activities can be described as follows:1. Volunteering2. Activity definled by legal regulation3 Subordinate to the police. Police Supporters are assigned to

police subdivisions by area or according to their duties. Their activities are directed by the chiefs of police stations.

4. Helping the police to maintain public order (rather forcibly) even though the law provides more functions (such as crime prevention and assistance to victims), but usually duties are limited to the Police Supporters participation in the maintenance of public order.

5. Interaction with police officers. While Police Supporters are with officers, they enjoy some of the same rights and obligations as the latter. However, they are different from police officers in that: (1) supporters can patrol and use force only with accompanying police officers and (2) they can use a smaller amount of force (for example, they do not have the right to use firearms).

6. Limited autonomy. Part of their duties (e.g., patrolling) may require the use of force. Taking that into account, Police Supporters may keep public order only with accompanying police officers. The activities of Police Supporters are mainly organised and governed by the police. Police Supporters have little influence on decisions concerning the nature of their duties.

The Lithuanian Riflemen’s Union is a voluntary, self-formed, civil self-defence organisation. Its aim is to strengthen the state’s defence force. This is achieved through personal and national awareness, education in state defence activities, providing assistance to the police and to civil protection and rescue bodies. It is a paramilitary organisation integrated into the Lithuanian defence system. Today’s Riflemen’s Union carries on the activities of a former organisation which existed until 1940.The Riflemen’s Union was founded on 27 June 1919. Riflemen’s activities today, as in the past, cover all the main areas of life: military, physical education, national culture and civic development. The Riflemen’s activity can be both civil and national. They protect historic sites, organise celebrations and issue information on state military defence. From 1935-1936 the Riflemen’s Union came under the direct control of the head of the military. Before the Soviet era it recruited more than 62,000 members. When the Soviets occupied Lithuania on July 11 1940 the Riflemen’s Union was disbanded. A large number (about 80%) of its membership were imprisoned or exiled. Between 1941-1953 the Riflemen took an active part in resistance against Nazi and Soviet occupiers. At the rebirth of Lithuania in 1989 the Union was officially reinstated in Kaunas. In 1991, an important year in Lithuania’s history, there was an attempted coup d’état by the armed forces of the Soviet Union. The Riflemen’s Union was already organised and took an active part in the protection of Parliament and other

public facilities. The Law on the Riflemen’s Union of the Republic of Lithuania was only adopted in 1997. In 1998 restructuring began, with the aim of integrating it into the country’s defence system. In 2000, the status of the Riflemen’s Union was approved and the organisation was finally registered with the Ministry of Justice.At present the Riflemen’s Union has nearly ten thousand members. It works with a variety of institutions and non-governmental organisations in the areas of defence, interior affairs, education and culture.

Riflemen’s functions and activities Along with their national patriotic duties, the Riflemen attend to the education and development of young people. Older Police Supporters co-ordinate the activities of the young and organise their training and instruction. They organise annual sports, cultural social work (such as art exhibitions, national festivals, the control of visitors and co-operation with other organisations). The Lithuanian Riflemen’s Union also deals with the prevention of juvenile delinquency, alcohol and drug addiction and contributes to the organisation of children’s summer employment.

Riflemen’s involvement in the activities of Police SupportersRiflemen regularly assist the police to ensure public order and peace, overseeing events and celebrations in various cities and

Riflemen’s Union


The friendly face of The Riflemen.

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towns in Lithuania. It co-operates closely with the police. They not only arrange joint events and camps for children, but some Riflemen are also involved with the Police Supporters. In 2010, 295 Riflemen became Police Supporters, and 201 young Riflemen joined the Young Police Supporters. A Rifleman, acting as a Police Supporter has the same rights and obligations laid down by the previously discussed Law on Police Supporters, so the Riflemen’s assistance to the police is not legally different from other Police Supporters. Riflemen, as Police Supporters, usually take on such duties as ensuring civic order at large events or patrolling with police officers. Usually, the Police Supporter is a citizen who voluntarily assists the police in carrying out their duties. Despite the fact that Riflemen are involved in the activities of the Police Supporters on a voluntary basis, it is important to remember that this is a paramilitary organisation, with specific military features. They get military training and participate in military exercises. Military legal regulations are applied to their activities. It should be noted that Riflemen normally wear military uniform during the performance of their Police Supporter duties. The public image of the Riflemen is that they have a stronger connection with the military than with the ordinary citizen who voluntarily assists the police.

