Chapter 3

Working Conditions of Safai Karmacharis

Working and earning are major dimensions of human society. Work involves using mental and

physical labour in earning a livelihood. Millions of people work in the public sector and private

sectors, while some are self-employed. Our Constitution has articulated certain rights for workers

and held employers responsible for ensuring suitable wages and a conducive environment for

work.

India is a welfare state in the framework of a socialist democracy. Accordingly, our Constitution

guarantees equality before law and equal opportunity. To realize these constitutional guarantees,

successive governments have undertaken measures to provide the basic rights of education, health

and employment to all. Legal provisions have been enacted and plans and schemes implemented

for the upliftment of the downtrodden. Some labour laws such as the Workmen’s Compensation

Act (1923) were already in existence during the British Raj. Additionally, the government in the

immediate post-Independence period launched several public sector industries to create

employment opportunities. Enactment of labour laws such as the Industrial Disputes Act (1947);

Factories Act (1948); Maternity Benefits Act (1961); the Contract Labour [Regulation and

Abolition] Act (1970); and the Equal Remuneration Act (1976) was carried out with a view to

offer protection to workers in terms of good working conditions; decent wages; health benefits etc.

These laws were enacted to provide security not only to the worker but also to his/her family. For

example, even limiting the duration of work to eight hours is a humane move, enabling work-life

balance to every worker, to ensure adequate rest as well as family time, which are essential for

normal life.

These efforts suffered a serious setback in 1990 when the Indian state embraced a new economic

policy based on liberalization and privatization of the economy. Gradually, the Indian state upheld

the interest of the working class less and less. In the privatized world, the concept of welfare and

protection had no meaning and workers’ lives became more precarious, without any protections.

The lives of Safai Karmacharis, who were among the most vulnerable section of the society, were

devastated. As part of the welfare state many programs had been launched to uplift oppressed

sections like the scheduled castes. Under such a program during the 1970s, Safai Karmacharis,

who were working as daily wage labourers had been regularized on the recommendation of the

I.P.D. Salappa Report of 1976. The state of Karnataka had set up a Commission under the

chairmanship of I.P.D. Salappa, who himself belonged to Scheduled Caste to study the conditions

of Safai Karmacharis, who were doing the dangerous and unclean work of clearing the waste. They

were doing this work since centuries in extremely inhuman working condition, facing severe caste

oppression. Regularization of their work came as a relief. But before it could bring about

transformation in their lives, in 1991, cleaning work was brought under the contract system as a

part of the new economic policy.

As far as the work is concerned there is no difference in the work done by Safai Karmacharis

employed under the contract system and the Safai Karmacharis, who are permanent employees.

But the contract workers do not get the same salary and other benefits availed by the permanent

workers. The present chapter discusses the working conditions of the contract Safai Karmacharis

under sections A and B. Section A is discusses the condition of the sweepers under four headings.:

institutional structure and legal framework; welfare aspects; security aspects and health. Section

B is about Manual Scavengers. It is discussed under the headings: history of manual scavenging,

Manual Scavengers’ Rehabilitation Act, health hazards faced by manual scavengers, conditions of

manual scavengers and religious and State sanction for manual scavenging.

PART A: Conditions of Sweepers

3.1. Institutional Structures,Nature of Work and the Legal Framework

A. 3.1.1 Institutional Structure

Safai Karmacharis work under urban local bodies, Town panchayats and village panchayats. Their

work comes under municipal solid waste (MSW) management. Section 261 of the Karnataka

Municipal Corporation Act defines the institutional structure of the municipal solid waste

management as the following:

1. Chief Health Officer

2. Health officer for each division

3. Two Deputy-Health officers for each division

4. Medical Health Officer for each Range

5. Senior Health Inspector

6. Two Junior Health Inspectors for each ward

7. Sanitary Dafedar (Supervisor)

8. Permanent and contract Pourakarmikas

Definition of the term ‘Pourakarmika’:

Safai Karmacharis are called Pourakarmikas in Karnataka. People who do the cleaning work were

called by different derogatory names such as ‘Jhadamali’ or ‘Toti’ (Kittal kosha, Kannada to

English dictionary defines Toti as ‘An inferior village servant, especially one who performs the

lowest offices, a sweeper, a scavenger, etc). Cleaning dirt, shit and filth is not only considered as

inferior but also impure. The feeling of disgust towards that work is the outcome of the caste

system, because workers who do that job belong to the lowest rung of the caste hierarchy and they

are also treated with the same feeling: the feeling of filth.

Sri. Basavalingappa the minister for municipal administration in 1973 declared on 22 February

1973, that they shall be called “pourakarmikas”. The Government of Karnataka issued a circular

No. HMA 229, GGL 72, Bangalore dated 30 March 1973, stating, “....it is decided that the

nomenclatures like sweepers and scavengers shall be discontinued…” In this connection, a press

statement was released after his return from New Delhi stating, “The nomenclature of sweepers

and scavengers be changed into “Pourakarmikaru” i.e Municipal workers…”

According to section 2(27) of the Karnataka Municipal Corporations Act: “Pourakarmika means

a person employed for collecting or removing filth, for cleansing drains or slaughter-houses or for

driving carts used for the removal of filth excluding night soil.”

Another revolutionary action taken in 1973 by the minister was the prohibition of manual

scavenging in Karnataka. After 20 long years ‘Employment of Manual Scavengers and

Construction of Dry Latrine (Prohibition) Act, 1993’ was passed. As the minister himself belonged

to an untouchable caste he was sensitive to the issue of Safai Karmacharis.

A. 3.1.2 Nature of Work

Cleaning work begins very early in the morning before the town stirs to life. Cleaning is the

responsibility of the government, which appoints Safai Karmacharis to carry out this work. Safai

Karmacharis work from 6 a.m. to 2.30 p.m. In some places they work in two shifts from 6 a.m. to

10.30 a.m. and 2.30 pm to 5.30 pm.

Their work includes sweeping main roads and cross roads; clearing heaps of dirt; clearing the dirt

collected in roadside gutters; removing solid waste from open spaces; plucking weeds; removing

the dirt collected in big drains; loading and unloading waste, collecting waste from homes and

public institutions like schools, colleges and hospitals; clearing construction waste; removing dead

animals; clearing waste left behind after mass celebrations like festivals, fairs and public functions;

carrying the waste to dumping yards, and segregating the waste.

Details of the work, working hours, wages and the quantity of the waste collected per day

A. 3.1.3 Legal framework

It is the responsibility of the government to examine the nature of each type of work and place it

in a proper legal framework. Security of workers, nature of work, working conditions, wages,

benefits and allowances come within the purview of the legal framework. Safai Karmacharis too

come under the legal frame. Following are the details of the laws, which govern waste

management.

Acts related to solid waste management (SWM)

S

.

N

o

Name

of

the

district

Populati

on

in

lakhs

Waste

collected

per day

workin

g hours

details

of

the

work

pw Cw Wages

for cw

&pm

Approxim

ate

Wages for

pm

1 Chitrad

urga

1,40,206 45 tons

6am-

2.30pm

Sweepi

ng the

streets,

clearin

g

&

filling

the

waste,

clearin

g

the

waste

150 13,650/-

Rs.20,000/-

2 M’lore 4,99,487 220 tons

Same

Same 600 14,040/- Rs.20,000/-

3 Bellary 4.10,400 160 tons

Same

Same 650 14,040/- Rs.20,000/-

4 Kolar 1,83,462 80 tons

Same

Same 150 13,650/- Rs.20,000/-

5 KGF 1,63,643 52 tons

Same

Same 168 13,650/- Rs.20,000/-

6 Kalbur

gi

5,43,000 132 tons

Same

Same

980 14,040/- Rs.20,000/-

7 Mysore 8,87,446 402 tons

Same

Same 650 14,040/- Rs.20,000/-

8 B’lore 98.75

(2016)

3000 tons

Same

same 2514 17,000+ 14,040/- Rs.20,000/-

• Karnataka Municipal Corporations Act, 1976.

• Karnataka Municipalities Act, 1976.

• Municipal Solid Wastes (Management and Handling) Rules, 2000.

Acts related to the working conditions of those employed in SWM:

• Contract Labour Act, 1970

• Employees’ State Insurance Act, 1948

• Workmen’s Compensation Act, 1923

• Employees’ Provident Fund Act, 1952

Responsibilities of the Corporations

Obligatory functions of the corporations under section 58 of the Municipal Corporations include:

• Watering and cleaning of all streets

• Removal of all swept up garbage

• Collection, removal, treatment and disposal of garbage

• Construction, maintenance and cleaning of drains and drainage works.

Duties of the Corporation with regard to MSW

• Place dustbins at public places and streets.

• Collection of dirt, garbage and filth which is accumulated in large quantities in public

places.

• Streets should be swept daily and the garbage and filth should be removed.

• As a part of solid waste management facilities should be developed for collection, storage,

segregation, transportation, processing and disposal of MSW.

Municipal Solid Wastes (Management and Handling) Rules, 2000

• The State Pollution Control Board shall monitor the compliance of the standards regarding

ground water, ambient air quality and compost quality.

• Accident reporting to the Secretary-in-Charge of the Urban development Department in

metropolitan cities and to District Collector or Deputy Commissioner in all other cases.

Legal obligations of Corporations and Contractors

The present study focuses on Safai Karmacharis, who are employed under the contract system.

Contract work comes under Contract Regulation and Abolition Act. Under this act the duties of

the contractor are as follows:

• Same service conditions: Rule 25(2)(v)(a) and license condition 5 of the conditions for

granting the license.

• Wages, holidays, hours of work and other conditions of service of contract workers shall

be the same as that enjoyed by workmen employed directly by the principal employer in

the event of the work being same or similar.

