WORKING PAPER NO. 11/2016 Riders on the Storm. TSOs and...
Transcript of WORKING PAPER NO. 11/2016 Riders on the Storm. TSOs and...
ThisprojecthasreceivedfundingfromtheEuropeanUnion’sSeventhFrameworkProgramme(FP7)forresearch,technologicaldevelopmentanddemonstrationundergrantagreementno.613034.
BARRIERS WORKING PAPER NO. 11/2016
RidersontheStorm.
TSOsandtheEuropeanLevelofGovernance–AContestedTerrainforTSOs!
BarrierscoordinatorAnnetteZimmerAuthorsAnnetteZimmerPatrickHoemke
Recommendedcitationinformation:Zimmer,A.&Hoemke,P.(2016)“RidersontheStorm.TSOsandtheEuropeanLevelofGovernance-ContestedTerrainforTSOs!”,TSIWorkingPaperNo.11,SeventhFrameworkProgramme(grantagreement613034),EuropeanUnion.Brussels:ThirdSectorImpact.
BARRIERS
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TABLEOFCONTENTS1 Introduction.............................................................................................................2
2 HarmonizingtheSector’sLegalEnvironment............................................................3
2.1 ContestedTerrain........................................................................................................3
2.2 LostinTransitionwithoneExecption.........................................................................4
2.2.1 TheStatuteforaEuropeanAssociation...........................................................................42.2.2 TheStatuteforaEuropeanCooperativeSociety.............................................................52.2.3 TheEuropeanFoundationStatute...................................................................................62.2.4 TheStatuteforaEuropeanMutualSociety.....................................................................8
3 TheRolling-OutoftheTSOCommunityinBrussels...................................................9
3.1 TheCommissionintheDriver’sSeat...........................................................................9
3.2 StagesofDevelopment.............................................................................................11
3.2.1 Non-action.....................................................................................................................113.2.2 Enthusiasm.....................................................................................................................113.2.3 Disillusionment..............................................................................................................15
4 ImpressionsfromtheField.....................................................................................18
4.1 TSOInfrastructure.....................................................................................................18
4.2 BricolageofOpinions................................................................................................19
4.2.1 EU-FundingandModesofFinancing.............................................................................204.2.2 AccessibilityandRepresentation...................................................................................21
5 Summary................................................................................................................22
References.........................................................................................................................25
EUSources.........................................................................................................................28
InterviewsandFocusGroups.............................................................................................29
Attachment:ExemplarypresentationofTSOplatforms....................................................31
PolicyField“SocialServices”..............................................................................................31
PolicyField“Sports”...........................................................................................................33
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1 IntroductionInavarietyofpolicyfields,theEuropeanlevelofpolicy-makinghassignificantlygainedimportanceinthelastdecades.Againstthisbackground,itismostlikelythatthethirdsectorisfollowingthispathbytryingtoinfluenceBrussels’policymachine.Thirdsectororganizations(TSOs)arepresentalloverEuropeprovidingcentralavenuesforcitizenparticipationinpubliclife;intheareaofsocialserviceprovision,theyarecentraleconomicplayersandofparticularrelevanceforthelabourmarketinmanycountries.InalmostallEuropeancountriesandspecificallyintheareasofsportsaswellasartsandculture,TSOsarecoreinstitutionsforattracting,organizingandaffiliatingvolunteers.Andfinally,manyTSOsarecampaigningorlobbyinginattemptstoinfluencepolicyandpoliticsathome.AsillustratedbythissummaryofTSO’sfieldsofaction,thethirdsectorconstitutesamulti-facettedandhighlydiversesector.However,manyofthesefields–suchassocialservices,sportsortheartsandculture–arestillmoreorlessthoroughlyundertheauspicesofthememberstatesaccordingtotheEUsubsidiarityrule.
Hence,howimportantistheBrusselspolicymachineryforthewellbeingofTSOsinthememberstates?Wereandaretherelegalinitiativeswhichaimatremedyingdisablingfactorsthateitherhinderpan-EuropeanactivitiesofTSOsorthatrestricttheorganizationstoliveuptotheirpotentialsinthememberstates?HarmonizingthediverselegalenvironmentsofTSOsinEuropemightbeadecisiveinstrumentforimprovingtheirworkingconditionsinthememberstates.AnddoestheEUprovideavenuesenablingTSOstocontributetotheEuropeanpolicyprocess?ThefollowingreportwhichispartofworkpackagefiveoftheEU-fundedresearchnetwork“ThirdSectorImpact”(TSI)beginstoengagewiththesequestions.ThereportdrawsheavilyontheoutcomesandpublicationsofpreviousEU-fundedresearch(Kendalletal.2009),especiallytheThirdSectorEuropeanPolicyproject.BasedontheresultsofinterviewsandfocusgroupsrecentlyconductedinBrusselsundertheframeworkofthecurrentprojectTSI,italsoprovidesatentativeassessmentofhowrepresentativesofTSOsandpolicyexpertslocatedinBrusselsperceivetheEuropeanpolicymachinerytoday.
Thereportisorganizedintothreechapters.Itbeginswithadiscussionoflegalinitiativesthathaveinstigatedadiscussionofthepotentialforthe“homogenization”oflegalformsrelevantforthirdsectoractivitiesinEurope;morespecifically,theStatutesforaEuropeanAssociation,aEuropeanFoundationandaEuropeanCooperativeSociety.Secondlyfromatop-downperspectiveandreferringtothreedistinctiveperiodsofdevelopmentofa“thirdsectorpolicycommunity”identifiedbypreviousresearch(Kendalletal.2009),itisdiscussedwhytheEuropeanpolicymachineryandinparticular
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theCommissionbegantoliaisewithandtointegrateTSOssuccessivelyintothepolicyprocess.Finally,thethirdchapterprovidesanimpressionandassessmentofhowTSOsoperatingattheEuropeanlevelofgovernancecurrentlyperceiveandassesspotentialsandhurdlestoinfluencethepolicyprocess;andmorepreciselywhethertheyseethemselvesinapositioninwhichtheyareabletoremoveobstaclesthathinderTSOsatthegrassrootlevelinthememberstates.
2 HarmonizingtheSector’sLegalEnvironment
2.1 ContestedTerrain
InitiativestoenactEuropeanlegalstipulationsforTSOswiththetwofoldgoalofharmonizingthelegalenvironmentandfacilitatingcross-borderactivitiesoftheorganizationshaveprovedtobeverydifficult,timeconsumingandbyandlargeunsuccessful.Drawingonpreviousresearchthatundertookanin-depthinvestigationofthereasonswhytheinitiativeoftheEuropeanStatuteofAssociationsfinallyfailedaftermorethantenyearsoftrialanderror(Kendall/Fraisse2009),thefollowingkeyfeatureshinderingtheenactmentofEuropeanlegalstatutesrelevantforTSOscanbesummarized:First,thereisalackofinterestandhencesupportfromtheTSOcommunitiesinthememberstatetostriveforaunificationoflegalregulations.Legalissuesareperceivedascomplexanddifficulttocommunicate,ascomparedtootherissueswhicharelinkedtospecificconstituenciessuchaspersonswithdisabilities,women,workers,orrefugees(Heuberger2015:127).Consequently,itisdifficultforTSOumbrellaorganizationswhichsupportaninitiativetojoinforceswithothers.Thishindersthebuildingof“advocacycoalitions”ofTSOsbasedinBrusselswhichareactiveindifferentsectors.
Secondly,thememberstatestendtobeveryreluctantregardingtheharmonizationoflegalissueswhicharenotclearly,directlyandunambiguouslyconnectedwiththeconsolidationoftheinternalmarket.Thekeyargumentagainstlegalharmonizationisrelatedtotheconceptofsubsidiarityandtranslatesintoaprotectionofthestatusquo.Thedifferentconceptualizationsofthethirdsectoranditsorganizationsinthememberstatesfurtherimpedeeasyconsolidationandagreements.Finally,thefeasibilityofastraight-forwardEuropeanregulationisoftenputintoquestionbythecommunityoflegalexpertsarguingthatlegalharmonizationshouldfollowatwo-stepapproachofwhichthefirststepconsistsofastock-takingoftheinherentcharacteristicsoftheexistinglegal
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formsinEurope.Againstthisbackground,ifandwhensufficientclarityhasbeenachieved,asecondstepshouldfollow:considerationofthepossibilityofcreatinganewlegalformwhichbuildsonthisbackgroundinformationandexpertise(Kendall/Fraisse2009:2019).
TheevidencesuggeststhattherearemanyhurdlestobetakeninordertotransformalegalinitiativewhichaimsatharmonizingtheverydiverselegalstipulationsforTSOsandtheiractivitiesinthememberstatesintoaEuropeanStatute.Fromapolicypointofview,theprocedureappliedinBrusselsforprocessingtheissueistheCommunityMethodwhichtranslatesintoasituationinwhichtheCommissiontakestheinitiativeandallEuropeaninstitutionsfromtheParliamenttotheCouncilofMinistershavetoagreewiththeproposal.ThefollowingshortsummaryofthehistoryofthedifferentinitiativesinfavorofEuropeanStatutes,inparticularlegalformsforassociations,foundationsandco-operatives-showsthatwithoneexception–theStatuteforaEuropeanCooperativeSociety(SCE)–todate,theyhaveallfailedontheirwaythroughtheEuropeaninstitutions.ItalsobecomesclearthattheCouncilofMinistersconstitutesthemostdifficultbarrierforaharmonizationoflegalformsrelatedtoTSOactivitiesinEurope.