It should also be noted that Article 32 of the Law on the Riflemen’s Union gives them the right to use firearms and special equipment while they are on duty.13 This leads to concerns about the Riflemen’s right to use firearms while carrying out Police Supporter functions while assisting the State Border Guard Service.x

Legally, Riflemen only have the right to use firearms when carrying out military duties. This right is granted by the Law on the Riflemen’s Union, Article 32, part 1. It states that the use of firearms or special equipment must conform to the Lithuanian Republic Statute for military ammunition usage in the state defence system.14

When co-operating with law enforcement agencies, Article 3315 of the Law on the Riflemen’s Union is applied. Article 32 does not apply. Section 1, Part 1 of this Article states that Riflemen carrying out duties with law enforcement agency officers can use only special equipment laid down by law and other legislations and orders. The right to use special equipment is granted by the Law on Police Supporters.Assuming this, we can see that Riflemen, when carrying out the duties of Police Supporters, have no right to use firearms. They can only use the same special equipment as other Police Supporters and only when working in teams with police officers.

In autumn 1997 the public movement “Stop Crime” was established in Lithuania. The main purpose was to involve citizens in ensuring public security and participating in crime prevention.The movement sought to solve security problems by employing a number of parallel strategies: building co-operation between institutions, promoting unity among local citizens and organising public awareness campaigns on security issues. About 40 branches with over 2,000 members were established during the first year. Every Lithuanian citizen over 18 years of age, agreeing to the statutory terms can become a member. The city of Vilnius has around 400 members. The government of Lithuania and local authorities back the movement and support it financially.Members have come to play an important role in assisting the police. In co-operation, they took part in the public policing of large events, patrolled the streets and begun Neighbourhood Watch programmes. They also participated in preventive raids with traffic police. Much attention was paid to juvenile crime prevention. They organised summer camps for teenagers, provided legal knowledge as well as sport and art competitions. Awareness-raising was also an important part of their activities. Many public advertising campaigns were designed for traffic security and encouraging participation in neighbourhood watch organisations. The movement also released some publicity on security issues.

In 2001 state funding was stopped. Activities seriously declined because of lack of funding. There is no precise information on the extent that this initiative, started by state institutions, was continued by groups of citizens on their own without external support. We can confirm that no activities were carried out for number of years in the capital, even though it was the birthplace of the movement. The founders emphasise that despite the fact that it is voluntary based, the need for funding s vital.During the the lifetime of the movement’s “Stop Crime” initiative, the creation of Neighbourhood Watch groups has begun. This initiative was based on foreign models16 adapted to the Lithuanian situation. Some of these Neighbourhood communities continued their activities after the movement ended. Some of them exist formally, others have been established recently by community initiatives. In 2007 Vilnius City Main Police Commissariat, in co-operation with Vilnius City Municipality, the Centre for Crime Prevention in Lithuania and the Community Council of Vilnius City Main Police Commissariat created a work group to implement Neighbourhood Watch activities in the city. A crime prevention project was organised by this group. The purpose of the project was to encourage community activity and

13Art. 32 of Law on Riflemen Union of Republic of Lithuania. Riflemen right to use hardware and special equipment.1. During the performance of the riflemen service, the riflemen enjoy the right to use firearms and special equipment in the same manner and circumstances as it is set forth in the Statute of the use of combat weapons in the national defence system of the Republic of Lithuania. 2. The right to use firearms and special means, except in self-defence case, is provided only for the adult riflemen, who have passed the exams on the rules about the usage of firearms and special means. (Valstybės žinios., 1997, Nr. 69-1736)14Lithuania Republic Riflemen union law // Valstybės žinios., 1997, Nr. 69-1736.15Lithuania Republic Riflemen union law // Valstybės žinios., 1997, Nr. 69-1736

16Mostly based on Canada and Estonia Neighbourhood watch examples.