The following must be provided:

• Canteen and dining hall

• Rest rooms

• Drinking water

• Latrines and urinals

• Washing facilities

• First aid

• Crèches

Legal obligations of the corporation and the contractors

Duties of the corporation

• Appoint a representative to be present at the time of disbursement of wages to

ensure that stipulated wages are paid.

• If the stipulated wages are not paid by the contractor, the Corporation shall pay that

amount to the worker and recover such amount from the contractor.

• If any amenity mentioned above is not provided by the contractor, such amenity

shall be provided by the corporation.

Under Employee’s Provident Fund Act, 1952 and Employees Provident Fund Scheme 1952

Every contractor shall

• Provide a passbook to all employees and maintain the same.

• He should keep the contribution cards of the members in his custody.

• Every month he should submit a statement to the corporation which reflects the recovery

of contributions of all members employed by him.

Employees’ State Insurance Act 1948, Employees’ State Insurance Act (general) Regulations

1948.

Under this act duties of the contractor are:

• Issue identity cards to all the workers within 3 months.

• Maintain a register for every employee with the following details:

a. Name of the insured person

b. Insurance number.

c. Name of dispensary to which he/she is attached.

d. Occupation.

e. Employees’ share of contribution.

Duties of the corporation

• Ensure distribution of identity cards to all employees.

• Inspection of the registers.

Occupational safety

• Workers engaged in SWM are exposed to high health risks and frequently suffer from

respiratory tract infections, gastro-intestinal infections, diarrhoea, skin diseases, jaundice,

trachoma and eosinophilia as well as occupational injuries due to coming in contact with

sharp needles, metals, wood etc.

• According to schedule 5 of the agreement, the employer (contractor or the corporation) is

supposed to:

1. Provide each pourakarmika with appropriate safety gear including uniform, hand

gloves, aprons, protective foot wear, face masks and badges.

Facilitate regular health check-ups for the pourakarmikas (Krishnan M and Clifton D’Rozario,

Unpublished 2006)

However, the reality is very different. Workers belonging to different municipalities and

corporations talked about health. Over work and inhuman working conditions have resulted in

various health hazards like skin problem, chest pain, back ache, pain in the joints, anaemia, etc.

Hence they have to constantly be on medication. This increases their expenses. In addition to it,

delayed payment forces them to borrow money from the private money lenders who charge very

high rate of interest. They are left with very little money after paying interest on loan and this has

resulted in a very low quality of life.

“My husband suffers from asthma, he is not working since 10 years, and his medicine expenses

come to 1000 per month. I have undergone appendix operation. Recently I had chest pain. I have

taken treatment. My children have not taken up this job, four daughters are married. One son is

working in a shoes shop,” narrated one of the workers in Bellary.

Padmavati, who is working since 20 years in Bellary said, “My grandparents were doing the same

work. My husband was first working as a sweeper in railway station, Later he was a coolie. He

deserted me fourteen years ago and married for the second time. In spite of it he used to come once

in a while but did not help financially. He died recently. I was getting a salary of Rs 300, when I

started this work. Now I am getting Rs 6400. I collect gujari (metal waste), make brooms and sell

and earn some extra income. Bone and joint pain, back pain and pain in the leg is common.

Chances of getting malaria are more in this job. Every month medical expenses come to Rs 500-

1000.”

3.2. Welfare aspects:

The working conditions of Safai Karmacharis are discussed based on the facilities available at the

workplace under the following headings:

A. 3.2.1. Wages

Table 3.1. Wages

Sr.no Wage numbers percen

tage

01 Bank 314 85.79

02 Cash 51 13.93

03 Both 1 0.27

Total 366 100

Graph of table 3.1

Table 3.1 describes the mode of payment. Out of the total number of Safai Karmacharis

interviewed, 85.79% receive their wages through banks, and 13.93% receive their wages through

cash. According to the Contract Labour (Regulation and Abolition) Act 1970, wages must be given

only through cheque. Yet 13.93 % of them are receiving their wages in cash. This is illegal.

Bank85.79%

Cash13.93% Both

0.27%

Mode of Payment

A. 3.2.2 Wage slip

Table: 3.2 wage slip

Sr.no Wage slip numbers Percentage

01 yes 14 3.82

02 no 352 96.17

Total 366 100

Graph of table 3.2

Table 3.2 gives details of the wage slip. 96.17 % of Safai Karmacharis did not receive the wage

slip. Only a minuscule 3.82% of the workers were getting the wage slip. As per the Payment of

Wages Act, one day before disbursing the wages, issuing wage slip showing the details of the wage

is mandatory. Safai Karmacharis are not aware of the details of their wages as they do not get the

payment slip. Only permanent workers get the payment slip.

A. 3.2.3 Wage disparity

The nature of the work of both contract workers and permanent workers is the same. However, the

workload on the contract workers is double, because the contractors make them do the amount of

14

352

3.82%

96.17%

Yes No

Payment Slip

work which is actually done by two people. But the disparity in their wages is enormous. The

salary of a permanent worker was somewhere around Rs 25,000 to 29,000. But the contract

workers are paid salary of Rs 8000 to 9000. In 2017, the Government of Karnataka issued an order

to increase the wages of contract pourakarmikas to Rs 14,000, to be paid directly by the urban

local bodies and also to regularize their work. But the workers are getting the new salary only in

some places and the process of regularizing is yet to begin. The age limit fixed for regularization

is going to affect the workers, who have crossed 40 years and have been working more than 10-15

years.

Salary is not paid regularly anywhere. In some places they pay once in two or three months. In

Mangalore they pay only 26 days’ salary even after workers work for 30 days. If they request the

Maistri (supervisor)for a salary hike, he taunts them and asks them to go and sit beside the officer

and do the deskwork. The workers in KGF said that they suffer a great deal, because of this delay

in the disbursement of salary. Very often they have to borrow money, paying very high rate of

interest. Even in the capital city Bengaluru, the workers said that they had not been paid for two

months.

Venkatalakshmi, who is working in Chitradurga said, “We have to do all the work asked by the

maistri and the supervisor. Workload is very heavy. We get our salary only once in two or three

months. If we demand our salary they will make us work even more. They deduct the PF from our

salary, but they do not give any details about it. They have to pay us the PF after the expiry of the

tender but they don’t give it.”

Many workers said, “If we are given proper salary and facilities we can do this work with a sense

of belonging. 100 people are made do the work of two hundred people. If we ask the maistri to

hike our salary, he makes fun of us and asks us to go to the office and do the deskwork like

Madams.”

A. 3.2.4 Over time salary

Safai Karmacharis work on all the national and state holidays (there are 22 festival holidays in a

calendar). During festive occasions and public functions, heaps of waste get accumulated. Roads

are dumped with banners, posters, flags, mango leaves, banana stems, plastic plates, cups, fire-

crackers, leftover fruits, vegetables and their peels. During such occasions, the workload and

working hours increase twice or three times. According to the Payment of Wages Act, workers

should get double the salary for each extra hour of work and overtime should not exceed 150 hours

each quarter. Over time is a choice and it is not mandatory. But workers are not paid any extra

payment anywhere for either overtime or overwork either by the contractor or the concerned office.

A. 3.2.5 Bonus

Table: 3.3 Bonus Graph of table 3.3

Sr.no Bonus Numbers percentage

01 Yes 00 -

02 No 366 100

Total 366 100

Graph of table 3.3

Table 3.3 gives the details of bonus. Any institution after five years of establishment should give

8.33 % of the yearly salary as bonus. Our fieldwork shows that workers are not paid bonus

anywhere.

No 100%

Yes0%

Bonus

A. 3.2.6. Leave facilities

Table: 3.4 Leave facilities Graph of table 3.4

Sr.no Leave numbers Percentage

01 Yes 7 1.91

02 No 359 98.08

Total 366 100

Graph of table 3.4

Table 3.4 gives the details of leave. Out of the total number of Safai Karmacharis interviewed,

98.08% of them are not getting any kind of leave. Only 1.91% of them, who are permanent

employees are getting leave facilities. They work on all the days including national and State

holidays. They work half a day on Sundays and Wednesdays and on holidays.

7

1.91%

359

98.08%

1 2

Leave

Yes No

A. 3.2.6. Available leave

Table: 3.5 Available leave

Sr.no Available leave numbers Percentage

01 Once a week 8 2.18

02 Sick leave 1 0.27

03 No 354 96.72

04 All 3 0.81

05 Maternity leave 0 0

Total 366 100

Graph of table 3.5

In Table 3.5 details of available leave are given. Of the workers interviewed 96.72% do not get

any kind of leave. 2.18% of them get weekly holiday, 0.27% get sick leave and only 0.81of them

are getting all eligible of leave and they are permanent workers. They get one weekly holiday,

two restricted holidays, 15 casual leave, 30 privileged leave and 20 convertible leave. Contract

workers are legally eligible for all types of leaves like sick leave, maternity leave, national

8 1354

3 0

2.18% 0.27%

96.72%

0.81%

0Weekly sick Nothing All Maternity

Type of Leave

holidays, weekly holidays under the Contract Regulation Act, but they are not getting it. They have

two half days in a week. They have to work only half a day on all the national and state holidays.

But in reality, if they take leave their salary is cut. A finding during field work was that for minor

ailments, sprains and wounds, etc., workers go to private clinics for treatment and then show up

for work. In case of serious health problems, they can only avail of leave without pay. Pregnant

women work almost till the date of delivery and take three months’ salary by replacing someone

till they come back.