2.2 LostinTransitionwithoneExecption
2.2.1 TheStatuteforaEuropeanAssociationAlreadyin1984,theEuropeanParliamentaddressedtheCommissiontoinitiateaproposalforaStatuteforaEuropeanAssociation,definedasa“permanentgroupingofnaturalorlegalpersonswhosememberspooltheirknowledgeoractivitieseitherforapurposeinthegeneralinterestorinordertodirectlyorindirectlypromotethetradeorprofessionalinterestsofitsmembers.”1AsKendallandFraisseoutline,theinitiativewasheavilysupportedbytheFrenchpoliticianNicoleFontaine,whowaslatertobecomethePresidentoftheEuropeanParliament(1999-2002)andwhojoinedforceswithCEDAG–theEuropeanCouncilforVoluntaryOrganizations–whichatthattimewasstilloperatingfromParis.Indeed,theproposalwasnotrestrictedtoalegalstipulation,butpartofanencompassingpackagewhichwasverymuchinlinewiththenotionoftheeconomiesociale(Kendall/Fraisse2009:211).Theauthorsspecificallydrawattentiontoafar-reachingpoliticalprogramthatwasoriginallyconnectedwiththedraftingofthestatute.Associationsweresituatedalongsidecooperativesandmutuals,and“theEuropeanStatuteofAssociations(ESA)hadbecomepartofavoluminouspackagethatincluded
1EuropeanCommission,20132EASEA,2010.3EuropeanCommission,2003,CouncilRegulation(EC)No1435/2003.
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regulations,aswellasaccompanyingdirectivesonworkerparticipation”(Kendall/Fraisse2009:211).MetwithresistancefromvariousactorsinBrusselsandparticularlyinthememberstates,theproposalwasfinallywithdrawnbytheCommissionin2005“inthenameofadministrativesimplificationofitsworkprogram”.2Apparently,itwasexpectedthatsuchastatutewouldnotreachtherelevantmajorityintheCouncil:Memberstategovernmentswerenotwillingtoagreetoalegalstipulationbypassingregulationsonassociationsinthememberstates.Suchastatuteatleasthadtobeincompliancewiththeregulationsinthedifferentcountries(Charrad2014:194).Thisaccordanceisdifficulttoachieve,asassociationsthroughoutEuropehavedifferentfunctions,carryoutdifferenttasksandaregovernedinsignificantlydifferentways.However,thepackagewasnotthoroughlyabandoned;theSwedishPresidencydecidedearlyinthe2000stocontinuewiththestipulationsforco-operativesandmutuals.
2.2.2 TheStatuteforaEuropeanCooperativeSocietyInJuly2003,theStatuteforaEuropeanCooperativeSociety(SCE)3wasapproved.AccordingtoadefinitionissuedbytheCommission,“co-operativesareautonomousassociationsmadeupofpersonscomingtogethervoluntarilytomeettheircommoneconomic,socialandculturalaspirationsandneeds,throughthemeansofacompanyownedcollectivelyandwherethepowerisdemocraticallyexercised”.4ItishopedthattheEuropeanStatutemightfacilitate“equaltermsofcompetitionbetweencooperativesocietiesandcapitalcompanies”5.Furthermore“thedevelopmentofcross-borderactivitiesofcooperativesocieties”6shouldbefacilitated.Thereisevenreferenceto“administrativeandlegalbarriersthatshouldnotexistinacommonmarket”7whicharesuccessfullyaddressedbythenewstatute.However,theStatuteisnotwidelyusedinthememberstates.Atthesametime,evenifitwereimplementedthroughoutEurope,theStatutemightbetoocomplexanddifficultforsmallco-operatives.8DespitethiscaveatitisworthmentioningthattheinaugurationofaEuropeanStatuteforCo-operativeswentinparallelwithanupswingoftheco-operativemovementinEurope,particularlyinareas
2EASEA,2010.3EuropeanCommission,2003,CouncilRegulation(EC)No1435/2003.4SummariesofEUlegislation:StatuteforaEuropeanCooperativeSociety,keyterms.5SummariesofEUlegislation:StatuteforaEuropeanCooperativeSociety,summary,sentencetwo.6SummariesofEUlegislation:StatuteforaEuropeanCooperativeSociety,summary,sentencethree.7Compare:StatuteforaEuropeanCooperativeSociety,p.11.8Compare:SummariesofEUlegislation:StatuteforaEuropeanCooperativeSociety,Relatedacts,ReportfromtheCommission.
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withastrongbusinesscomponent.InItaly,co-operativeshavebeenafastgrowingsegmentofthethirdsectorinthenewmillennium(Ranci/Montagnini2010);andinGermany,co-operativeshavebecomepopularintheso-calledsectorofgreenenergy(Schröder/Walk2014).
Ingeneral,theStatuteforaEuropeanCooperativeSocietyappearstohavebeeninlinewiththeEuropeanUnion’soverallpriorities,especiallyintermsofeconomicgrowthanddevelopment.Co-operativesareoftenseenasclosertothemarketlogicand/ormore‘economic’actorsthanassociationsandfoundations.Thesecharacteristics,correlatingmoreobviouslywiththecoregoalofmarketconsolidation,mayhelpexplainwhyapan-Europeanmodelwasperceivedasmoresalientinthiscase,receivedhighersupportthanitscounterpartsforassociationsandfoundationsandwasfinallyadopted.Inthelightofinternalmarketpoliciesthisstatuteaimedatthereductionofbarriersforcross-borderbusinessactivitieswithintheSocialEconomy.Cooperativeswererecognizedasmajorplayersinthisfieldwhosedevelopmentwaslimitedbydifferingframeworksofnationalregulations.However,itseemsthatthepan-Europeanmodelhasuntilnownotcontributedsignificantlytoafurtheradvancementofcross-borderactivities(Interview3,p.24).
2.2.3 TheEuropeanFoundationStatuteItisstrikinghowandwhyafteranintensiveprocessofconsultationswhichinvolvedthemajorEuropeaninstitutionsanddespitestrongrepresentationofthefoundationsector–theEuropeanFoundationCenter(EFC)–inBrussels,theinitiativetoestablishaEuropeanFoundationStatuteultimatelyfailed.9
ThetopicwasfirstaddressedbytheCommissionin2003alongsideitsActionPlanonModernisingCompanyLawandEnhancingCorporateGovernance.10TheParliamentsupportedtheeffortin2006byenactingtheEuropeanParliament’sResolutiononrecentdevelopmentsandprospectsinrelationtocompanylaw,whichadvisedtheCommissiontocontinueworkingonaEuropeanFoundationStatute.11InNovember2007,theCommissionlaunchedafeasibilitystudyanalysingtheimportanceoffoundationsfortheEuropeaneconomy.12Supplementingthestudy,theCommissionhostedaconsultationin200913thatservedasaforumfortheCompanyLawExpertGroup(CLEG),consistingof
9http://epthinktank.eu/2012/11/23/a-statute-for-european-foundations-2/10Compare:ConsultationonaPossibleStatuteforaEuropeanFoundation,16.2.2009,p.3.11Compare:EuropeanParliament,4.7.2006,No.34.12Compare:UniversitätHeidelberg;MaxPlanckInstitut,2008,p.20.13Compare:ConsultationonaPossibleStatuteforaEuropeanFoundation,16.2.2009.
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nationalexperts,whocollectedinformationonlegislationoffoundationsinthememberstates.Themeetingsofthisgrouparewelldocumented.14Additionally,thankstotheinitiativeoftheEuropeanParliament,theCommissionmadethefeasibilitystudyaccessible;thestudywasincludedintheCommission’sResolutiononSocialEconomyinFebruary2009.15Furthermore,theCommissioncontinuedtoworkonthetopicbycollectingmoreinformationandbyhostinga“EuropeanFoundationsWeek”inJune2010.16Inthesameyear,theEuropeanEconomicandSocialCommittee(EESC)alsosupportedtheinitiativebycommentingthedraftoftheStatute.17Moreoverin2011,theCommitteeoftheRegionssupportedtheinitiative.18Inordertoroundupthepositiveresponseofthestakeholders,apublicconsultationwasinitiatedbytheCommissioninthesameyear.Andbackedbythepositiveoutcomeoftheconsultation,theCommissionagainunderlinedtheimportanceofaEuropeanFoundationStatute,inparticularwithrespecttoEurope’s2020objectives.19Thedraftingofthestatutewasfinalizedin2012.20Thelegalstipulationscoveredamongotherstopicsofhowtoestablishandgovernafoundation.Mostimportantly,equaltaxtreatmentfordonorswasguaranteedthroughoutEuropeandthetransferoffundsfromonememberstatetoanotherwasfacilitated.21Again,theEuropeanEconomicandSocialCommitteestronglysupportedthedraft22byunderliningthe“contributionoffoundationsinnumerousareas”.23TheCommitteeoftheRegionsaskedforsomechangestothedraftbutalsoendorsedtheproposaloraEuropeanFoundationStatuteinNovember2012.24In2013,theproposalwasalsostronglysupportedbytheParliamentthatsuggestedseveralmodificationswhich
14Compare:EuropeanCommission,8.2.2012,ProposalforaCouncilRegulationontheStatuteforaEuropeanFoundation,p.4.15Compare:EuropeanParliamentresolutiononSocialEconomy,No.11.16Compare:EuropeanCommission,8.2.2012,ProposalforaCouncilRegulationontheStatuteforaEuropeanFoundation,p.4.17Compare:EuropeanCommission,8.2.2012,ProposalforaCouncilRegulationontheStatuteforaEuropeanFoundation,p.3andEuropeanEconomicandSocialCommittee,28.4.2010.18CommiteeofRegions,31.3./1.42011,No.16andEuropeanCommission,8.2.2012,ProposalforaCouncilRegulationontheStatuteforaEuropeanFoundation,p.3.19EuropeanCommission,13.4.2011,p.7.20EuropeanCommission,8.2.2012,ProposalforaCouncilRegulationontheStatuteforaEuropeanFoundation21Compare:EuropeanCommission,8.2.2012,ProposalforaCouncilRegulationontheStatuteforaEuropeanFoundation,p.6-7.22Compare:EuropeanEconomicandSocialCommitee,16.9.2012,1.Conclusionandrecommendations,1.1.23EuropeanEconomicandSocialCommitee,16.9.2012,3Generalcomments,3.1.24CommiteeoftheRegions,11.2012,passage1-3.