Neighbourhood Watch communities


The Riflemen on duty.

About 40 branches with over 2,000 members were established during the first year. Every Lithuanian citizen over 18 years of age, agreeing to the statutory terms can become a member.

Riflemen’s activities today, as in the past, cover all the main areas of life: military, physical education, national culture and civic development, etc.

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citizenship, co-operation with the police and local specialists in crime prevention, with the objective of creating secure environments for members of the community.The model proposed in this project consisted of these steps:1. Invitation letters to communities2. Establishing meetings and signing co-operation agreements3. The creation of a co-ordinating council4. The creation of a communications network5. The creation of an action plan6. Training courses, counselling services and meetings7. Evaluating and discussing annual resultsThe police took the responsibility for not only initiatiating the signing of agreements but also supervised their implementation to make sure they were being carried out. Any community which does not carry out its obligations has no right to demand extra attention and support from the police. Mutual confidence, good communications and feedback are very important here. Experience has shown than no “common model” or “rule” for work with local communities exists. The only criteria for this kind of work is listening to community needs and problems. A community may not need constant patrolling or direct work with offenders, but may need other kinds of help in solving other social problems. Sometimes consultation or advice are enough for a community and many problems are solved by the community itself.

Similar initiatives has been started in other cities in Lithuania. They spread particularly in 2009 when Police Departments under the Ministry of Interior Affairs started a programme entitled “Let’s create secure space together”. The idea behind this programme was to mobilise community members to help prevent crime and other problems in their neighbourhoods.With this programme, the police want to encourage local people to participate in these activities guided by an informal council, consisting of the local police inspector, the leader of the town council, a representative of the local school, a youth representative and other respected members of the community. This programme does not set the strict guidelines of the regional police’s activities. They leave enough leeway to improvise and act with local needs in mind. Police involvement is chiefly encouragement and support of Neighbourhood Watch groups. After a review of different Neighbourhood Watch projects prepared by police, we can confirm that they all are very similar in content.Even though significant parts of the project revealed that there were many different objectives, summarising them gave us one main objective – to encourage community trust and co-operation with the police. The same findings are made by analysing the methods that the police used to achieve their aims. Most of them can be summed up as distribution of information and raising public awareness.

The most important methods used by different territorial police commissariats in Neighbourhood Watch initiatives are:• Meetings with local citizens to define local problems, providing

information about security methods to be used, encouraging the establishmet of Neighbourhood Watch groups.

• Distribution of literature about Neighbourhood Watch, information posters put up on the staircases of blocks of flats.

• Organisation of various events. Information about Neighbourhood Watch to be handed out during these events.

• Public surveys to get information on public opinion about the police, neighbourhood watch activities and the needs of local citizens.

• Information distribution to raise public awareness. Occasionally the police also organise training courses in security, law and self defence for local citizens.

• Encouragement of active communities. For example, competitions for the ‘Most Secure Community’.

The police are keen to encourage communities who have initiated campaigns to distribute information and establish Neighbourhood Watch groups with local people who are willing to participate.

The planned typical Neighbourhood Watch group project works in this way:• Citizens watch their neighbourhood and report suspicious

people or behaviour to the police or the Neighbourhood Watch group coordinator.

• Regular meetings with local police representatives are organised. The group discusses the most important issues. The police provide information about the crime situation. Actions are taken in response to citizens’ reports and other information on security in the neighbourhood. These meetings encourage feedback and good relations with the community.

• The Neighbourhood Watch group co-ordinator communicates with police officers responsible for the neighbourhood. The co-ordinator represents the local community and the police. Constant communication between police and Neighbourhood Watch group is his responsibility.