A. 3.3. ESI

Table: 3.6 ESI

Sr.no ESI Numbers Percentage

01 Yes 272 74.31

02 No 94 25.68

total 366 100

Graph of table 3.6

Table 3.6 gives the details of the ESI. Out of the total sample of Safai Karmacharis interviewed,

74.31% said that their ESI share was being cut from their salary and 25.68% said it was not.

According to the ESI Act, an establishment which employs more than 20 workers, has to provide

ESI benefit. Every month 1.75% of the workers’ share is deducted from their salary and the

272

74.31%

94

25.68%0

50

100

150

200

250

300

ESI

employer is mandated by law to give the share of 4.75%. Treatment for ill health and providing

pension for workers, who are not fit to work, because of work-related accidents is compulsory

according to the law. During fieldwork it was found that the ESI facility is not effectively

implemented among contract workers.

A. 3.4. Provident Fund

Table: 3.7 Provident Fund

Sr.no PF Numbers Percentage

01 Yes 180 49.72

02 No 186 50.81

total 366 100

Graph of table 3.4

Table 3.7 gives the details of the Provident Fund (PF). Of the total sample of Safai Karmacharis

interviewed, 49.72 % had PF facility and 50.81% did not. According to the PF Act, in an

establishment with more than 10 workers, the employer has to deposit 12% while the workers’

Yes49.72%No

50.81%

0%0%

PF

share is 12% and the total deposited amount has to be handed to the workers at the time of leaving

the job or when it is required by the worker. During fieldwork, it was revealed that the details of

the deductions are not given to the workers even in places where PF is deducted. PF has to be paid

after the completion of each contract, but it is not given anywhere. Only in Bengaluru, two workers,

one of whom was working since 12 years has got Rs.9000 in two instalments, and another worker

got three instalments of Rs.36,000, 26,000 and 23,000 as PF.

A. 3.5 . Death and Accident Compensation

Table: 3.8 Death and Accident Compensation

Sr.no. details Numbers Percentage

01 Yes 07 1.91

02 No 359 98.08

Total 366 100

Graph of table 3.8

98.08%

1.91%

Accident/Death Compensation

Yes No

Table 3.8 gives the details of the accident and death compensation. Of the Safai Karmacharis

interviewed 98.08% did not receive compensation for accident or death. Only 1.91%, who are

permanent employees are receiving it. The incidence of meeting with accidents and death due to

work conditions are more among Safai Karmacharis, who work on busy roads and work with

dangerous and poisonous waste. Yet they do not get any accident and death compensation.

Getting hit by vehicles while sweeping, burn injuries or death while lighting the waste, getting

injured and infected with sharp objects like needles, metal wires, nails and pieces of glass while

lifting the waste, facing the danger of contact with acid while washing toilets as well as stray dog

attacks are very common among the Safai Karmacharis. As per the Contract Regulation Act it is

mandatory on the part of the contractor to pay compensation in case of accident or death. Neither

the corporation nor the contractors have ever paid any compensation or borne medical expenses

anywhere. If at all they get something it is only a flimsy amount to meet the minimum medical

expense. Even that is also given either by the owner of the vehicle or the owner of the house where

the disaster occurs. A few incidents that the researcher came across during the field-study are given

below:

A Safai Karmachari who is working in Bangalore since 10 years fell off from a tractor, when the

brake was suddenly applied. The wheels ran over his back, breaking his bones. He was operated

and rods were inserted. Now he is unable to work but has not got any compensation. Another

worker in Bengaluru had fallen down twice while pushing the handcart during the rainy season.

Her knee is seriously injured. She had to bear the medical expenses and so far has not got any

compensation. One more worker in Bengaluru was hit by a car, leading to a head injury four years

back. She has spent a lakh for the treatment. But has got only Rs. 20,000 from the corporation.

The owner of the car hit her too, but did not pay any compensation.

Another Safai Karmachari, working since 16 years in Bengaluru said, “My husband was working

was a lorry driver in the corporation. He fell off from the lorry and was injured. Now he is

bedridden. No compensation was given. Every month I spend Rs.700 for his treatment. My son

died at the age of 25, because of kidney problem. My daughter has been deserted by her husband,

she stays with me. Another daughter is studying in 9th standard. My daughter earns a bit by

tailoring. My salary is the main source of income.”

A Safai Karmachari who is working in Mysore met with an accident while working. It took two

months to recover. Leave, salary, and compensation nothing was given.

In Bellary, a worker, who was working since 15 years was hit by a car. Her face, legs and hands

were wounded, and she had stitches all over. “I spent Rs. 50,000. The car owner gave only

Rs.20,000, and the contractor did not pay any compensation.” Now she has approached the court

with the help of the union.

Contractors, bearing the medical expenses in addition to granting leave facility is a rare

phenomenon. There was only one instance in Bengaluru, where the contractor bore the medical

expense and also gave leave. Wherever there is a union, they have tried to file a case and get the

medical expenses from the vehicle owners.

A. 3.6. Drinking Water, Toilet, Rest Room, Creche:

Table: 3.9 Creche

Sr.no Creche Number percentage

01 Yes 00 -

02 no 366 100

total 366 100

Graph of table 3.9

Table 3.9 gives the details of creche facility. Creche facility is not provided anywhere. Under the

Contract Regulation Act drinking water, toilet, rest room and creche should be provided. As

women make up the majority of Safai Karmacharis, the non-provision of creche facilities means

that women workers have to bring their children along with them or they have to make alternate

arrangements for child care, which is not always available nor it is cheap. Hence, many women

workers are forced to bring up their children in a highly unhygienic environment.

Workers depend on public taps or the residents of that area for the supply drinking water. But

because water is denied to them due to the practice of untouchability many workers are addicted

to chewing tobacco, beetle leaf and areca nut to quench their thirst. Pure drinking water is a far off

dream. Toilet facility is not provided. They have to search for hiding places to relieve themselves.

Without rest rooms, women face a lot of inconvenience during menstruation and pregnancy. “We

have to go very far for urinating. During menstruation changing clothes (pads) is difficult,” said

one workers in Mysore

A. 3.7. Transportation

Table: 3.10 Transportation Graph of table 3.10

Sr.no Transportation Number Percentage

01 Walking 148 40.43

No 100%

Yes0%

creche

02 Public

transportation

67 18.30

03 Pvt. transportation 123 33.60

04 Own vehicle 10 2.73

05 Public + company

transportation

18 4.91

Total 366 100

Table 3.10 gives the details of the means of transport used by workers. Of the workers interviewed,

40.43 % walk between 1 to 5 kms to reach their workplace. 18% use public transpor; 33.60% use

private transport and 4.91% use both public and the transportation provided by the company, which

has taken up the contract. Only 2.73% use their own vehicle to reach their workplace.

As the workers have to start their work early in the morning, walking or using transport like

autorickshaw is inevitable. Some workers come to the workplace walking and go back by

autorickshaw, and many workers pay Rs 40-50 every day for auto. Public transportation and

transportation provided by the contractor is rare. Only in Mangalore has the contractor provided

transportation. The place where the biometric is taken is usually outside the city. Therefore, the

workers are brought in the lorries and after the biometric is taken, they are transported to their

148 67 12310 18

40.43%

18.30%

33.60%

2.73% 4.91%

Walking Public Private Own Vehicle Public +CompanyVehicle

Transportation

assigned working places. After the completion of the day’s work, the workers make their own way

to give attendance, so they usually walk.

A. 3. 8. Awareness of the Salappa Report Graph of Table

Table: 3.11 Awareness of Salappa Report

Sr.no Details Number Percentage

01 Yes 48 13.11

02 No 318 86.88

Total 366 100

Graph of table 3.11

Table 3.11 gives the details of the awareness of the workers about the Salappa Report. Of the

workers interviewed only 13.11% were aware of the Salappa Report and 86.88% were ignorant of

it.

Of all the reports about the conditions of Safai Karmacharis, the report of the I.P.D.Salappa

Committee in Karnataka is one of the best in India. Many recommendations given by the

committee for the betterment of the Safai Karmacharis have been accepted by the State

government, but are not implemented effectively. Because of this report, the cleaning work during

70s got regularized. Salappa, who hailed from the same community was able to understand the

conditions of the Safai Karmacharis very well. He was able to give better recommendations. Only

13% of the workers, especially the workers of Bengaluru and Bellary know about Salappa, as he

is originally from Bellary and lived in Bengaluru: “He is our man and he has done good for us.”

The rest of the 86.88% workers did not know about the report. Workers are not literates and

Yes13.11%

No86.88%

Awareness of Salappa report

Yes No

government has not made any effort to make them aware of the report, which is relevant even to

this day. Some union leaders are aware of the report and are making use of it when needed.

A. 3. 9. Possibilities of Improving Working Conditions

Table: 3.12 Improvement in working conditions

Sr,no Possibilities Number Percentage

01 Increase in Salary 91 24.72

02 Regularization of work 275 75.28

Total 366 100

Gaph of table 3.12

Table 3.12 gives the details of workers’ suggestions to improve their working conditions. Of the

workers interviewed, 75.28% said that their condition would improve if their work is regularized

with all the benefits. 24.72% said that an increase in the salary would improve their conditions.

There is no difference in the work done by contract Safai Karmacharis and the permanent Safai

Karmacharis. But the contract Safai Karmacharis are paid less salary than the permanent workers.

They are not provided any safety measures and benefits to which they are legally eligible. It was

important for this study to know the suggestions of the contract workers for their improvement.