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aimedatguaranteeingsustainability,seriousnessandviabilityofEuropeanfoundations.Allinall,nothingseemedtostandinthewayoftheendorsementofthestatute.However,thenewCommissionunderPresidentJunkerwithdrewtheproposalinDecember2014.25ThecentralargumentforthedismissalwasthattheproposalwasnotsufficientlysupportedbytheCouncilofMinisters.26AftercomingalongwayanddespitethebackingofseveralEuropeaninstitutions,theproposalwasblockedbytheCouncilofMinisters.
Moreresearchisneededtoestablishwhichnationallevelactorswereresponsibleforthisstalledtrajectory.ButthisexampleillustratesthecomplexityofEUpolicymakingintermsofthegreatnumberofactorsandunderscoresthecontinuedimportanceoftheCouncilasasuperordinateinstitutioninEUpolicydevelopment(Naurin,David(2015):).Moreover,alsothecommunityofTSOsontheEuropeanlevelofgovernanceisshapedbyagreatvarietyoforganizationsandplatforms,whichfurthercomplicatesdecision-makinginmattersconcerningtheThirdSectorinEurope.
2.2.4 TheStatuteforaEuropeanMutualSocietySimilardifficultiesbecomeapparentinthecaseoftheaspiredEuropeanmutualsociety.TheEuropeanCommissionpresentedaproposalforaCouncilRegulationontheStatuteforaEuropeanmutualsocietyalreadyin1991.27FollowinginternaldiscussionsbetweentheEUinstitutions,includinganapprovingopinionbytheEconomicandSocialCommittee28,amendmentsbytheParliamentandtheCouncilwereincludedintheproposal.However,itneverreacheddecision-making,evenifaconsultationlaunchedbytheCommissionintheearly2000sdemonstratedtheneedforaEuropeanmutualsociety.29,Duetothislackofprogressinthepolicy-makingprocess,theCommissionwithdrewtheproposalfromtheEuropeanagendain2005.30
However,“(t)hisdecisionledtodisappointmentanddissatisfactioninthemutualsector”(AMICE/AIM2008:3.2),whofoundthat“cross-bordercooperationbetweenmutualsocietieshasbeenhamperedwithintheEuropeanUnionbylegalandadministrative
25Compare:EuropeanCommission,2015B,Justice,ConsumersandGenderEquality.26HouseofCommons,11February2015,4AStatuteforaEuropeanFoundation,4.6.27CompareCOM/1991/273..28CompareOpinionoftheEconomicandSocialCommitteeontheproposalforaCouncilRegulation(EEC)ontheStatuteforaEuropeanMutualSociety,OJC223,31.8.1992,p.48–51.29Comparehttp://www.amice-eu.org/ems.aspx.30CompareCommunicationfromtheCommissiontotheCouncilandtheEuropeanParliament.OutcomeofthescreeningoflegislativeproposalspendingbeforetheLegislator.COM(2005)462final.
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difficultieswhichshouldbeeliminatedinawelloperatinginternalmarket”(AMICE/AIM2008:1.2).Therefore,theAssociationofMutualInsurersandInsuranceCooperativesinEurope(AMICE),togetherwiththeAssociationInternationaledelaMutualité(AIM),preparedadraftregulationinordertore-initiatethepolicy-makingprocess.Inthefollowing,thetopicwasaddressedonlybytheEuropeanParliament,whosupportedtheinitiativeandcalledrepeatedlyontheCommissiontoadvancetheproposal.31However,theproposalstillstalled,untilfinallytheParliamentadoptedtheresolutionof14March2013withrecommendationstotheCommissionontheStatuteforaEuropeanmutualsociety(2012/2039(INL)),onthebasisofanown-initiativereportofMr.BerlinguerMEP.Inaddition,theParliamentadoptedanEuropeanAddedValueAssessment(EAVA1/2013),inwhichthebenefitsofaEuropeanmutualsocietyareevaluatedfromasocial,economic,andlegalpointofview.ThiswasfollowedupbyaconsultationlaunchedbytheCommission,whichwasoverallpositivetowardsthecreationofaEuropeanmutualsociety.32Followingfromthisassessment,theCommission“islookingintothepossibilityofproposingaRegulationcontainingtherulesonthecreationofaEuropeanMutualbyenterprisesfromdifferentEUcountries”33.However,noprogressseemstohavebeenmadeinthisregardsofar,demonstratingthelengthyandapparentlydifficultpolicyprocesses.
3 TheRolling-OutoftheTSOCommunityinBrussels
3.1 TheCommissionintheDriver’sSeat
Thefactthatthereisathirdsectorcommunity,evenaspecificorganizationalfieldcomprisedofCivilSocietyOrganizations(CSOs)orTSOsactiveinBrusselsisnotcontested,evenifthebestwaytocharacterizeitsboundariesandprioritiescontinuestobeamatter
31Compare,amongothers,DeclarationoftheEuropeanParliamentof10March2011onestablishingEuropeanstatutesformutualsocieties,associationsandfoundations,P7_TA(2011)0101.32Compare:SynthesisreportonthecommentsontheopenconsultationonthemeasuresproposedbyastudyfinancedbytheCommissionforthepromotionofmutualsocietiesintheEUandthenecessityforaStatusforaEuropeanMutualSociety.http://ec.europa.eu/growth/tools-databases/newsroom/cf/itemdetail.cfm?item_id=7982.33Compare:http://ec.europa.eu/growth/tools-databases/newsroom/cf/itemdetail.cfm?item_id=7982(Lastupdate:12/10/2015).
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ofconsiderabledebate(Johansson/Kahn2015:9;Ruzza2015:23ff;SanchezSalgado2014).ItisacknowledgedthattheEuropeanCommissionhasplayedacrucialroleinthedevelopmentofBrussels“organizedcivilsociety”community(Georgakakis2015).However,itisalsoobviousthattheCommissionhasnotequallymadeuseofthemulti-functionalityofTSOs.Veryoften,theyaresimultaneouslyprovidingavenuesforcivicparticipation,mostprominentlyintheformofvolunteering,actingaslobbyistonbehalfoftheirconstituenciesorthegeneralpublic.Inaddition,inmanyEuropeancountriestheyarehighlyengagedintheproductionofservices,mostprominentlyintheareaofsocialservicesbutalsoinsportsorintheartsandculture(Evers/Zimmer2010).
TheTSIprojectdistinguishesbetweendifferentdimensionsof“impact”whichfromafunctionalpointofviewTSOsbringaboutincertainenvironments(Simsaetal2014:27ff).Doubtlessly,manyTSOshaveaneconomicimpact:AsproducersofsocialservicesandasemployersofsignificantimportanceinmanyEuropeancountries–particularlyinthesocialdomain–TSOsareparticipatingintheeconomy.But,dependingonthepoliticalopportunitystructureofthecountryandpolicyfield,TSOsalsoparticipateingovernancearrangementsprovidingexpertiseandoractingaslobbyistsonbehalfoftheirconstituenciesorthewiderpublic.HenceTSOsalsohaveapoliticalimpact.Andfinallyasmembershiporganizations,TSOscontributetotheintegrationofcitizensintothegeneralpublicandthepolicycommunityatlarge.Oneoftheirclassical“impacts”consistsofservingasa“transmissionbelt”fordemandsandconcernsofcitizensandthepoliticalapparatus.