• Every Neighbourhood Watch community can make their locality safer in various legal ways. Some communities are investing in security and co-operating with private companies, installing CCTV cameras, hiring security staff and limiting access to their area.


Large public event.

This programme does not set the strict guidelines of the regional police’s activities. They leave enough leeway to improvise and act with local needs.

The police are keen to encourage communities who have initiated campaigns to distribute information and establish Neighbourhood Watch groups with local people who are willing to participate.

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Legal regulationThe legal basis for Neighbourhood Watch is icorporated in the Law on Police Activities, which obliges police to carry out crime prevention measures. One of the main aims of preventive police work is to gain the co-operation of the community. Fostering activities in this area was part of the National Public Security Development Strategy Implementation Programme until 2010, signed by the Police Commissioner General.When analysing Neighbourhood Watch operations and relationships with the police as the organising institution, we must emphasise that the person who co-ordinates with the formation of schemes is the Prevention Branch Officer of the Public Police, or local Police Inspector. According to his remit, the local police inspector is a person who initiates the establishment of Neighbourhood Watch groups within the community, encourages citizens to become Police Supporters, helps the local community in other ways to create safe neighbourhoods. We confirm that the Police are legally obliged to support and encourage local Neighbourhood Watch groups.

Citizen participationAs mentioned previously, not all Neighbourhood Watch initiatives continue to be successful. There are cases where only a formal agreement exists between police and local communities and no actual activity is carried out. The Centre for Crime Prevention in Lithuania conducted a Neighbourhood Watch survey in Vilnius17 in 2010. Its purpose was to discover how and to what extent citizens are involved in Neighbourhood Watch activities or know anything

about Neighbourhood Watch groups in their areas. The survey was carried out in the neighbourhoods where communities had signed agreements with the police. Results showed that only a small number of local residents knew that their communities were involved in these activities. Researchers also discovered that a quarter (42 out of 166) of those who knew about Neighbourhood Watch activities in their neighbourhood couldn’t say precisely what was being done and what actions or initiatives were being taken. Almost half of the respondents didn’t know if their community had an agreement with the police or not. However, some of these situations can be explained.

Negativity and alienation among citizensThis problem is often discussed in the Lithuanian media but sometimes these terms are misused. Almost all social problems are labelled with these two words. We cannot deny that this is a serious problem.18 It is especially worrying in bigger cities, where a small area is densely populated and relationships in the community are difficult to develop.The problem of citizens’ negativity can be linked to the fact that voluntary action in Lithuania started only recently. Citizens in Soviet societies used to think that only state institutions (the Militia) took care of security. That’s why it has taken many people a long time to get involved in policing activities. The concept of voluntary activity is still developing in Lithuania.

Architectural design of city districts as preconditions for alienation and anonymityThere are many observations of how the architecture of city districts influence their social organisation. A typical Lithuanian city district is an estate of big blocks of flats. This causes a large concentration of people living on top of one another in these blocks without any communication with their neighbours. This makes for weak social relationships, a floating population, more anonymity and weaker social control. Conditions are better in districts with lower buildings and private houses where people know each other and communicate much better.

Neighbourhood Watch – a minority interestAnother important fact is that most neighbourhood watch agreements are signed on the initiative of a few people or even a single person. The reality is, only a small number of people want to co-operate with the police.

Formal approach of police officersThere are cases when police officers have a only formal approach towards the organisation of Neighbourhood Watch groups. For example, they meet local citizens on only one occasion for the signing of Neighbourhood Watch agreements, then take no further action. There is serious doubt that Neighbourhood Watch activities and community co-operation can succeed with this level of non-co-operation from the police.

Problem of the police workloadOn the other side of the coin, apart from preventive work with the community, police officers have many other duties, for instance, the investigation of criminal offences and preparation of statements and evidence in these cases. This problem was particularly emphasised by police officers and community members.