Suggestions given by the workers are:

1. increase in salary

2. equal salary and benefits with permanent workers

91

27524.72%

75.28%

Higher Wage Permanent Work

Working Condition

3. regular disbursal of salary on a fixed date

4. equality in treatment, no discrimination

5. provision of safety equipment

6. provision of breakfast, towel, soap, oil and clothes

7. provision should be made for public toilets in every locality

8. provision of rain coat to work in rainy season

9. stinking smell should be avoided

10. waste should be segregated properly

11. waste should not be put in plastic covers

12. good education for children

Almost all the workers had a dream that one day they would be regularized. It is this dream which

has made them to continue for more than 20 years. When they were asked the purpose of

regularizing as most of them are reaching the age of retirement, they said that they wished their

son, daughter or daughter-in-law to be given employment in their place. Government jobs were

seen as the ultimate security.

A worker-friendly environment, suitable salary, dignified treatment of the workers and their work

are fundamental right of every worker. But these basic rights are violated with regard to Safai

Karmacharis . They continue to work as they have no other alternatives. They are shunned and

looked down upon both by the State and society, regarded as the dirt that they clean. Along with

effective implementation of laws, respect and love from civil society is essential for their

betterment.

A. 3.10. Safety Aspects

A. 3.10.1. Safety Equipment

Table: 3.13 Safety Equipment

Sr.no Safety equipment numbers percentage

01 Hand gloves, mask or both 121 33.06

02 Gloves, mask and others 10 2.73

03 Nothing 235 64.20

Total 366 100

Graph of table 3.13

Table 3.13 gives the details of the safety equipment. Of the workers interviewed, 33.06% were

given hand gloves and masks, 2.73% were given hand gloves and mask with other safety

equipment and the majority i.e, 64.20%, were not given any safety equipment.

As per the law it is compulsory, to give safety equipment to workers engaged in hazardous work.

But the Safai Karmacharis , who are dealing with dangerous waste like syringes, bandages, stool,

urine, blood from the labs and dead/decomposed animals are not given any safety equipment like

hand gloves, gum boots or masks. In a few places, where it is given, the equipment is of low quality

and not durable. Moreover, it is given only once in awhile and not regularly. In some places

workers said that they were given equipment only when an inspector is was coming for inspection

or when they were being photographed.

Let alone safety equipment, even essential equipment like brooms, pan to pick up waste, drums to

fill the waste, sickles to cut weeds and rakes to pull the waste are also not supplied regularly.

Workers themselves make arrangements for this equipment. Sufficient number of brooms was also

not provided. Workers make brooms out of the coconut leaves which they get or buy by paying Rs

60-80. They use tin sheets or cartons to remove the dirt. In some places where drums are not given,

workers use the thrown away mats or charpai to remove the waste. Workers have to maintain the

push carts, which include greasing the wheels, repairing the carts, locate a place to keep the cart

etc.

121

10

235

33.06%

2.73%

64.20%

Gloves, Mask or both Gloves, Mask & Others Nothing

Safety Equipment

A. 3.10.2. Dangers Associated With the Work

Cleaning work is very hazardous. When they leave their homes early in the morning public

transport is not available. They end up walking to work, the workers face the danger of stray dog

attack, getting hit by the vehicles and women additionally face the problem of sexual harassment.

Table: 3.14 Accidents

Sr.no Accidents percentage

01 Dog bites 84.44

02 Accidents 64.44

03 Attack by men 26.67

04 Others 89.17

100

Graph of table 3.14

Table 3.14 gives details of the dangers faced by the workers. Of the workers interviewed, 84.44%

face stray dog menace; 64.44% face being hit by vehicles; 26.67% face sexual abuse, and 89.17%

face other dangers, which include injury and infection by sharp objects like glass pieces, nails,

needle etc.; injury due to the bursting of fire crackers in the rubbish thrown out during Deepavali

festival; burn injury or death while setting fire to waste; chopping off of their fingers while cutting

weeds etc. Workers face a number of difficulties while sweeping and clearing the waste during the

rainy season. Many a time they have been bitten by snakes too. A person who has been working

in Kalburgi for 23 years said, “When I was sweeping near Bande Nawaz Durga, I was bitten by a

stray dog. I paid Rs. 250 for the injection.” Another worker who has been working for five years

84.44%

64.44%

26.67%

89.17%

Dog bite

Accidents

Attack by men

Others

Work Place Risks

said, “Sometimes we are scared to enter the street because of the street dogs.” In two other

instances, when workers were hit by an autorickshaw, the contractor did not pay them any

compensation. Medical expenses were met by the autorickshaw owners. A worker in Kalburgi,

who has been working for 23 years cut her finger while cutting the weed. Further her hand was

fractured when she was hit by a two-wheeler. But she did not get compensation from anyone.

These things show how hazardous their life is and also they show very clearly that Safai

Karmacharis do not have any safety and are not given any protection. Concerned officers have not

provided the facilities as per the law. Civilians are indifferent towards the workers. Neither the

work nor the workers are respected.

A. 3.10.3. Sexual Harassment at the Workplace

According to the Sexual Harassment of Women at the Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and

Redressal) Act, 2013, a healthy environment, which is free of sexual harassment, is the right of

every woman. Creating such a healthy environment is the legal duty of the state and employer.

The condition of women Safai Karmacharis is discussed with reference to the aforesaid act.

Table: 3.15 Sexual harassment

Sr.no Sexual harassment numbers Percentage

01 Yes 50 13.66

02 Yes it is normal 284 77.59

03 No 32 8.74

Total 366 100

Graph of table 3.15

Table 3.15 throws light on the sexual harassment faced by the female Safai Karmacharis. Of the

women interviewed, 13.66% said that they faced sexual harassment at work place. 77.59% said

that sexual harassment was “normal” and that they had to deal with it.

As per the law, setting up an internal committee to prevent sexual harassment and create

harassment free working environment is the legal responsibility of the employer. But neither the

contractor nor the corporation has taken any measure to ensure safety. Therefore the workers

themselves have evolved a strategy to safeguard themselves. Female Safai Karmacharis leave their

homes very early in the morning. They sweep the roads in residential areas as well as lengthy main

roads. They always come to the workplace in groups. They keep track of the whereabouts of each

person belonging to their group. Whenever they are in danger they contact each other and tackle

the situation. “When we leave our home, it is still dark, so we go in groups, when we face any

danger we shout, or call. If we know beforehand, that the place is dangerous, we share the

information among us.” Maistris talk badly and address us in [the disrespectful] singular. There

are instances of two-wheeler riders hitting them. They face harassment/ misbehaviour from men

while sweeping roads in residential areas. When asked about the strategies they employed, they

said, “Do you think we will keep quiet? We scold, we even hit. We shout at the top of our voices.

We hit them with whatever we have in our hands. Let them touch us, they will see the consequence.

Yes13.66%

It is Normal we deal with it

77.59%

Not Answered

8.74%

Sexual Harassment

Why do we have brooms?” In spite of such harassment, there were no instances of reporting to

the police.

They further said, “We face severe harassment from the Maistries. We don’t inform anyone for

fear of losing our jobs. If our families come to know of this, they won’t let us work. Women who

are young and have lost their husbands face greater harassment.”

“When we are walking alone on the streets, it is common for two-wheeler riders to touch our

shoulders or pat our backs,” they said. A worker working in Bellary shared her experience: “Once,

a young man of my son’s age drove by on a two-wheeler and patted on my shoulder. Immediately,

I called another worker sweeping in the next circle. They caught hold of him. He was made to

apologize. He claimed that he mistook me for somebody whom he knew and touched my

shoulder.”

Wherever there is a labour union, the women there have support to fight. Padmavathi of Bellary

said, “Sexual harassment is very common. Always we have to be alert. I am a union member; it

has given me strength and courage.”

On the whole, female workers strongly felt that they had to face the sexual harassment and violence

on their own and that nobody views it as their responsibility. “We don’t share the experience of

harassment we face outside even with our family members. If we share, they do not let us work.

We have to earn, because we have children. Facing all this is a part of our life. Our safety is our

responsibility. We are nobody to this society, hence why do they care for us?” These words mirror

the indifference of the society towards their plight. Compulsion to earn a livelihood has made them

bold and daring. They face everything and earn and sustain their families.

A. 3.11. Health

The World Health Organization has defined health as “Physical, mental and social wellbeing

condition not merely disease or weakness condition” in its 1948 constitution.

Physical, mental and social wellbeing is possible only when nutrition, food, housing, water and

sanitation is provided. Proper medical treatment and care to overcome diseases; job with living

wages to meet essential requirements and a social environment in which self-respect is honoured.

Safe and healthy working conditions are essential to work efficiently. It is the duty of the state to

provide such working conditions. Here the health condition of Safai Karmacharis is discussed in

the back ground of their working conditions.

A. 3.11.1. Hard Work

Karnataka State had set up a committee under the chairmanship of I.P.D. Salappa in 1972 to study

the conditions of Safai Karmacharis. The Committee had conducted a detailed study and had

submitted its recommendations to the Government of Karnataka, which were accepted by the

government. One of the recommendations was to appoint one pourakarmika for every 500 persons.

This has not been implemented anywhere. Everywhere one person is being made to do the work

of two people. The salary paid is also insufficient. It is difficult for them to do any other work to

earn a little extra income. Many workers said that they are exhausted by such hard work.

Yarramma who is working in Bengaluru since 15 years said, “We are asked to cut the weeds, and

we go cutting the weeds nearly a mile. After cutting we have to come back again to give attendance

and then go home.” This back-breaking work continues without respite.

Many workers told us, “Waste is not segregated properly. Only one out of 100 does it properly.

They put all the waste in a plastic cover and tie it. We have to put our hands inside the plastic cover

to take it out, which takes time. Sometimes while putting the plastic cover filled with waste, it gets

torn and the waste drops down and gets mixed up. “When a pregnant cow is slaughtered, the foetus,

intestine and everything has to be cleared. Blood splashes on us.” It is difficult to push the cart.