Initially,theEuropeanCommissionhasnotconsideredtheseorganizations‘players’inEUdevelopmentprocesses.Butsinceithasstartedtorecognizethem,theCommissionhasreferredtotheirfunctionsandimpactsinwhatappearstobequiteaselectiveandpartialway,linkedtothesometimesunpredictabledirectionoftheEU’soverallapproachtointegration.Kendalletal.(2009:346ff)retrospectivelyidentifiedthreedifferentdevelopmentalphasesofBrussels’thirdsectorcommunity.EachofthesephaseswasinfluencedbytheEuropeanCommissionreferringtoacertainrationaleortheoreticalconcept.Moreover,approachesaimingatastrongerliaisonoftheCommissionwithafairlyestablishedthirdsectorcommunityinBrusselswereprimarilyinitiatedbymembersofthecentre-leftandnotbyPresidentsoftheCommissionsrepresentingtheconservativepartyspectrum.Butallinall,Brussels’primeinterestinTSOshasprimarily,butnotexclusively,beenlinkedtotheeconomicimpactoftheorganizations;furthermore,inparticulartheTSO’sumbrellaorganisationshavebeenperceivedas“useful”forproviding“asecondopinion”andfield-specificexpertisethattiesinwiththe
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politicalimpactofTSOswhichtimeandagainwasindicatedbymembersofBrusselsthirdsectorcommunity(seepart4).
3.2 StagesofDevelopment
3.2.1 Non-actionThefirstphase,titled“prehistory”byKendalletal.(2009:346),wasindeedaperiodofnon-action,althoughitstretchedforabouthalfoftheEU’slifetimesofar,rangingfromthebeginningoftheEuropeanCommunitytotheearly1980s.AccordingtoKendalletal.,theRomeTreatymadereferencetonon-profit-makingcompanies,butitalsomentionedthattheseareoutsideitsrelevance.Furthermore,theEuropeanEconomicandSocialCommittee(EESC)wasestablishedinthistimespan,butitsactivitieswerenotgearedtowardsTSOs.TheCommitteewasconceptualizedasanadvisortootherEuropeaninstitutionsinstead(Kendalletal.2009:347).Indeed,asarecentstudysummarizes:TSOs“havenotbeenproactiveintheirprocessofadaptationtotheEU.Onthecontrary,theadaptationof(T)SOshasmainlybeenEU-driven”(SanchezSalgado2014:3).
3.2.2 Enthusiasm
TSOsstrengtheningtheUnion’sdevelopment
QuiteimportantforthedevelopmentofaTSOcommunityinBrusselswasthepresidencyofJacquesDelors(1985-1995).Underhisleadership,theprocessofEuropeanintegrationre-startedsuccessfully;furthermore,DelorshadamissionandavisionregardingtheroleandfunctionofTSOsinEurope(Delors2004).Hisfocuswasclearlyontheeconomicimpactofthesector.Accordingly,heperceivedTSOsas“anEUpolicyinstrumentforstrengtheningeconomicdevelopment,andalsoforcopingwiththeemploymentproblem”(Kendalletal.2009:348).InlinewiththeFrenchtradition,Delor’spromotionofTSOs’presenceinBrusselsfocusedprimarilyonco-operativesandmutualsocietiesasimporteconomicactors.WithsupportoftheCommission,CEDAG–theEuropeanCouncilofAssociationsofGeneralInterest–wasfoundedin1989inParis.Atfirst,CEDAGservedprimarilyasaprominentmouthpieceofthe“socialeconomy”thathasalonghistoryparticularlyintheMediterraneancountries.InparallelandfollowingtheParliament’sFontaineReports(1987a,b),twolegislativeinitiatives–thedevelopmentofaEuropeanStatuteofAssociationsandaStatuteforaEuropeanCooperativeSociety–weresetinmotionwithverydifferentoutcomes.Thefirstinitiativefailedwhilethesecondmaterializedin2003(seepart2).
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AlreadyinitiatedbyDelors,theconceptualizationofTSOsasatoolforlabourmarketpoliciesgainedparticularmomentuminthelate1990s.Increasingly,TSOsbecamelinkedtothediscussionsoneconomicdevelopmentandthefightagainstunemploymentandsocialexclusion.Incloseconnectionwiththepromotionofsmallandmiddle-sizedenterprisesandwithaspecialeyetovulnerablegroupssuchasdisabledcitizens,thepotentialsofTSOsforaddressinglabourmarketproblemswereincreasinglystressed.In1997asacounterpartofCEDAGaspecialdepartment–theSocialEconomyUnit–wasestablishedwithintheGeneralDirectorate23oftheCommissionthatwasatthattimealsoresponsibleforsmallbusinessandtourism.Kendalletal.(2009)intheirhighlyinformativebookchaptercometotheconclusionthatmoreorlessnothingcameoutofthisphaseofdevelopmentwhichthey,therefore,titledasthephase(1985-1997)of“frustratedpolicyengagement”(Kendalletal.2009:348).However,currentEUdiscoursesaswellasinvestmentsinresearchareagaininfluencedbytherationaleofasectorwhoseorganizationsmightprovidemoreappropriatesolutionstoproblemsofsocialexclusionandunemploymentthanotheractorsofmarketeconomies(seeInnoSiandEFESEEIS).34
InparallelbutnotinterconnectedwiththeconceptualizationofTSOsasapartofthesocialeconomy,CommissionactivitiesunintentionallyfacilitatedthegrowingimportanceofanothermajorTSOumbrellaorganizationinBrussels,theSocialPlatformwhichtodayalignsmorethan40TSOsworkingonsocialissues.However,adrivingforceforthefurtheradvancementoftheBrusselsTSOcommunityactiveinthesocialdomainwasthevigorouscritiqueoftheCommission’ssocialeconomyapproach.ThatcritiquewasputforwardbythepowerfulGermanFreeWelfareAssociationswhichperceivedtheirpositioninthenationalandinternationalwelfaredomainthreatenedbytheCommission’sdirectiveonServicesofGeneralEconomicInterest(Zimmeretal.2009:33;Kendalletal.2009:358).Inanutshell:Originally,thedirectivewasdesignedinsuchawaybytheDGforInternalMarketthatanysocialserviceinthewelfaredomainwastreatedlikeacommodityandhencewastobesubjecttosimilarregulationsthananyothermarketablegoods.ThankstotheconcertedlobbyactivitiesoftheWelfareAssociationsinGermanyandinBrusselsviaadiversesetofpublicaffairsbureausandumbrellaorganizationssuchastheETWelfareandtheSocialPlatform,thedirectivewasfinallywatereddowninsuchawaythattheuniquepositionoftheWelfareAssociationsinthemarketsofsocialserviceswerenotthoroughlyjeopardizedinGermanyandinotherEuropeancountries–e.g.Spain,Poland-whereparticularlytheChurchaffiliatedCaritas
34http://www.fp7-efeseiis.eu;http://innosi.eu.
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hadstartedtomakeinroads.TheTSOcommunityofsocialserviceproviderssuccessfullyarguedthattheyaredistinctfromfor-profitprovidersbecausetheyareworkingclosetotheircommunities,whichisevidencedbythemanyvolunteerswhoareengagedlocallyintheprovisionofsocialservicesdeliveredbyTSOs.Accordinglyalmostthroughthebackdoor,volunteeringasaspecificitycloselyaffiliatedwithTSOsdevelopedintoarationaleordistinctivefeatureofTSOswhichsetsthemapartfromthebusinessworld.Althoughwithverydifferentintentions,bothdevelopmentswerecloselylinkedtotheeconomicimpactsofTSOsandtotheirroleandfunctionasserviceprovidersandemployersofsignificantimportancealloverEurope.
TSOsaddressingthe“democraticdeficit”
ThethirdphaseoftheproliferationofTSOsinBrusselswascloselyconnectedwiththePresidencyofRomanoProdiwhoseGeneralSecretariattriedtoaddressthechronic“democraticdeficit”ofEuropeanpolicy-makingbyadvancingtheintegrationofTSOumbrellasintotheEuropeanpolicyprocess.ComparedtoitspredecessorstheProdiCommissionbuiltonaverydifferentunderstandingofthe“impacts”ofTSOs(Simsaetal.2014:32).Duringthisperiod,expertiseincertaindomains,representingspecificconstituenciesandgivingvoicetovulnerablegroupsandfinallyoperatingasa“transmissionbelt”thatfacilitatescommunicationbetweendifferentlevelsofEU-governanceseemedtobemakingTSOsandinparticulartheirumbrellaswithlinkstoanumberofEuropeancountriesinterestingpartnersfortheCommission.ItalsohopedthatTSOsmightfunctionasacounterbalancetothestrongrepresentationofbusinessinterestsinBrussels.HowthiswastobeachievedcaneasilybetracedbytakingintoaccountthevariousEUdocumentspublishedintheearly2000s.OfparticularimportancearetheCommission’sWhitePaperonEuropeanGovernanceof2001(COM/2001/428final)anditsCommunication“TowardsaReinforcedCultureofConsultationandDialogue–GeneralPrinciplesandMinimumStandardsforConsultationofInterestedParties”(COM/2002/704final)of2002.TheWhitePaperhighlightedtheimportanceofTSOsaschannelsofcommunicationbetweenEUinstitutionsandEUcitizensbystressingtheirrelevanceforprovidinga“structuredchannelforfeedback,criticismandprotest”andforpromotingdemocracyonthenationallevel.TheCommunicationof2002outlinedhowTSOsareenvisagedtoparticipateintheEuropeanmultilevelgovernancearrangements.Precisely,thecommunicationreferstotheestablishmentof“civicdialogue“towhichprimarilythoseTSOswereeligiblethat“existpermanentlyatCommunitylevel,[...]haveauthoritytorepresentandactatEuropeanlevel[...],havememberorganizationsinmostoftheEUMemberStates[and]providedirectaccesstoitsmember’sexpertise“(COM2002:2.Footnote15).Throughoutthe2000s,theCommissionundertookseriousefforts
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tofurtherintegraterepresentativesoftheTSOcommunityintoits“consultationregime”(Quittkat/Kohler-Koch2013:47)whichstepbystepmovedintothedirectionofaparticipatoryarrangement.TheCommissioninawayservedasarolemodelforotherEuropeaninstitutions.Inthisvein,theCounciloftheRegionstriedtobecomeamouthpieceofTSOsactiveinBrusselsbyestablishingaformalized“civicdialogue”modelledafterthe“socialdialogue”(Zimmer/Freise2008:32).Insummary,theperiodafterthe“WhitePaperonEuropeanGovernance”wasprimetimeformakingclaimsaboutparticipatorydemocracyinthesensethatfirstandforemosttheCommissionbutalsotheotherEuropeaninstitutionstriedtotouchbasewithTSOsinBrusselsinformalized–dialogues–andinformalways.ResearchfocusedonTSOs’participationintheEuropeangovernancearrangement(Smismans2006)withtheaimofunveilingthepotentialcontributionofTSOs“tothelegitimationofEuropeaninstitutionsandtothedemocratizationoftheEUpolity”(Sanchez-Salgado2014:5f).