Public trust in the policeMost of the Neighbourhood Watch programmes are facing a dilemma. The police, who have one of the lowest trust indicators in society, are trying to get citizens to co-operate in building Neighbourhood Watch groups, but this lack of trust in the police has become a serious obstacle in community activities.Unfortunately, the perception still remains that the police are a repressive organisation, even though onfidence is now improving. Nevertheless it still makes engaging with the population a difficult task. The police force, in the public consciousness, is still a punitive institution. Taking that into consideration, police representatives are at pains to stress that Neighbourhood Watch should be a public initiative which should be organised by representatives who do not belong to any organisations.

17Neighbourhood Watch Activities in Vilnius city. Vilnius, NPLC, 2010.: http://www.nplc.lt/lit/tyr/SK-tyrimas.pdf18This problem is mentioned as one of main obstacles involvement of community engagement for civic order by most of experts interviewed during this project.


A typical Lithuanian city district is an estate of big blocks of flats. This causes a large concentration of people living on top of one another in these blocks without any communication with their neighbours.

Urban Lithuania.

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Lack of informationMany of the community representatives mentioned the lack of information about Neighbourhood Watch. This is despite police efforts to distribute information as a tool for community involvement. Lack of information can be related to irregular police work in these communities. This shortage is caused by the problem of the police workload decribed earlier.

Importance or otherwise of security problemsResearchers conducting interviews noticed that citizens’ participation is related to how important security problems are. Often security is not the most important problem, and they don’t want to devote too much of their time and effort to it. Problems related to quality of life are usually much more important, for example, defective water supply, bad public transport connections, nurseries too far away, schools and housing problems.

An untypical example of Neighbourhood WatchAs we mentioned earlier, typical community engagement in Neighbourhood Watch is restricted by distribution of information and only communities with strong social links, active individuals or small groups are enthusiastic. Examples of these links in communities where these groups do not exist are very rare. So discussing the Neighbourhood Watch model initiated in the Uzupis area of Vilnius is important. Uzupis is part of the Senamiestis district in Vilnius. It differs from the rest of the city in its architecture and social organisation.

Firstly, this part of city is an area of narrow streets and old town houses with one to four floors. This means that the inhabitants can interact more easily in a low-rise environment. A smaller population in the area makes it possible for them to get to know each other, making long lasting relationships. The social composition of the population is heterogeneous and represents very different social groups, from politicians, businessmen and academics to homeless people and beggars.The area is also known as the “Republic of Uzupis” and is a popular residential area for artists. This is reflected in the public spaces in Uzupis created by the local community. There are lots of frescos, sculptures and art installations on the banks of river Vilnele which surrounds this unusual district. Uzupis has had the status of “Republic” for some years. Symbolic “governmental” organisations have been set up – a Ministry of Interior Affairs and a Ministry of Foreign Affairs for example. In the “Republic of Uzupis” Neighbourhood Watch communities were established. This was done in several stages.The need for Neighbourhood Watch was felt and understood a long time ago. A local police officer was appointed to supervise the district but nothing much happened for a long time. Certain problems in the local community were not handled appropriately. There was almost no communication between the police and the local population. The main reason for such bad communication was the lack of a legal body for the police and local authorities to communicate with. In spite of this, the citizens of Uzupis

established and registered the “Republic of Uzupis” association and signed a Neighbourhood Watch agreement with Vilnius Police Headquarters. From that moment, links between the police and the local community started to develop.Each side had its obligations. The police provided the community with basic instructions for establishing a Neighbourhood Watch. It was a fairly formal document and so were the recommendations and so were not adapted for the needs of a particular community. Additional efforts and intermediary initiatives were needed for the Neighbourhood Watch community to be built. The leaders of the Uzupis community understood that motivation has to come from local citizens. Local people must feel part of the community’s collective experience for motivation to emerge. Psychological trust and identification with the community must be developed. An American method was used for this purpose. The “Mythology of the Uzupis Sheriff ” was created. It was based on the understanding that a community which has shared experience and history is stronger. The “Mythology”, which uses symbols, helps to create it. Invention becomes reality after a while and unites local people. Other important elements in community building are social assets. They define all interpersonal relationships and contacts for the individual.Thus the Neighbourhood Watch community started to build using Maslow’s Pyramid principles. The human being, according to them, feels comfortable and lives a happier life when all his needs are satisfied, from the physiological to the psychological effects