When the work pressure is more, we don’t even have time to have breakfast. It is very difficult

during rainy season.”

A worker in Kalburgi said, “People defecate in front of the main entrance of Bande Navaz Dargah”

(the Dargah built in the name of a famous Muslim saint is visited by lakhs of devotees during Urs).

Nagamma, who is working in Chitradurga said, “We have to pluck weeds with bare hands. We are

sent to segregate waste in a dumping yard, it is difficult. It stinks and is very dirty. The yard is in

the outskirts of the city and we have to walk the distance.” Suma, who is also working in

Chitradurga said, “We can’t eat properly, because of this smell, but as we have no other alternative,

we have to work.”

Mayamma from Gangavati said, “Houses have drainpipes in such a way that excreta falls straight

into the gutter, it is nauseating to clean. Once I made a video of it and showed it to the

commissioner, he was shocked and turned away as though it fell on him and said enough, enough.

She questioned, “Tell me, how can we do such dirty work, which you can’t even bear to see?”

Case Study

Sharadamma from Bengaluru narrated her story. ‘It is difficult to do this work. Brooms get worn

out in a week or ten days. Once when I asked the maistri for a broom, he said ‘take out your sari

and sweep’. We buy brooms; if we get coconut leaves we make brooms ourselves. Brooms are

good to sweep dust. They have given push carts to collect waste from houses. Pushing the cart

uphill is very difficult as it does not slide smoothly. In the main roads, when heavy transport is

coming, we have to use all our strength to hold back and control the cart because it doesn’t have a

brake. We have to spend for grease and for repairs.

In the new tender the pay was hiked, and the number of workers was reduced. Now we have to do

double the work that we were doing earlier. We have to bend and sweep. We constantly suffer

from backache and pain in the hand. We don’t even get time to have breakfast. If we are late, we

are marked absent. Somehow, we manage to drink coffee or tea. The meal we eat in the afternoon

after we return home is the first proper meal we have. Even if we sit for fraction of a second, they

scold us. Sharp objects like metal wires, glass pieces and nails are mixed in the waste, many a

time we have been injured. People mix pads of blood and excreta together. If they don’t give the

waste, when we ask later they throw it into the gutter, which we have to take out. If we miss the

lorry then we have to put the waste into the stone bin by lifting the heavy drum. Sometimes twice

or three times, we have to fill the push cart and pull it. We have to lift carcasses of dead cats and

dogs. When it rains, waste gets mixed up with water, it becomes difficult to sweep and lift the

waste. Everything we have to do with bare hands.

They do not provide us any place to park the push cart. We have to request the residents to give us

a place. We don’t get place to keep our brooms and basket. Sometimes for lack of place to keep

them, we have to carry them home. Once I had all most lost my cart. I was asked to pay Rs 5000.

Later I found it -- somebody had hidden it intentionally. Our shoulders, arms and joints pain. I

often get a cough because of the dust.

A. 3.11.2. Health Problems

Table: 3.16. Health Problems

Sr.no. Health problems Number percentage

01 Asthma 16 4.37

02 Respiratory related 71 19.39

03 Body ache 249 68.03

04 Other 30 8.19

Total 366 100

Graph of table 3.16

Table 3.16 gives the details of the health problems faced by the Safai Karmacharis. Of the Safai

Karmacharis interviewed 68.03% suffer from bone and joint pain; 19.39% suffer from respiratory

problems, 4.37% suffer from skin diseases; 8.19% suffer from other health problems like infection

due to injuries from sharp materials, accidents caused, while burning waste.

Safai Karmacharis suffer from various health problems, because they work in the dirt and the waste

without any safety equipment like mask, hand gloves, gum boots etc. Common diseases that they

face are dengue, chest pain, bone related problems like joint, knee and back pain, infection due to

injuries, headache, heaviness in the head, pain in the neck, asthma, eye allergy, jaundice, pain in

the hand because of cutting weeds, vehicle accidents while sweeping the roads, fire accidents while

setting fire to the waste, accidents by acid while cleaning the toilets, breaking bones while loading

the waste into the lorry, chopping of fingers while cutting the weeds are all connected directly to

their work. Some workers have also undergone hysterectomy. Some have cardiac problems,

hypertension, diabetes kidney stones and other kidney related problems.

A. 3.11.3. Relationship Between Work and Health

Work is the main source of livelihood. There are many hazardous types of work and cleaning work

is one such. There is a direct relationship between the work and the health conditions of Safai

Karmacharis.

1671

249

30

4.37%

19.39%

68.03%

8.19%

Skin Respiratory Body Ache Others

Health Problems

Table: 3.17 Relationships Between Work and Health

Sl.no. details number Percentage

01 Yes 362 99

02 No 4 1

Total 366 100

Graph of table 3.17

Table 3.17 gives the details of the relationship between work and health problems faced by the

Safai Karmacharis. Out of the workers interviewed 99% told that their health problems are due to

the nature of the work they do. The present study throws light on the fact that cleaning is hazardous

work and it directly affects the health of the workers.

There is a direct relationship between the health of Safai Karmacharis and the cleaning work they

do. They clear the waste with bare hands without safety gear like hand gloves, gum boots, masks

etc. despite the fact that providing this equipment is the contractor’s legal obligation. Waste from

the hospitals, factories, markets, homes, dead animals on the roads which are decomposed and

filled with micro-organisms, cleaning the gutters, plucking weed with bare hands are some of the

reasons of their health problems. Mosquitoes in the waste cause vector-borne diseases like dengue,

malaria, chikungunya and elephantiasis. One worker who sprays pesticide said that he had

epilepsy. Some workers said that they couldn’t eat because of the stench. Workers, who maintain

Yes99%

No1%

Relationship between work and

health

Yes No

the health of the public by doing hazardous work are dying untimely deaths. They have a low life

expectancy. This is a grave injustice done to them by both the government and the public.

A. 3.11.4. Treatment

This sub section discusses the treatment available to the Safai Karmacharis.

Table: 3.18 Treatment

Sr.no Treatment Number Percentage

01 Government hospital 120 32

02 Private hospital 217 59

03 Both 29 9

Total 366 100

Graph of table 3.18

Table 3.18 gives details of the hospitals, which Safai Karmacharis approach for treatment. Of the

workers interviewed 32% go to the government hospitals and 50% go to private hospitals for

treatment and 9% go to both.

The study reveals that constant visits to the doctor for health reasons are a part of a Safai

Karmacharis routine. Most of the workers said that for health problems like asthma, cough, fever,

cold, infections due to injuries, tiredness, headache etc they go to private hospitals. They have to

recover very quickly because they don’t get leave. Even if they do get leave, it is leave without

pay. Since government hospitals are far off, and they have to wait, they prefer private clinic, which

are nearby. They take medicines and injections to recover fast. Many workers do not even go to

Government32%

Private59%

Both9%

Where will you go for treatment?

private clinics they go to medical shops, describe their symptoms and take medicines the chemist

prescribes.

Safai Karmacharis prefer government hospitals for serious diseases like cancer, kidney problem,

thyroid, diabetes, piles, cardiac problems, which require surgery.

A worker who underwent surgery to remove a lump in the breast spent Rs.15000.

Another worker in Bengaluru had a cardiac problem since 7 months, so she had to take injections

once in 21 days.

‘My son who was doing his engineering course had a paralytic stroke, so he is lying at home. I

have to take care of him. I have severe knee pain, I take tablets everyday said a worker in

Bengaluru.

Hanumakka, working in Bengaluru said, “I have shooting pain in my head, and paid Rs 50,000 for

treatment including MRI scan.”

“Because of dust allergy I have spent nearly Rs 25,000,’ said a worker from Bellary.

“I had malaria several times. I took medicine from government hospital. For common illnesses I

go to the medical store and take medicine,” said another worker in Bellary.

“I have chest pain. I had also met with an accident and I have to spend Rs 2000 every month for

treatment,” said a worker in Bellary.

“I had allergy in my eyes due to dust. I also had chikungunya recently, so I feel very tired,” said a

worker in Bengaluru.

“My son has cardiac problem, so every month I have to spend Rs.2000. There is an extra growth

in my nose, but I am scared of getting it operated,” said Parvathi in Mangalore, who has migrated

from Gadag.

“Plucking weeds causes allergy, so I take an injection 2-3 times a week,” said a worker in KGF.

“Back pain has become my constant companion. I have undergone hysterectomy operation,” said

one worker.

“My husband is a permanent employee. If he has money, he drinks all day long. When he was

drunk, he fell and broke his hip bone, so it is difficult to walk. I have a cough since childhood.

Now I have cardiac problem. If I don’t eat on time I can’t eat later,” said a worker in Mysore.

“I have chest pain since three months but have not gone for any treatment. I don’t have a count of

how many times I was injured due to sharp objects. Pain in the waist, pain in the bone is common,”

said a worker in Mysore.

Venkatamma from Bengaluru narrated her story thus: “My eyes always water. The doctor said that

I have to take leave for two weeks to undergo a surgery. They remove us from service if we take

even a day’s leave. How can I take two weeks’ leave? My salary is not sufficient. How can I

manage the rent, bus fare and the monthly expenses of the children? If we ask the owner to increase

the salary, he says we have to bribe the corporation to pass the bill, so we can’t increase the salary.

If you want more salary, ask your union people.”

During fieldwork it was found that legal obligations are not carried out by local bodies like city

corporations and town corporations, which employ Safai Karmacharis through the contract system.

Part B: Conditions of Manual Scavengers.

Manual scavengers are the ones who clear the excreta collected in the pits, clear the blockages in

the underground drainage; work in the sewerage treatment plants, where dirty water is processed.

All this amounts to manual scavenging as the workers directly deal with handling human excreta.