ItisworthmentioningthatthisenthusiasticperiodofEUintegrationpolicyinwhichasignificantenlargementoftheEUandtheintroductionoftheEuroalsotookplacewasaccompaniedbymajorEU-fundedresearchprojectsthatspecificallyevaluatedwhetherandtowhatextentTSOsindeedcontributetothereductionoftheso-calleddemocraticdeficitofEuropeanpolicymakingbyprovidingexpertise,givingvoicetootherwiseunheardconstituenciesandfirstandforemostbybringingBrusselsclosertotheEuropeanpeople.TheNetworksofExcellenceCONNEX–ConnectingExcellenceonEuropeanGovernance35andCINEFOGO-CivilSocietyandNewFormsofGovernanceinEurope:theMakingofEuropeanCitizenship–werebothdedicatedtotheanalysisofefficientanddemocraticmultilevelgovernanceinEuropewiththeaimofenhancing“theunderstandingofsocialanddemocraticprocesses,citizenshipanddemocraticparticipationinEurope”.36However,theoutcomesofthesetwomajorresearchendeavourswereratherdisillusioning:ThepotentialofTSOsoperatinginBrusselstokeepintouchwiththeirconstituenciesaswellaswiththeirparentorganizationsathomewerewidelyoverestimated.Theseorganizationstypicallyseemedtohaveinsufficientcapacitytoachievethesortof“transmissionbelt”functionsexpectedoftheminpolicyandresearchcircles,oftenoperatingonrelativelymodestbudgetsandwithunderdevelopedcross-levelinfrastructure.Furthermore,researchuncoveredthatthechorusofTSOsinBrusselsisheavilybiasedwiththeeffectthatTSOsfromsmallercountriesandnewEUmembersweresimplynotpresent(Charrad2010).Henceitwassummarizedthat“the
35http://www.mzes.uni-mannheim.de/projekte/typo3/site/fileadmin/flyer/govlit_govdata_final.pdf36http://mighealth.net/eu/images/0/01/Cine1.pdf
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Europeancivilsocietyis…amagicword,usedprimarilybytheEuropeaninstitutionstolegitimizetheirinstitutionalpositionandpolitics”(Georgakakis2015:234;Zimmer2011;Kohler-Koch/Quittkat2013;SanchezSalgado2014:6).Theresearchalsounveiled“theCommission’sentrepreneurialrole”(Johansson/Kalm2015:7)regardingtheestablishmentofTSOumbrellasinBrussels,manyofthosetheoutcomeoftheCommission’s“remarkablebureaucraticactivism”(Johansson/Kalm2015:8).
3.2.3 DisillusionmentThisbringsustothecurrentphasewhich–asalreadyindicated–couldbecharacterizedasdisillusionmentandpragmatismonbothsides,theformalEUinstitutionsononehand,andBrussels’TSOsandtheirnetworksandplatformsontheother.Certainly,Brussels-basedTSOsexperience“businessasusual”intermsofbeingcontributorstotheEUpolicyprocess.Thisincludesmultipleinvolvementsinroutinizedconsultationproceduresaswellasmoreinformalrelationshipbuilding.
FromtheperspectiveofTSOsusedtobeingconsideredascentralconduitsforenhancingtheEU’sresponsetothedemocraticdeficit,thismorerecentperiodisperceivedasbeingambivalentandfarfromdevelopingintoadirectionthatfurtheradvancestherelevanceofTSOsforBrussels’policyprocess.Thereasonswhydisillusionmentonbothsideshasreplacedenthusiasmaremanifold.AsregardstheEUinstitutions,theirexpectationstowardsTSOswereprobablyunrealisticandthereforefailedtherealitytest.Assummarizedmostrecently,TSOs“areconsideredtoberatherineffective,andfallshortoftheirlegitimizingpotential(SanchezSalgado2014:6).WithaspecialeyeonBrussels’TSOcommunity,previousresearchalready“underscoredthemulti-faceted,institutionallycomplexandcontestedcharacterofthirdsectorEuropeanpolicyasamulti-levelprocess”(Kendall2009b:389).CurrentresearchfurtherdrawstheattentiontoTSOsoperatinginBrusselsthatareconsideredtoconstituteadistinctiveorganizationalfield,inwhichorganizationsco-operateandcoordinateactionbutthatsimultaneouslyisaterrainforconflictandcompetition(Johansson/Kalm2015;Cullen2015).
Whilegovernanceincloseco-operationwithTSOsinBrusselswasinpartinitiallyinspiredbytheconceptsof“participatoryanddeliberativedemocracy”,theCommissionhasalsoturnedto“directdemocracy”inafurtherattempttoreducetheEU’sdemocraticdeficit.InsteadofworkingdirectlywithoratleastconsultingTSOs,the“EuropeanCitizens’Initiative”(ECI)wasintroducedasanewapproachtogetBrusselsclosertotheEuropeanpeople.“TheECIisasingle-causecampaignaimeddirectlyatagendasetting”(Hedling/Meeuwise2015:212).AccordingtoHedling/Meeuwise,theintroductionoftheECIwasanoutcomeoftheConventionfortheFutureoftheUnion(2003-2004).Although
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theConstitutionalTreatyfailed,theECIwaskeptintheLisbonTreaty(Art.11.4)(Hedling/Meeuwise2015:215).Asachannelformassmobilizationorganizedaroundaspecificlegislativeproposal,theECIdepartsfrompreviousproceduresthatgavepreferencetoformalandinformalconsultationsor“dialogues”withTSOsbasedinBrussels(Greenwood2015:207).
ConceptuallytheECI,inauguratedin2007,aimsatenablingcitizensofthememberstatesoftheEUtoparticipatedirectlyinthepolicyprocessbycallingtheCommissiontoproposealegalact.However,proceduresandlegalrequirementsoftheECIarequitecomplicated.Forstartinganinitiative,acommitteecomprisingatleastsevenmembersfromsevenmemberstateshastobesetupastheresponsiblebodyfordrivingthecase,includingtheconversationwiththeCommission.TheinitiativehastobepostedontheEU-website.Inordertobesuccessful,theinitiativehastobeunderwrittenbyaminimumofonemillionEUcitizensfromatleastsevenmemberstates.Finally,theinitiativealsohastobesupportedbytherespectivememberstates.AsindicatedbyEUresearch,theECIhasnotdevelopedintoanelementoflivelydirectdemocracywhichiswidelyusedbyEuropeancitizens;instead,researchshowsthattheECIhasbecomeafurtherdeviceofTSOsforinfluencingthepolicyprocess(deClerck-Sachsse2012).Hence,theECIbelongstothefamilyofE-governmentinstruments,applaudedbyinternetaficionados,however,muchtoocomplicatedandfromanorganizationalpointofviewfartoosophisticatedinordertobeappliedby“normalcitizens”.Accordingly,theECIisincreasinglyseenas“atoolfororganizedcivilparticipationratherthanasatoolofdirectparticipationbyindividualsbecausesignaturecollectionacrossseveralmemberstatesrequiresprofessionalorganization”(BouzaGarcia2015:176).
AppraisaloftheECIbycurrentEUresearchunderlinesitssupplementaryfunctionasafurtherinstrumentusedprimarilybyTSOstoaccompanylobbyingactivities.InamorerecentcontributionJustinGreeenwoodquotesJorgoRiss,DirectoroftheGreenpeaceEuropeanUnitasfollows:“AnECImaybeausefultoolaspartofacampaignthataimstoraiseawarenessandcreatesomepoliticalmomentumonlesserknownissuesofpublicinterestthatotherwisegetlittlemediaandpoliticalattention.Idonotrateitveryhighly…theoutcomefromanECIdependsonthegoodwilloftheCommission.…Amillioneurospentonlobbyinggetsyoufurtherthanamillionsignatures,regrettably”(JorgoRiss,correspondence,14June2013,quotedinGreenwood2015:203).AlthoughtheECIisnotassessedasbeingawidelyandsuccessfullyusedtoolofagendasettingandparticipatingintheEUpolicyprocess,Greenwood,nevertheless,indicatesthattheECImightpossiblyprovideanopportunityforTSOsinthememberstatesaswellasforsocialmovementsto
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maketheirvoiceheardandtolaunchaninitiativebybypassingBrussels’professionalizedandfairlyestablishedTSOcommunity(Greenwood2015:202;seealsoBouzaGarcia2015:185f).