of belonging and security, to higher feelings of self realisation. Members of the Uzupis community began their activities according to these principles. They started with antisocial people who were homeless and alcohol abusers. It began with a scheme called “Pimp my Neighbour”. During this, some of them were provided with the services of a dentist, a barber and a fashion stylist. It helped to make them feel they were an important part of the community.It was just one of activities that Uzupis conducted during the existence of the Uzupis Republic. Many things make this area special. Artists are doing public work in the area and there is an ecological market. Every weekend any member of the local community can make speeches on any topic he thinks is important. There is a barrel especially for this purpose in the market square. The community has come to understand that each social group, from the highest to the lowest, can and must be reached by the right attitudes.All these initiatives were implemented by two groups. The first was responsible for developing relationships and communication with the police and local authorities. The second was responsible for creating the community mythology. The creation of the Uzupis community moral code was created in parallel with community development. Certain moral standards were spread and consolidated through social links in Uzupis. Special attention was paid to citizenship, tolerance to other people and intolerance to crime.

The human being, according to them, feels comfortable and lives a happier life when all his needs are satisfied, from the physiological to the psychological effects of belonging and security, to higher feelings of self realisation.It helped to make them feel they were an important part of the community.


A typical Lithuanian street.

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There is one increasingly recognisable form of civic involvement in maintaining security – the activity of self-defence groups. This initiative is growing mostly in small towns and rural communities, where people come together in small groups to ensure a safe environment by patrolling and watching the neighbourhood. No one knows exactly how many there are. This is because they are organised spontaneously in response to emerging community safety problems. The formal and informal self-defence groups can both be identified. The formal self-defence groups are developed when a co-operation agreement is formed with the police (e.g. “Safe Neighbourhood”) and citizens choose to form self-defence groups to ensure a secure environment. These self-defence groups can be regarded as formal because Police Supporters participate in them, operating under the Law on Police Supporters and there is close co-operation with the police. The activity is considered formal when the project can expect sponsorship. Typically, these units are fairly stable and work for a longer period of time. The best example of a formal self-defence group “Voluntary Safety Groups“ (VSG) works in Siauliai, the fourth largest city in Lithuania. It is a voluntary organisation which was established in 2009 by Valerijus Simulik, a member of the Lithuanian Parliament. The main aims of this organisation are the maintenance of public order, support for the disabled, disadvantaged and poor as well as crime prevention.19 In early

2011 the organisation had 145 members, 96 of whom were Police Supporters.20 Their main activities include patrolling the streets and maintaining order at public events with police officers. All members of the VSG who patrol in public places have become Police Supporters and follow the requirements laid down by the Law on Police Supporters in all their activities. It could be said that, to a large extent, this organisation unites the Police Supporters, although its activities are broader and include not only ensuring public security but also social activities. It should be pointed out that this is an organised structure, with uniforms and a code of conduct. The activity of this organisation, as in all self-defence groups, is regarded as controversial. Its structure and activities are reminiscent of other police organisations. Though, on the other hand, the performance of its public functions is organised according to the Law on Police Supporters, i.e. the functions connected with the use of force are implemented with police officers. Another important aspect is that “Voluntary Safety Groups” actively communicate with Siauliai City Police Headquarters and receive support from the local police chiefs. Close co-operation with the police is regarded as an important safeguard “to prevent members abusing their powers and exceeding legal limits of legality in the course of their public order maintenance duties”.