Manual scavenging is the worst form of untouchability and violation human dignity existing in our

country. Accepting this fact the Prohibition of Employment of Manual Scavengers and their

Rehabilitation Act 2013 says “....dehumanizing practice of manual scavenging, arising from the

continuing ‘existence of insanitary latrines and a highly iniquitous caste system, still persists in

various parts of the country, and the existing laws have not proved adequate in eliminating the

twin evils of insanitary latrines and manual scavenging” and also says “...it is necessary to correct

the historical injustice and indignity suffered by the manual scavengers and to rehabilitate them to

a life of dignity. It further defines “insanitary latrine means a latrine which requires human excreta

to be cleaned or otherwise habdled manually either in situ or in an open drain or pit into which the

excreta is discharged or flushed out, before the excreta fully decomposes...” (p:20 The Prohibition

of Employment of Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act 2013)

The conditions of manual scavengers are discussed here in the light of the 2013 act. Only in

Bengaluru, city corporation workers clean the cities and Bengaluru water supply and sewerage

board workers do the cleaning of manholes. In other parts of Karnataka, municipality workers do

both the work.

Houses, hospitals, factories and other establishments are connected to the underground drainage

system through drains for carrying toilet waste. Underground drainage is a lengthy network

through which, waste is carried up to the outskirts of the city. Since underground sewers are

channels for both human and industrial solid and liquid waste, this sewage network often gets

clogged with kitchen and hotel wastes; medical waste, such as syringes, blades, sanitary waste

such as diapers and sanitary napkins, glass shards, household gadgets, and non-biodegradable

objects of a variety of plastics, industrial sludge, and construction debris.

There are openings to this underground drainage at particular intervals to enter and remove

blockage. These openings are called manholes, and it is Safai Karmacharis, who clear clogged

drains. Underground drainage system is not available in all places. Where it is not available people

have soak pits. Pits are dug and when they are filled with excreta Safai Karmacharis are called to

clean them. Cities are supposed to be symbols of modernity, but for Safai Karmacharis modernity

is hell. In order to clear clogged drains, Safai Karmacharis descend into water filled with excreta.

Earlier Safai Karmacharis were carrying baskets of excreta on their heads but in modern times they

are made to swim in shit-filled water. This is what modernity is for them: the worst form of the

caste system. An analysis of the conditions of workers, who clean the manholes and soak pits,

forms a part of this study.

In most places men carry out the manhole and soak pit cleaning. Although the focus of the present

research is on women Safai Karmacharis, it was felt necessary to give glimpse of the underground

drainage work done by men through a feminist perspective. Along with addressing gender

inequality, the feminist perspective also addresses other inequalities in the name of caste, class,

sexual orientation, disability etc. Feminism is a way of life based on equality and justice of all. In

the light of this, when we look at the issue of UGD workers one can see their work is degraded,

their labour has no value, they are subjected to ill-treatment, and their very existence is not

acknowledged. They do the most essential work of survival like women but are degraded.

Therefore, it was important to study the experience of men who are involved in UGD cleaning. A

sample of 13 male UGD workers was included in this study.

B. 3. 1 History of Manual Scavenging

There is no authoritative history published on the practice of manual scavenging in India. This is

no surprise, given the casteist nature of academic research, where the practice of manual

scavenging is often invisibilized. (PUCL 2019: 48).

However, there is enough historical evidence Many writers have noted the historical existence of

scavenging as a profession. The disposal of human excreta was mentioned as one of the 15 duties

of slaves listed in the “Naradiya Samhita.” The terms Chandal and Paulkasa were used for those

engaged in the task of disposal of night soil. These two terms were used also during the Buddhist

period. The scavengers and sweepers were known to clean the city and dispose of night soil in

Pataliputra during Maurya Period. The practice of manual cleaning of night soil was also prevalent

in Europe and America until the 19th century. In India however, the assignment of labour and

servitude according to birth in a particular caste has continued to this day.

Ironically, colonization did not bring newer ideas from Europe, but instead the “new lease of life

given to caste-based occupations such as manual scavenging owes much to the colonial

intervention. As British Cantonments were established, sanitation became a pressing concern. In

the absence of a sewer system or any major lakes near urban settlements, the British military

required a growing labour force to move human excreta.” (PUCL 2019: 57)

In fact, during the colonial period, the profession of moving/dealing with excreta became a

specialized category within the broader category of scavenger/sanitation worker/sweeper.

Further, as the PUCL report points out, modernization in the Indian context led to the strengthening

of the relationship between sanitation work and certain castes deemed untouchable. Certain castes

were subordinated not through a direct relationship with dominating groups, but through

generalized political, economic, legal, and technological marginalization, routinized through

expanded infrastructural networks. “One crucial factor that affected this change was urbanization,

a process that not only affected Indian cities but also villages, in that such growth subordinated

rural society to urban centers. The dramatic growth of cities and towns, a result of direct British

rule after the Indian rebellion of 1857, was premised on the laying of extensive sanitation

infrastructures that required large numbers of impoverished labour from the countryside, usually

drawn from dominated castes.” (PUCL 2019: 61)

B.3.2. The Prohibition of Employment of Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act

2013

While manual scavenging may be seen as one of the worst manifestations of the caste system,

there were progressive attempts by parliament to conceptualize it as an atrocity and provide

adequate punishment and ensure that the rights of the victim were protected. One important step

was the amendment to the Employment of Manual Scavengers And

Construction of Dry Latrine (Prohibition) Act 1993.

Important aspects of this Act are as follows:

• Section 5 prohibits insanitary toilets and employment and involvement of manual

scavengers.

• Section 6 nullifies any contract agreement or any other kind of agreement made before the

implementation of the Act.

• Section 7 prohibits involving of appointing any person in cleaning the dangerous

underground drainage of septic tank after the implementation of the Act.

• If Section 8 or 5 or 6 is violated; for the first violation there is a one year imprisonment or

50,000 penalty; second time violation carries two years imprisonment or Rs 1,00,000

penalty.

• Section 2(1) mentions safety equipment and other cleaning equipment, and safety

precautions that are to be guaranteed.

• This Act mentions that rehabilitation and the creation of alternative employment for people

engaged in manual scavenging and construction of community toilets for them is the

responsibility of the local authorities like Municipality, Municipal Corporation and Gram

Panchayats (p.16, 17 & 18 WP (civil) no.583 of 2003).

B. 3.2.1. Loopholes in the Act

The Prohibition of Employment of Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act, 2013, has the

following loopholes and lacks effective implementation.

• Identifying insanitary toilets and employment of manual scavengers is not carried

out properly. Without proper identification, it is declared that manual scavenging

is not being done. Risky cleaning also includes clearing the blocks through

manholes which are 8-9 feet deep; clearing the blocked chambers in houses;

clearing the soak pits; clearing sewerage treatment plants (some of which are

constructed without permission). Houses, which do not have underground drainage

system, have their toilet pipes carrying excreta directly to the gutter outside.

Cleaning of these gutters also amounts to manual scavenging. Not all toilets

constructed under the Swachh Bharat scheme are sanitary latrines with double pits.

They are nothing but soak-pits. Clearing such pits is also manual scavenging. All

these are not included in the Act.

• Identifying manual scavengers and rehabilitating them is not done properly.

Identifying is done by the concerned officials or workers can themselves make a

declaration. Such workers have to be registered; they should be given ID card.

Effective rehabilitation should be carried out so that they do not go back to

scavenging. The Act does not say anything about workers, who are not appointed

by the authorized institutions or persons. There are thousands of workers who are

called for clearing the soak pits. These workers just go with a bucket, rope and

bamboo stick. Painting workers, plumbing workers, electric workers, garden

workers, workers who spray pesticide for mosquito control are called to the soak

pits and sewerage treatment plants without any training.

• According to statistics from the Socio-economic and Caste Census 2011, there were

98537 (1.45%) insanitary toilets, 1789119 (26%) pits, 1711701 (25.36%) septic

tanks and 2,994,610 toilets with underground drainage system. In the country there

are reportedly 1,68,000, and in the State there are 15,720 manual scavengers. In

Tumkur district alone 3337 manual scavengers are identified. But in the entire state

including both rural and urban, only 993 manual scavengers have been identified

for rehabilitation. Pillappa from Doddaballapura has been given an ID card. But

because of a spelling mistake in his name he has not yet received the first instalment

of the rehabilitation amount of Rs.40,000. Based on the number of soak pits,

manholes, insanitary latrines and cleaning machines it is simple to identify and

rehabilitate the workers. Lack of will is the reason behind the under-counting of

manual scavengers.

• In many of apartments in the city, sewerage treatment plants (STP) are constructed

without permission. In an apartment in HSR layout, three people Srinivasa,

Madegowda and Narayanaswamy died while cleaning the STP on 7th January 2018.

Nobody in the apartment gave water to wash the bodies smeared with excreta. Later

someone gave just a bottle of water with which only faces were washed. The IGP

came for inspection, and was covered in the media with photographs. Yet the

incident was not registered under the Prohibition of Manual Scavenging Act. The

police registered the deaths under section 304, or death due to negligence. Families

of the deceased workers have not received any compensation. Srinivasa’s wife has

undergone two surgeries. She is working as a domestic worker and has a son

studying in 10th standard. Having lost the main bread winner, the family is in a

shock. The situation of other two deceased workers is similar.

• The Act also has contradictory provisions. While it prohibits manual scavenging

and hazardous cleaning, it says that with the Task Force and permission, entry into

to the manhole is permitted to repair the manholes and to connect the old manholes

with new ones. Such contradictions have made manholes veritable ‘death holes’

killing 70 workers from 2018. 68 families have received compensation, but so far

no case has been registered under the Act, and no punishment has been ordered.