AgainstthebackgroundofincreasingcritiqueofbothBrusselspolicymachineryintheaftermathofthefinancialcrisisandtheausteritymeasuresorchestratedbytheCommissionandtheCouncil,socialmovementsandinitiativesatthegrass-rootlevelseemtoregainimportanceasregardsadvocacyinitiativesonbehalfofthethirdsector.AsSimsaarguesconvincingly,althoughnotspecificallyaddressingtheEuropeanlevelofgovernance,therearealmosttwoworldsofrepresentationofthirdsectorrelatedissues:ontheonehandtheso-calledcommunityofprofessionalizedTSOs,andontheotherhandlessformalizedandmorespontaneoussocialgroupsandactivists(Simsa2014).FollowingdeClerck-Sachsse,issue-specificprofessionalizedorganizationsconstitutingtheBrusselsTSOcommunityhavetobedifferentiatedfrombroader-basedcitizeninitiatives.ThesesocialmovementsratherseektomobilizeawidesectionofsocietyinordertovoicetheirconcernsinapublicdebatethantoengagedirectlywithdecisionmakersinBrussels(deClerck-Sachsse2012:302).Indeed,interviewsandfocusgroupsconductedunderwithintheframeworkoftheproject“ThirdSectorImpact”(TSI)underscoretheimpressionthatBrussels’professionalizedTSOcommunityisfarfrombeinghomogeneous,unquestionedandefficientintermsofnotonlybeingconsultedbutalsotakenseriouslybyEUinstitutions.ItisunquestionablethatthereisaTSOcommunityinBrussels(Kendalletal2009:341)qualifyingfor“anorganizationalfield”intermsofbothestablishedcooperativeaswellascompetitiverelationshipsandrelianceonacommonframeworkoflegitimacywhichstillseemstobebasedontheconceptofparticipatoryanddeliberativedemocracy.However,itscurrentrelevancefortheEUpolicyprocessisunclearandneedsfurtherresearch.Our“impressions”fromthefieldwhicharebasedontheresultsofinterviews,focusgroupsandparticipatingobservationsprovidearathersceptical,ifnotpessimisticpictureofsalienceandsignificanceofBrussels’TSOcommunityforissuesandtopicsatstakeofTSOsatthegrassrootslevelinthememberstates.
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4 ImpressionsfromtheField
4.1 TSOInfrastructure
In2014morethan6,590“societalgroups”runningactivitiesinrelationtoEU-institutionswereregisteredintheEUTransparencyRegister(Johansson/Kalm2015:3).TheseareorganizationsreceivingfundingorseekingtoconsultEUofficialsandinstitutions.Ofthosethelargestgroup(50percent)accordingtoJohanssonandKalmareso-called“in-houselobbyistsandprofessionalassociations”,25percentormorethan1,600arenon-governmentalorganizations.However,itisassumedthatthefieldisevenlargerbecausenoteveryorganizationfilesforregistration.TheTSOcommunityinBrusselsseemstobehighlyfragmented,buttherearetendenciesofconcentrationandcooperationamongTSOswhicharesupportedinparticularfinanciallybytheEuropeanUnion.
JohanssonandKalm(2015:4ff)provideatypologyofTSOsworkinginBrusselbydistinguishingbetweena)individualorganizationsworkingatEU-level,b)platformsofTSOs,andc)mega-networksofTSOs,withdifferentconstituencies,structuresandpatternsofconnectivity.IndividualEU-levelTSOorganizationsarestand-alonerepresentativesofmajorTSOsoperatinginamemberstatesuchastheofficeoftheGermanCaritasinBrussels.37ThiscategoryincludesalsotheBrusselsrepresentationofinternationalTSOssuchasAmnestyInternationalorGreenpeace.However,manyofthesestand-aloneorganizationsarethemselvesumbrellaorganizationswhichquiteoftenwerefoundedwithEU-supportandcontinuetorelyatleastpartlyonEUfunding.TheEuropeanWomen’sLobby(EWL)38isaprominentexampleofsuchaTSOumbrella.Foundedin1990withstrongsupportoftheEU,theEWLisnowpresentinallmemberstatesandservesasakeyconsultanttotheEU.TheEU-levelsingleorganizationsprovidetheirnationalmemberswithinformationaboutEUpolicydevelopmentandtransmitinformationonnationalconditionsupwards.Brussels’TSOplatformsconstituteasecondlayerabovetheindividualTSOrepresentation.PlatformsserveasforumsforindividualTSOsactiveinBrussels,tyingthemtogetherinissue-specificnetworks.AccordingtoJohanssonandKalm,theplatformismostlyEU-fundedandperceivedasaconsultantfortheCommissionandotherEUinstitutionsonanumberofissuesincaseswherethecooperationbetweentheplatformandEUinstitutionsisformalized(JohanssonandKalm
37http://www.caritas.de/diecaritas/deutschercaritasverband/verbandszentrale/standorte/dcvbruesselerbuero.38http://www.womenlobby.org/?lang=en.
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2015:5).TheSocialPlatformfoundedin1995isagoodexampleforsuchanorganizedforumofformalizedEU-TSOcooperation39(Cullen2009;2010).Servingasaplatformformorethan40TSOsinBrussels,thePlatformexiststhroughEUfunding,coversabroadspectrumofthematicissuesrelatedtothewelfaredomainandisthekeyinterlocutorfortheEuropeanCommission,ParliamentandCouncilonwelfare-relatedtopics.CONCORD,theEuropeanNGOforReliefandDevelopment,foundedin2003,isanotherexample.Itspredecessorthatwasfoundedin1976wasoneofthefirstCSOplatformssupportedbytheEU(JohanssonandKalm2015:5).ThethirdlayerofformalizedEU-TSOcooperationischaracterizedbyJohanssonandKalmas“meta-networks”:“Thesearemechanismsofvariouskindsthatdrawtogetherplatforms(mostly)andevenwiderformsofcooperationanddialogue”(JohanssonandKalm2015:6).Inthiscategory,theauthorslistthe“CivilSocietyContactGroup”,anetworkofeightplatforms,aswellasthe“LiaisonGroup”,aninitiativeoftheEconomicandSocialCommittee(ESC)foundedin2004,inwhich22platformsinteractwiththeESC40.
Previousresearch(Kendalletal.2009)specificallyhighlightedthecomplexfabricofTSOplatformsandspecificallymeta-networks,whoseinfrastructures,putinplacewiththesupportoftheCommission,havedevelopedintorelativelystablearenasfordiscussion,interestaggregationandpresentation.Itwasstressedthatthesenetworksrefertoabroadspectrumoftoolswhichgofarbeyondformalconsultationprocedures.Someofthemmightevenbecharacterizedasvagueandwithoutadejurebasis(Kendalletal.2009:369).ButitwasalsounderscoredthatTSOplatformsandmeta-networksarefarfromhomogenous.Despitetheiraffiliationwithaplatformornetwork,individualTSOsarealwaysconcernedofsafeguardingtheirstandingasindividualactorsinBrussels(Kendalletal.2009:371;Kendall2009a:7f).Butontheotherhand,recentstudiesalsounderlinethatworkingtogetheroncommonissues,elaboratingandpromotingcommonpositionsfacilitatedthedevelopmentofa“collectiveidentity”(Cullen2015:96)amongthelooselycoupledmembersofplatformsandmeta-networksinBrussels.
4.2 BricolageofOpinions
Thefollowingparagraphisbasedontheoutcomeofinterviewsandfocusgroupsconductedin2014and2015inBrussels.WithintheframeworkoftheTSIproject,weinterviewedfiverepresentativesof“individual”TSOsandoneofaTSOplatform.
39http://www.socialplatform.org.40http://www.eesc.europa.eu/?i=portal.en.liaison-group.
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Moreover,fivefocusgroupswereorganizedwithabout40representativesofTSOplatforms,andindividualTSOs(seeinterviewsandfocusgroups).Interviewsandfocusgroupswereaudiotapedandsummarizedinfindingsreports.WetriedtoinviterepresentativesofabroadspectrumofTSOsoperatinginBrussels;however,itturnedoutthatthesampleofourintervieweesandfocusgroupparticipantshadaslightbiastowardsthesocialdomain.Wealsoengagedinparticipatoryobservation.AmemberoftheTSIteamtookpartinselectedevents,relatedtothirdsectorissuesthroughoutFebruary/March2016inBrussels.AgainstthebackgroundofahighlydifferentiatedTSOcommunityencompassingstand-aloneorganizations,platformsandmeta-platforms,aswellasahighrateofvolatilityintermsofissuesandtopicsaddressedinBrussels,thefollowingparagraphdoesnotintendtoprovideacoherentandbalancedpictureofthecurrentstateoftheartofTSOactivitiesattheEuropeanlevel.Instead,ourpurposeistwofold:Firstly,weassesshowrepresentativesoftheTSOcommunityinBrusselsperceivetheirchancesandopportunitiesofinfluencingBrussels’policymachinery,andsecondlywewantedtofindoutmoreabouttheirperceptionsofbarriersthatstandinthewayorhinderTSOsinBrusselsandpossiblyalsointhememberstatesfromthriving.Insummary,theoutcomeoftheinterviewsandfocusgroupsprovidesasketchybutneverthelessinterestingbricolageofopinions.BrusselsisperceivedasbeingacontestedandhighlyvolatileterrainforTSOsengagedinlobbyingactivities;barriersthatimpedethepotentialsofTSOsareprimarilyrelatedtoissuesoffundingandrepresentation.