The informal self-defence groups (units) are groups of people who come together spontaneously in reaction to local safety issues. Some groups are created temporarily, usually when an actual problem occurs. For example, in one village in the Kupiskis district, people began watches at a time when houses and outbuildings were being set on fire in the village. After the problem is solved, this activity is usually stopped.Others work for longer, though this depends on issues of security. For example, in another nearby town in the Kupiskis district when the residents were faced with a theft and robbery problem, they launched watches and car patrols. The residents were able to register on a notebook in one of the town’s shops. Both men and women participated in the watches and patrols. All willing residents were able to register. Watchers patrolled the neighbourhood in cars, pursuing suspicious vehicles, stopping suspicious people and cautioning them.

According to the community representative, police intervention is very rarely needed. People handle it themselves. According to her, the relationship between the community and the inspector is very good. He advises and supports this kind of activity. It should be noted that no Police Supporters participated in this self-defence group even though, according to the community representative, there are Police Supporters in the town.

The operating risks of self-defence groups As mentioned above, some self-defence groups (units) are established and operate informally. Not all of these activities are carried out in collaboration with the police. Owing to the lack of confidence in the police, people are tackling problems themselves without involving the police when they consider it acceptable. It should be noted that in Lithuanian society violence is still culturally dominant. This can lead to harsh treatment for offenders. This happened in 2003 in the small town of Raseiniai. Local entrepreneurs lost patience with the criminal activity of a local gang, resorted to violence and organised a “Lynching“ for its members. Not only the offenders, but also their families were affected by the actions of these residents. In order to avoid such situations, it is important to raise public confidence in the police. Local police officers, too, should be closely monitoring the activity of such self-defence groups and should be promoting close co-operation. To avoid cases of abuse, clearer legal regulation of such groups’ activities are very important. Clear boundaries should be set for their activities. The questions of clear regulation of the status of group members, their rights and obligations, their mandate and the use of violence must be solved.Of course, the support of such public initiatives should still exist, because it raises public confidence.

Self-defence groups

19Web-page of the “Voluntary safety groups” association: http://siauliai-ssb.lt/20Tomas Balčiūnas “Savanoriški saugos būriai – ir idėja, ir darbas”: http://siauliai-ssb.lt/index.php?mact=News,cntnt01,detail,0&cntnt01articleid=18&cntnt01lang=lt_LT&cntnt01returnid=5621Valerijus Simulik “Stiprūs saugos būriai – saugesni šiauliečiai”: http://siauliai-ssb.lt/index.php?page=ssb22Ibid.

23Rimvydas Šlekys, Head of Šiauliai city Police Headquarters, “Bendradarbiavimas turėtų tik stiprėti”:http://siauliai-ssb.lt/index.php?mact=News,cntnt01,detail,0&cntnt01articleid=16&cntnt01lang=lt_LT&cntnt01 returnid=5624Under the request of respondent the name of village is unnameable.25Under the request of respondent the name of village is unnameable.26One of the most resonant „handling the case“ events was when one mobster was outfited naked and left in the square in the midtown: see: 2003 m. Birželio 6 d. Dienraščio “Kauno diena” straipsnis “Neramios dienos ir Naktys Raseiniuose”: http://kauno.diena.lt/dienrastis/kita/neramios-dienos-ir-naktys-raseiniuose-951227Gavėnaitė A., Kalesnykas R., Kiškis A., Mališauskaitė-Simanaitienė S., Uscila R. Saugumo miestuose užtikrinimo problemos: metodinė priemonė, Teisės institutas. 2009.

Close co-operation with the police is regarded as an important safeguard “to prevent members abusing their powers and exceeding legal limits of legality in the course of their public order maintenance duties”.


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Legal acts1. Law on Police Supporters of the Republic of Lithuania //

Valstybės žinios, 1998, Nr. VIII-800.2. Law on Police Activities of the Republic of Lithuania //

Valstybės žinios, 2000, Nr. 90-27773. Regulations of the Police Supporters approved by the Police

Commissioner General, decree No. 497, 20 September 2002; 4. Regulations of the movement “The Young Police supporters“

approved by the Police Commissioner General, decree No. 160, 28 October 1998;

5. Law on Riflemen Union of the Republic of Lithuania // Valstybės žinios., 1997, No. 69-1736.

6. The Statute of Lithuanian Riflemen Union, approved by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, order No. V-1177, 15 December, 2009;

7. Instructions of Public Police Prevention Branch Officer (Local Police Inspector) Functions, approved by General Commissar of the Police with the order No. 5-V-384, 2 June 2009.