• The Act talks of prohibition, punishment and rehabilitation. But it does not talk

about the necessary plan for and financial assistance for implementation. As per the

Act, the DC is responsible for implementation. But it does not say what should be

done if it is not implemented. This Act does not connect related institutions

connected with the work, like the Pollution Control Board which gives permission

to construct STPs.

Because the Act is not implanted effectively, lack of machines to replace manual scavenging

continues. Poor, vulnerable workers without alternative livelihoods risk their life doing such

hazardous work.

B.3.3 Dangerous Health Hazards Faced by Manual Scavengers

Raj Narayan Tiwari of the National Institute of Occupational Health (NIOH), Ahmedabad has

done a detailed study on the dangers faced by UGD workers and has submitted a report

‘Occupational Health Hazards in sewerage and sanitary workers’ in 2006. NIOH works with the

World Health Organization and it was also recognized as a Nodal agency for nine projects under

9th five year plan by the department of Health and Family welfare. Dangerous health problems

recognized in the report are as follows:

B.3.3.1 Dangerous Effects of Hydrogen Sulphide

Exposure to 10 to 500 ppm of Hydrogen Sulphide will cause headache for several hours, pain in

legs and can sometimes make a person unconscious. Exposure to 500-700 ppm makes a person

unconscious for few minutes but will not affect respiration. In severe poisoning person can drop

to coma with dyspnoea, polypnoea and slate-blue cyanosis until breathing restarts. Tachycardia

and tonic-colonic spasm can happen. Inhaling large quantity of Hydrogen Sulphide immediately

causes anoxia resulting in death by asphyxia. It can cause fits, which will make a person

unconscious and a person can die while unconscious. These symptoms are found among UGD

workers. UGD gases include methane, nitrogen, carbon dioxide and ammonia. In sub-acute

poisoning, the toxins make the eyelids swell, the eyes red, causes watering and mucus in eyes,

causing the lids to stick, harms the eyeball and makes the vision blurry. These symptoms are called

“gas eyes” which are normally found among sugar factory workers and UGD workers.

B.3.3.2 Effect on the muscles and bones

The NIOH study of 255 UGD workers revealed that the work causes pain in the neck, upper back

and lower back. Problem of the backbone increases as they grow old.

B.3.3.3. Infections

Infections are generally caused due to:

a. Hand to mouth contact while eating, drinking and smoking or by wiping the face with

contaminated hands or gloves or by licking splashes from the skin which causes infection.

b. Skin contacts through cuts, scratches or penetrating wounds will cause infection i.e. from

discarded needles, entering of organisms through eyes, nose and mouth.

c. By breathing dust, aerosol or mist.

These infections commonly studied among these workers include leptospirosis, (come through

contact with animals excreta and urine) hepatitis (inflammation of the leaver) and helicobacter

pylori (bacteria causing intestine cancer) infection. (Tiwari 2008: 113) Other infections like

typhoid, hepatitis-A, cholera, polio, ring worms occur due to direct contact with the human excreta.

Skin infections, tetanus, bronchitis, cystitis, asthma and throat infection are also very common.

B.3.4. Conditions of Manual Scavengers

Conditions of the workers who clean manholes and septic tanks are discussed in the forthcoming

pages. In order to collect the data, workers, family of diseased workers were visited and

interviewed in, Kolar and KGF. The incidents quoted here in fact are self-explanatory and bring

out the pathetic and tragic predicament of those involved in such work.

B.3.4.1. Kolar

Kolar City Corporation has 35 health wards, in which 200-230 Safai Karmacharis are working. Of

these, 130 workers are permanent workers and 100 are contract workers. Out of 100, 85 clean the

city and 15 clean the manholes. There are about 2000 manholes in Kolar and only two machines

for cleaning. Fifteen UGD workers were interviewed as part of the study. Workers spoke about

the nature of their work, problems they face while working, their health problems and the mental

agony they undergo. It is described here in their own words.

“There are two workers to handle each cleaning machine. We remove the plate and fix a pipe

approximately 60 meter long. The driver will gradually accelerate, and the person fixing the pipe

gives signals to increase or decrease the accelerator. While cleaning, the pressure is at 3000. We

face dangers because of the pressure. We need three people to push, pull and to put pressure to

operate the pipe and to open the plate but our officer makes only two people do it. If the silt is very

hard we go on adding water to dilute it and then we remove it by kongani (a removing tool). If it

is a blockage due to hard things it takes 2-3 hours. When bags, silk worm nests, thermocol, gunny

bags, plastic covers, spoons, cups, clothes etc, have blocked the hole then it takes a long time to

clear. Ordinary complaints can be attended to within 45 minutes to one hour. Our hands and bodies

become dirty while cleaning. It stinks; Along with manhole cleaning we segregate and collect the

garbage on the streets and load it to the lorry. They throw even the adult diapers. We have to

separate bones and intestines, segregate chappals, tires, and rubber things. Hospital waste contains

glass pieces and syringes too. We suffer from cold, cough, body ache, fatigue, giddiness, headache,

burning sensation in the eyes, vomiting due to the smell, back ache, chest pain, blood in the nose,

burning sensation in the stomach. In the meeting of the municipal councillors, the issue of retaining

our posts was discussed. Till today they have not given us any information. We are constantly

living with the fear of losing our jobs. We have not even been paid our salary for three months. If

we ask, they say we still have not got the work order. We are bored with this job, get annoyed

because this job is dirty and salary is very low. About 99 percent workers out of 100 have to drink

to do this stinking work,” said the workers

B.3.4.2. KGF

In order to undestand the conditions of the workers in KGF, it is important to know the history of

the town. Kolar Gold Field known as ‘KGF’ is the highest revenue earning district in the state.

Tipu Sultan, the ruler of Mysore was aware of the gold ore in Marikuppa in Kolar and had made a

blue print for extraction. The British who defeated Tipu Sultan started mining based on Tipu’s

blue print, after the death of Tipu Sultan in 1799. From 1804-1860 Lt. Warren conducted several

explorations in the region. It was continued by Michael Fritzgerald Lavelle in 1871. It was

impossible for him do it alone and a syndicate was formed in 1877 called ‘The Colar

Concessionaries Co.’ with several investors. As it requires special mining engineering skill and

machinery John Taylor and Sons Co, was called in 1900.

John Taylor, in charge of the mining is considered to be the ‘founder’ of KGF mines. There were

several 10-20 meters long mines with names like Endry shop, Henry shop, Gilburd shop, Golkonda

shop, Baloon shop, Taylor shop, Richard shop, Penan shop etc. In order to enable work day and

night, a hydro electricity plant was established in Gaganachukki-Barachukki falls in

Shivanasamudra in 1902. KGF became the first place to get electricity in Karnataka. In order to

carry gold, a railway line was started. The British brought people from the untouchable Madiga

and holeya castes from Dharmapuri, Krishnagiri, salem, north Arcot and south arcot of Tamilnadu

State and Chittoor, Madanapalli and Ananthpur of Andhra State to dig and bring out the ore from

the deep mines. Along with mining work they were made to do cleaning work in the township,

where British families lived.

Telugu speaking Madiga people were made to live in Champion reef, Coramandal reef, Urugum

pet, Kennedy’s sixth lane, Mysore Mines, Mysore Champions, N.T. Block, Anderson Pet, Colar

Line, Beer shop area, Kondaiah gudisalu and doddi. Holeyas were made to stay in Tank Block,

ML Block, S.T.Block, 4th Block, Kennedy’s first to fifth lane. Separate churches and temples were

built for them. Priests from Devarayana samudra were brought to do pooja in temples. Even the

beef shops were separate. Thus the caste barriers were kept intact by the British.

Workers toiled from 7 am to 7 pm. They were paid enough only to survive. Houses given to

workers as quarters were no better than the pig holes. Till date, 800 metric tonnes of gold have

been mined, and nearly 6000 workers have died in the mines.

John Taylor and Sons Co, a British company continued even after independence, until 1956. The

company was selling gold to the British at the rate of London Market, which was 1/3 less than the

Bombey rate. In 1962, the government took over ownership of the mines. In 2001, when the mines

were empty, the government closed them down. Mining stopped, but manual scavenging has

continued till date even though it was banned in 1993. The Indian caste system has not only

contributed greatly to British imperalism to loot gold but continues to loot the lives of the

untouchable castes. It is evident from the following tragedy.

B.3.5. Tragic deaths

Cleaning of manholes and pits is hazardous as the poisonous gas trapped inside can kill

underground drains and soak pits contain mixture of poisonous gases like hydrogen sulphite,

carbon monoxide, methane and other oxygen suppressing gases. These gases lead to asphyxiation,

unconsciousness, paralysis or even cause death in few minutes.

B.3.5.1 Nagendra Babu, Ravi and Kutty Prasad in KGF

• On 23/10/2011, three workers Namely Nagendra Babu, 26, Ravi, 27 and Kutty Prasad 35 died

while cleaning a soak pit in Urugum Road, Ashoknagar, in KGF. Anand Raj, resident of

Ashoknagar approched Kutty Prasad, who is a Safai Karmachari, to clear the soak pit. He

agreed to pay Rs 5000. Kutty Prasad, along with Prabhu, Nagendra Babu, Jairaj, Ravi and

Babu went to clean at 10:30 am on 23 October. Kutty took an advance of Rs 500 to hire a

trolley, buckets etc, to clear the excreta. It was an old unused well of 10-12 feet deep, which

was converted into a soak pit. Excreta of 5-6 houses was not cleared for many years. They had

kept the well open before cleaning for few hours. Around 1 pm, Kutty, Nagendra Babu and

Ravi went down the soak pit to clear the liquid at the upper portion. When they started clearing

the solid waste poisonous gases in the pit made Ravi unconscious and he fell into the well.