4.2.1 EU-FundingandModesofFinancingAsoutlined,therollingoutoftheTSOcommunityinBrusselswasmadepossiblebyEUfunding.Stilltoday,EUmoneyisofsignificantimportanceforthemajorityofTSOsactiveinBrussels.AlthoughthesupportoftheCommissionishighlyacknowledged–inparticularbecauseotherwiseatleastsomeTSOplatformswouldeitherbenon-existentornotinapositiontooperatesuccessfully–allinallEU-fundingwasconsideredasbeingamixedblessing.Forsure,throughfundingtheCommissiontriestobalancecorporateandcivilsocietyinterestswithinprocessesofpolicydevelopment,butitalsotentativelyandperhapsunintentionallysetstheagenda(Interview5,p.2;Interview6,p.2).ItwasfurtherindicatedthatrelianceonEUfundingcarriesthepotentialofgettingintoadelicateformofdependency.Inordertosafeguardfunding,itwasmentionedthatthereisasubtletendencythatTSOsshifttheiragendatotopicsandissuesconsideredpoliticallyimportantbytheCommissionortheParliament(Interview3,p.6-9;FocusGroup3,p.6).ItwasnotedthatTSOsinBrusselstendtoengagein“name-andterm-dropping”inordertocomplywithboththeCommission’sagendaandthecurrentEUmachineryculture(Interview4,p.11).
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CriticizedwerealsothemodesofEU-funding.Proceduresofapplying,implementingandreportingwereseenasbeingverycomplexandtime-consuming.Additionally,delayedapprovalofgrantstranslatesintosignificantfinancialuncertaintiesforTSOs.Althoughfundsweregrantedonafour-yearbasis,TSOssometimeshavetore-applyeveryyear.FinancingmechanismsbothforEU-levelTSOsandforTSOsinthememberstatesareperceivedasbeingtoocomplicatedandfragmented.Accordingtotheinterviewees,TSOsinthememberstatesareconfrontedwithseveredifficultiesinfindingoutwhichfundsareavailable.ButalsoattheEUlevel,fundingapplicationswerebelievedtobetoocomplicated,especiallyforsmallerorganizations.Theobligationofseekingco-fundingwasseenasafurtherbarrier(FocusGroup1,p.11;Interview4,p.10).Sometimes,availablefundscouldnotbeaccessedsimplybecausethereisalackofco-funding(Interview4,p.10;Interview5,p.2).
Austeritymeasureswereanotherprominentissuehighlightedininterviewsandfocusgroups.Oneintervieweeboldlyassertedthattheyarehavinganegativeimpactonboththeformulationandimplementationofsocialandenvironmentalpolicies(Interview6,p.6).Asanotherconsequenceofscarceresources,genuinethirdsectorpolicyconcernsmighthavetobereframedintermsofemployabilityandeconomicgrowthinBrusselsandinthememberstates.Thistrendcanalreadybetracedintheareaofvolunteering.Traditionally,volunteeringwaslinkedtonotionsofinterculturallearninginthesenseofsolidarity,sharedvaluesandEuropeanintegration(Interview4,p.5).Nowadaysitisalsohighlightedeitherasaproxyforgainfulemploymentorasanavenueintothelabourmarket.ItwasunderlinedthatTSOsincreasinglyseethemselvesinapositioninwhichtheymighthavetoprovethatthethirdsectorisaddingvaluetotheconceptofsustainablegrowth,insteadofputtingcivilsocietytopicsonthetopoftheagenda.
4.2.2 AccessibilityandRepresentationAgainstthebackgroundthatBrussels’policymachineryiscomplexwithmanyaccesspointsandshiftingagendas,itwasunderscoredthatworkinginBrusselsisfarfrombeingeasyforTSOs.Asaruleofthumb,workingtogetherinplatformswasreportedtobethemostpromisingapproachtoeffectivelobbyinginBrussels(Interview2,p.3-4).However,opportunitiesforalliancesdifferfrompolicyfieldtopolicyfield(FocusGroup3,p.8;Interview4,p.3;Interview3,p.28).Additionally,TSOs’representativesreportedalackofcoordinationatthepolicylevel.ThisrefersbothtoEUinstitutionsandTSOsself-organization(Interview4,p.1-2).Theformationofallianceswithinthesectorseemstohavebecomemoredifficult.Astentativelyindicatedintheinterviews,thisisduetoanincreasingpolarizationandcompetitionamongTSOs.Furthermore,professionalthink
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tanksandcommunicationexpertshavestartedtomakeinroadsintoareasforwhichinterestrepresentationusedtobeexclusivelyaffiliatedwithTSOs(FocusGroup2,p.2)
Assomeintervieweesreported,quiteoftenEUofficialssimplydonotunderstandwhatthethirdsectorisandhowTSOswork(FocusGroup1,p.2).Additionally,thehighlyfragmentedEUpolicyterrainmakesitdifficultforTSOstoaddressthe“rightperson”.Thisseemstobeparticularlythecaseforcross-cuttingissueslikevolunteering(Interview4,p.4-6).AshiftofportfoliosbetweentheDGsthattakesplaceonaregularbasisseemstofurthercomplicatelobbyactivitiesforTSOs(Interview4,p.4-5).Referringtoonlineconsultations,focusgroupmembersalsoreportedalackoftransparency:Byandlarge,summariesofpositionswereinmostpartsgeneralizedanddidnotconsiderwhethercontributionsweremadebyindividuals,thinktanksorumbrellaorganizationsrepresentingalargenumberofmembers(Interview3,p.12).Itwasalsounderlinedthatunder“thenewCommission”chairedbyPresidentJuncker,anadditionallevelofhierarchyhasbeeninstalledbystrengtheningtheroleoftheEuropeanCommission’svicepresidentsthatfurtherimpedeseasyaccessofTSOstoBrussels’policymachinery.TSOrepresentativeshighlightedalackoftransparencyandaccessibilityandsuggestedthatTSOsshouldhaveabetterchanceofparticipationinrelevantissues(FocusGroup1,p.4-6).
5 SummaryThepurposeofthisreportistoaddressthetopicofwhetherandtowhatextenttheTSOcommunityinBrusselsmighthelpTSOsinthememberstatestoovercomebarriersandhurdleswhichrestricttheirpotentials.Wespecificallyintendedtoidentifyinitiativescarryingthecapacityofremedyingdisablingfactorsthateitherimpedepan-EuropeanactivitiesofTSOsorthathindertheorganizationsfromlivinguptotheirpotentialsinthememberstates.Linkingupwithpreviousresearch,weintendedtofurtherinvestigatewhethertheEuropeancommunityofTSOsmighthavebeenabletofurtherpositionitselfwithinBrussels’policymachinery.TakingthehistoryanddevelopmentoftheTSOcommunityinBrusselsintoaccount,thisprocessmostlikelywouldhavebeenfacilitatedbytheEUandspecificallybytheCommission.Ourfindingsareprimarilybasedonareviewoftheliterature.In2014/15weconductedinterviewsandfocusgroupswitharespectablenumberofTSOrepresentativesinBrussels.Insummary,ourfindingsrevealacomplexbutnotthoroughlyoptimisticpictureofthecapacitiesofTSOsinBrusselstoworkonbehalfoftheirconstituenciesinthememberstates.
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Thereportstartedoutwithoutliningthetrajectoriesofthreelegalinitiativeswhichaimedatcreatingpan-Europeanlegalstipulationsforassociations,foundationsandco-operatives.WiththeexceptionoftheStatuteforaEuropeanCooperativeSocietyneitheroftheotherinitiativesmaterialized.AlthoughitisverydifficulttodetectwhyneitherthestatuteforaEuropeanassociationnorthestatuteofaEuropeanfoundationoraEuropeanmutualsocietyfinallymanagedtoovercomethedifferenthurdlesofBrussels’policymachinery,diverginglegalframeworksinthemembersstatesthatseemedtobedifficulttobeharmonizedturnedouttobedisadvantageousfortheharmonizationofthelegalstipulationsforTSOactivities.
Secondlyagainstthebackgroundoftheresultsofpreviousresearch,thetopicofwhethertheTSOcommunitymighthavegainedfurthermomentumwasassessed.Again,theoutcomebasedprimarilyonareviewoftheliteratureenrichedbybackgroundinformationderivedfrominterviewsandfocusgroupsisratherdisenchanting.Forsure,thereistoamodestextentevidenceforthetentativeemergenceofaTSO“policycommunity”inBrussels.However,itseemstobeoflimitedscopeandinfluence.PartlyfundedbyEUinstitutionsandhencesomehowinapositionofdependencyithasalowprofile,andcertainlydoesnotoccupyaprominentpositioninrelationtothevariousEU-levelpolicydebateswhichimpingedirectlyandindirectlyonTSOs’fortunesatnationalandsubnationallevel.Mostofthe“policyaction”takesplacewithindiscretepolicysubfields,andishandledinspecializedarenas,whichhaveremainedfragmentedandarenoteasilyaccessibleforTSOs.TherearegoodreasonstoarguethattheTSOcommunityinBrusselshasnotconnectedorganizationsinamoreaggregatedformtocomparewiththeinstitutionsofhorizontalorganizationdevelopedinrelationtomorepowerfulsectoralinterests,suchasthoseinsupportofthecorporatebusinesscommunity.Indeed,thereissomeevidencethatcomparedtothepreviousdecade,Brussels’TSOcommunitymayevenhaveweakenedinrecentyears,andlostconnectivitywiththirdsectorpolicyagendasatmemberstatelevels.