8. Conclusion of Law and Law Enforcement Committee of Parliament of Lithuania 22 December, 2003 on Law on Police supporters change of articles 2, 4, 5, 6, 8, 15 and 16, No. IXP-2985.

9. Decree of Minister of Interior Affairs No. 1V-250, 2 July, 2002 on Public security development strategy up to year 2010.

10. Decree on Public Security Development Strategy up to Year 2010 Implementation in Police System Programme, approved by Police Commissioner General, 9 October, 2003.

Scientific publications and literature1. Kalesnykas R. Policijos ir kitų socialinių institucijų, teikiančių

socialines paslaugas gyventojams, bendradarbiavimas. − Vilnius: LTA Leidybos centras, 2000. P. 65.

2. Lietuvos vidaus reikalų istorija // Anušauskas A. Represinė SSRS vidaus reikalų sistema Lietuvoje. Vilnius, Lietuvos Respublikos vidaus reikalų ministerija, 2008.

3. Sakalauskas G., Dobrynina M., Justickaja S., Kalpokas V., Mališauskaitė-Simanaitienė S., Nikartas S., Pocienė A., Zaksaitė S. Registruotas ir latentinis nusikalstamumas Lietuvoje: tendencijos, lyginamieji aspektai ir aplinkos veiksniai. Teisės instituto mokslo tyrimai T. 7. Vilnius, 2011. – 328 p.

4. Saugios kaimynystės veikla Vilniaus mieste. Vilnius, NPLC, 2010.: http://www.nplc.lt/lit/tyr/SK-tyrimas.pdf

5. Gavėnaitė A., Kalesnykas R., Kiškis A., Mališauskaitė-Simanaitienė S., Uscila R. Saugumo miestuose užtikrinimo problemos: metodinė priemonė, Teisės institutas. 2009.

Publications in the press and on the internet1. Asociacijos “Savanoriški saugos būriai“ // http://siauliai-ssb.lt/2. Istorijos akimirka: Jie buvo kariai savanoriai... // Universitas

vilnensis, 2007 m. Birželio mėn. // http://www.vu.lt/lt/universitas_vilnensis/uv1679/p:2/867/

3. Policijos rėmėjas užsidirbo meluodamas // Kauno diena, 2010 m. sausio 30 d. // http://kauno.diena.lt/naujienos/kriminalai/policijos-remejas-uzsidirbdavo-meluodamas-260860

4. Neamios dienos ir Naktys Raseiniuose // Kauno diena, 2003 m. Birželio 6 d. http://kauno.diena.lt/dienrastis/kita/neramios-dienos-ir-naktys-raseiniuose-9512

5. Rimvydas Šlekys, Šiaulių miesto vyriausiojo policijos komisariato viršininkas “Bendradarbiavimas turėtų tik stiprėti”: http://siauliai-ssb.lt/index.php?mact=News,cntnt01,detail,0&cntnt01articleid=16&cntnt01lang=lt_LT&cntnt01returnid=56

6. Tomas Balčiūnas “Savanoriški saugos būriai – ir idėja, ir darbas”: http://siauliai-ssb.lt/index.php?mact=News,cntnt01,detail,0&cntnt01articleid=18&cntnt01lang=lt_LT&cntnt01returnid=56

7. Valerijus Simulik “Stiprūs saugos būriai – saugesni šiauliečiai”: http://siauliai-ssb.lt/index.php?page=ssb

Prepared by: Dr. Aušra Pocienė Simonas Nikartas Evaldas Visockas

Literature

Appendix II Lithuania – Literature

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Our modern day photograph of “de Nachtwacht” (the Nightwatch) in Italy, 2011.

Working with volunteers. Building cohesive and safer communities through volunteering

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