JudgedretrospectivelyitseemsthattheimpactoftheTSOcommunityonthirdsectorissuesinthememberstateshasdefinitelybeenrathermodest.ThereareacoupleofreasonswhythisisthecaseandwhytheimpactofTSOengagementinBrusselsturnsouttoberatherlimitedorevenminiscule.Firstly,TSOsareactiveinpolicydomainswhichareguidedbytheprincipleofsubsidiarityandthereforearenotundertheauspicesofEUregulations.Secondly,TSOactivityisatleasttoacertainextentrelatedtotopicsandissuesofsocietalintegration,citizenparticipationandactivismwhichagaindonotconstitutekeyconcernsoftheEuropeanpolicymachinery.Thismightbeacentralreason
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whyintheaftermathoftheProdiCommissionanditsappreciationofparticipatorymultilevelgovernance,EUinstitutionsmighthavetoacertainextentlostinterestintryingtointegrateTSOsfurtherintoBrussels’policymachinery.Inasituationinwhichtheeconomycomesfirst,TSO-relatedissuesmightexclusivelyhaveachancetobetakenintoconsiderationifthereisacloseliaisonwitheconomicallyrelevanttopics.TheclosenexustoeconomicissuesmighthavefacilitatedtheacceptanceoftheStatuteforaEuropeanCooperativeSociety.
Finally,therearealsoinequalitieswithintheTSOcommunity.ThosewhoarebigplayersinthememberstatesareverypresentandinfluentialinBrussels.TSOsfromEasternEuropeandalsofromtheSoutharenotasequallyrepresentedasthosecomingfromthe“bigmemberstates”,theUK,GermanyorFrance.Thismeansthat“newcomers”aswellasrepresentativesfromsocialmovementsarehavingadifficulttimeinBrusselswhentheytrytomakethemselvesheard.TheintroductionoftheEuropeanCitizenInitiativehasnotfundamentallychangedthebiasofrepresentationinBrussels.Finally,againstabackgroundofanEUcontinuouslyconfrontedwithsignificantfinancialandpoliticalturbulencesinthememberstates,theCouncilofMinistershasmovedoncemoreintothecentreofattention.Indeed,theEuropeanCouncilastheforumoftheheadsofgovernmentofthememberstateshasagaindevelopedintothemostdecisive,powerfulanddetermininginstitutionoftheEU.ThishoweverleadstoasituationinwhichBrussels’TSOcommunityislesspowerfulbecausewhathappensathomeinthememberstatesmightpossiblybemoreeffectivethantheoutcomeofadvocacyactivitiesinBrussels.
WethereforetendtoconcludethatBrussels’TSOsjustserveausefulfunctionforBrussels’policymachinebyprovidingexpertiseandalsolegitimacyforselectedpolicies,initiatedbytheCommissionandfavouredbyothersectoralinterests.However,theyseemtobefarfromapositionofbeingabletosignificantlyinfluencetheagendaorevenaddressingmajorTSO-relatedtopics.Furthermore,italsoseemsthattheyarenotveryinfluentialwithrespecttothosetopicsandissuesthatarehighontheagendaofthevariousTSOcommunitiesinthememberstates.
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InterviewsandFocusGroupsInterview1:Representativeofinstitutionalcontactgroup,Brussels,
Interview2:RepresentativeofindividualEUlevelTSO,Brussels,
Interview3:RepresentativeofindividualEUlevelTSO,Brussels,21.10.2014
Interview4:RepresentativeofindividualEUlevelTSO,Brussels,23.09.2014
Interview5:RepresentativeofindividualEUlevelTSO,Brussels,21.10.2014
Interview6:RepresentativeofEUlevelTSOplatform,Brussels,26.09.2014
FocusGroup1:“BarriersandOpportunitiesforTSOsattheEuropeanlevelofgovernance”,14representativesofindividualEUlevelTSOsandEUlevelTSOplatforms,Brussels,15.10.2014
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FocusGroup2:“ThirdSectorPolicyParticipation:FragmentationorConsolidation.VerticalandHorizontalInteraction”,6representativesofindividualEUlevelTSOs,Brussels,13.10.2015
FocusGroup3:“ThirdSectorPolicyParticipation:FragmentationorConsolidation.VerticalandHorizontalInteraction”,6representativesofindividualEUlevelTSOs,Brussels,13.10.2015
FocusGroup4:“ThirdSectorPolicyParticipation:FragmentationorConsolidation.InterestRepresentation”,9representativesofindividualEUlevelTSOsandEUlevelTSOplatforms,Brussels,13.10.2015
FocusGroup5:“ThirdSectorPolicyParticipation:FragmentationorConsolidation.InterestRepresentation”,5representativesofindividualEUlevelTSOs,Brussels,13.10.2015
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Attachment:ExemplarypresentationofTSOplatforms
PolicyField“SocialServices”
SocialPlatform–PlatformofEuropeanSocialNGOs
ContactDetails
SquaredeMeeus181050Brussels+3225113714http://www.socialplatform.org
Formation 1995CEO PierreBaussandPolicyArea/Objectives
Inclusion,Employment,SocialJusticeRights,Services,CivildialogueKeepingsocialexclusionontheEUagendaSeekingtoprotectsocialaspects’inOMCLeadingthroughacombinationofpoliticalandtechnicalstatetoprotectsocialpolicyfieldsagainstmarketbasedactors
Members 48membersthatrepresent2800nationalorganisations,associationsandothervoluntarygroupsatlocal,regionalandnationallevelineveryEUmemberstate,includingorganisationsofwomen,olderpeople,peoplewithdisabilities,peopleaffectedbypoverty,youngpeople,childrenandfamilies,gaysandlesbiansandtransgenders.Memberorganisationsalsoincludethosecampaigningonissuessuchassocialjustice,homelessness,life-longlearning,healthandreproductiverightsorracism.
Finances 2014Income:712.487,01€2014Expenditure:701.318,09€
Concord-EuropeanconfiderationofreliefanddevelopementNGOsContactDetails
Ruedel´Industrie101000Brussels+3227438760http://www.concordeurope.org/
Formation 2003CEO SeamusJeffressonPolicyArea/Objectives
Development:Endingofpovertyandinequality,basedonsocialjustice,genderequalityanduponresponsibilitytofuturegenerations
Members 28nationalassociations,20internationalnetworksand3associatemembersthatrepresentover2,600NGOs
Finances 2014Income:1.610.000€
32
2014Expenditure:1.570.860€ EWL-EuropeanWomen'sLobbyContactDetails
RueHydraulique1210Brussels+3222179020http://www.womenlobby.org/
Formation 1990CEO JoannaMaycockPolicyArea/Objectives
Women’srights
Members NationalCo-ordinationsinthe28EUmemberstatesand3candidatecountries;20European-wideorganisations.
EAPN-EuropeanAnti-PovertyNetworkContactDetails
SquaredeMeeûs181050Brussels+32(2)2265850http://www.eapn.eu
Formation 1990CEO FintanFarrell
ActingEAPNDirectorPolicyArea/Objectives
Povertypromoteandenhancetheeffectivenessofactionstoeradicatepovertyandpreventsocialexclusion;raiseawarenessaroundpovertyandsocialexclusionempowerthepeoplelivinginpovertyandsocialexclusionlobbyforandwithpeopleandgroupsfacingpovertyandsocialexclusion.
Members 31nationalnetworksofvoluntaryorganisationsandgrassrootsgroupsactiveinthefightagainstpovertywithintheMemberStatesoftheEUandNorway,andWesternBalkans,andofEuropeanorganisationswhosemainactivitiesarerelatedtothefightagainstpovertyandsocialexclusion.
33
PolicyField“Sports”
ENGSO–EuropeanNon-GovernmentalSportOrganisationContactDetails
AvenuedeCortenbergh521000Brussels+3227380325http://www.engso.com
Formation 1960s(1995formalizedwithofficialstatutes)Contact HeidiPekkola
SportsPolicyDirectorPolicyArea/Objectives
Voiceofgrassroots/voluntarysports
Members 34members(nationalOlympiccomiteesfrom34europeancountries)NationalConfederationsofSportNationalOlympicCommitteesEuropeanSportFederationsEuropeanorganisationsrelatedtosport
EOC–EuropeanOlympicComitteesContactDetails
BureaudesCOEauprèsdel´UE52,AvenuedeCortenbergh1000Brussels+32–2–7380320http://www.eurolympic.orghttp://www.euoffice.eurolympic.org/[email protected]
CEO RaffaelePagnozziSecreataryGeneral
PolicyArea/Objectives
OlympicSports
Members 48NationalOlympicCommitteesacrossEurope