Nagendra Babu who went to rescue him also became unconscious and fell into the well. Kutty,

who went down to rescue them also became unconscious and also fell into the well. Prabhu

who was outside the well assisting them ran and held the hand to pull out but was not able to

as he was also weakened by the gas. All three died on spot due to asphyxiation. Nagendra

Babu’s wife Shylaja who is 24 years old had given birth to a baby just 20 days before the

tragedy. Ravi was married to Janaki who had just turned 24. Kutty Prasad’s wife Shanti, 35,

has two sons studying in 3rd and 8th standard. Kutty Prased was actively involved in the struggle

for rehabilitation of manual scavenger and to end manual scavenging. They were successful in

getting compensation for these deaths.

B.3.5.2 Kitta Koraga in Mangalore

On November 6th, 2011 at 9 pm, in Kinnigoli of Mangalore, 45-year-old Kitta Koraga died

while cleaning a soak pit. People who had accompanied him tried to save him but were

unsuccessful. Fire engine personnel tried to lift the body but failed. At 5 am, jetting machine

was brought. Because it was short of diesel, the machine did not work. Neither the police nor

the fire engine people made any effort. Suresh from the Koraga community was brought to lift

the body. He was tied with a rope and made to enter the pit. Poisonous gas in the pit made him

suffocate, so he came out. Again when he tried for the second time he could find the leg of

Kitta Koraga. He tied the rope to his leg and then the body was lifted out. It was 6 in the

morning. The body was lying in the soak pit the whole night for nine long hours.

Kitta Koraga was married and had two daughters. He was a construction worker. He was

earning Rs 250 per day. His wife rolled beedis. When construction work was not available

Kitta was going for soak pit cleaning. On that fatal day he had gone with the other four, to

clean a soak pit in a hotel in Kinnigoli. The owner of the hotel had called him that afternoon

and had told him that the pit was 6 feet deep, and that he would pay Rs 6000 for cleaning. Later

he bargained for Rs 5500 and asked him to come at night. All four came at 7.30 pm and started

their work at 8.30. The pit was not 6 feet long, it was 20 feet long. They removed the water at

the upper end and started lifting the solid excreta in a bucket. At that time Kitta, who was

bending and watching fell into the pit because of the suffocation due to poisonous gas. Police

visited the spot and recorded the complaint as death by accident. Giving the reason that “the

bulb was dull, he could not see, so he fell.” Not providing proper light was considered to be

negligence on the part of the hotel owner. Later when the Koraga community pressurized the

police, the complaint was booked under Prohibition of Manual Scavenging and SC/ST Atrocity

Act and a compensation of Rs 2 lakh was released from the government.

B.3.5.3 List of workers, who died between 2008 and 2018, while cleaning manholes septic

tanks and sewerage treatment plants due to asphyxiation.

1 Sri.Kariya 09/04/ 2008, K.R.Nagar, Mysore

2 Sri.Lakshmana 09/04/ 2008, K.R.Nagara, Mysore

3 Sri. Krishnappa 05/07/ 2008, C.K.Palya, Bengaluru

4 Sri.Ramachandra 05/07/ 2008, C.K.Palya, Bengaluru

5 Sri.Amaresh 14/11/ 2008, Yalahanka New Town

6 Sri. Narasimha 14/11/ 2008, Yalahanka New Town

7 Sri. Srinivasa 14/11/2008, Yalahanka New Town

8 Sri.Rajanna 09/05 2009, Kareemsab lay out, Peenya

9 Sri.Shivu 09/05/ 2009, Kareemsab lay out, Peenya

10 Sri.Papanna 09/05/ 2009, Kareemsab lay out, Peenya

11 Sri. Manjunath 11/12/ 2010, Kolar

12 Sri. Rajanna 11/12/2010, Kolar

13 Sri. Mahadeva 09/07/ 2011, Kenchamma hoskote, Alur tq, Hassan

14 Sri.Arjuna 09/07/2011, Kenchamma hoskote, Alur tq, Hassan

15 Sri. Kutty Prasad 23/10/ 2011, Ashoknagar, KGF

16 Sri.Nagendra Parasd 23/10/2011, Ashoknagar, KGF

17 Sri. Ravi 23/10/ 2011, Ashoknagar, KGF

18 Sri. Kitta Koraga 06/11/2011, Kinnigoli, Mangalore

19 Jagadish 17/12/2011, Tiptur, Tumkur dist

20 Yakub Yalapti 16/02/2012, Dharwad

21 Shankarappa 14/07/2012, Arkere, Bannerghatta

22 Bogan 14/07/2012, Arkere, Bannerghatta

23 Ramesh 22/07/2012, Chanakyapuri, Hubli

24 Santhosh 22/07/2012, Chanakyapuri, Hubli

25 Sri.Annappa 23/11/ 2012, Royal Archid Hotel, Shivamogga

26 Sri. Ratnakar 23/11/2012, Royal Archid Hotel, Shivamogga

27 Sri.Ranagswamy 01/04/ 2013, Varalakshmi Hotel, Mandya

28 Sri.M.Venkatesh 28/04/2014, Bangarappa Resevoir, Raichur

29 Sri.Prahald Kumar 25/10/2013, Peenya,Benagaluru

30 Sri. Rohit Kumar 25/10/2013, Peenya,Benagaluru

31 Sri. Chenchaih 18/01/2014, K.P.Agrahara

32 Sri.Kumar 02/03/2014, Kalpana lodge, Mysore

33 Sri. Sridhar 24/09/2014, Saraypalya, nagavara, Bengaluru

34 Sri.Pandri 24/09/2014, Saraypalya, nagavara, Bengaluru

35 Sri.Supahl 01/04/2015, Hubli

36 Sri.Hanumantha 01/04/2015, Hubli

37 Sri.Krishna 05/05/2015, Kundagol, Hubli

38 Sri. Maruti Gollar 05/05/2015, Kundagol, Hubli

39 Sri. Shameem Aktar 05/07/2015, yalahanka, Benagaluru

40 Sri.Sharane Gowda 05/07/2015, yalahanka, Benagaluru

41 Sri.Prasanna kumar 18/08/2015, Jayamahal extn, Bengaluru

42 Sri.Yathiraj 18/08/2015, Jayamahal extn, Bengaluru

43 Sri.Srinaivas 08/11/2015, Raghuvanahalli, Kanakapura rd, Bengaluru

44 Sri.Bhaskar 08/11/2015, Raghuvanahalli, Kanakapura rd, Bengaluru

45 Sri. Narasimhamurthy 25/11/2015, Saraswathipura, Tumkur

46 Sri.Chikkanna 25/11/2015, Saraswathipura, Tumkur

47 Sri. Jagadish 14/12/2015, Royal Arcade, Electronic city, Bengaluru

48 Sri.Ranjeeth 14/12/2015, Royal Arcade, Electronic city, Bengaluru

49 Sri. Mahesh 14/12/2015, Royal Arcade, Electronic city, Bengaluru

50 Sri.Muniswamy 03/04/2016, Doddaballapur

51

52

Sri. Jaganath

Madhu

03/04/2016, Doddaballapur

53 Sri. Muniraj 03/04/2016, Doddaballapur

54 Sri. Venkatramana 18/10/2018, RNS Shanthi Nivas, Tumkur Rd, Bengaluru

55 Sri. Manjunatha 18/10/2018, RNS Shanthi Nivas, Tumkur Rd, Bengaluru

56 Sri. Eraiah 07/03/2017, Kaggadaspur,C.V.Raman Nagara,

Bengaluru

57 Sri. Davitha Naidu 07/03/2017, Kaggadaspur,C.V.Raman Nagara,

Bengaluru

58 Sri. Anjaneya Reddy 07/03/2017, Kaggadaspur,C.V.Raman Nagara,

Bengaluru

59 Sri. Manju 09/05/2017, Udbur, Mysore

60 Sri. Prithiviraj 02/06/2017, ECC rd, Whitefield

61 Sri. Narayanaswamy 07/01/2018, HSR Layout, Bengaluru

62 Sri. H. Srinivasa 07/01/2018, HSR Layout, Bengaluru

63 Sri. Madegowda 07/01/2018, HSR Layout, Bengaluru

64 Sri.Srira O2/2018, AESC Layout, Bengaluru

65 Sri.Ravi O2/2018, AESC Layout, Bengaluru

66 Sri.Sandeep 07/04/2018, Udupi

67 Sri. Anjappa 06/08/2018, Shimogga, Doddapet

68 Sri. Venkatesh 06/08/2018, Shimogga, Doddapet

(source:www.tamate.org)

B.3.6 Religious and State Sanction for Death Holes

The history of sanitation goes back to the Indus Valley civilization. Archaeological evidence

shows that the architects of that ancient civilization had in-depth knowledge of sanitation

technology. Every house in Harappa, in present day Pakistan, had a toilet, which was connected to

the drain outside. Many a house had bathrooms in the underground floor. Underground drainage

system was perfect. Through mud pipes fitted in the walls, waste water was carried out. All the

waste of the bathroom and toilet was collected in a big tank which was constructed at a junction

place of two canals. To clean the tank regularly, steps were constructed. To stop the seepage, tap

system with earthenware sanitation pipes were used. Public water and sanitation system were very

well developed. Dholavira in present day Kutch, Gujarat, was part of the Indus Valley civilization.

This city was established 4900 years ago. Journalist Meera Iyer talks about the drainage system of

Dholavira thus: “...storm water drains are big enough for people to walk in and have well-made

slopes, steps, paving and even manholes. Perhaps our BBMP engineers could visit Dholavira to

learn from this incredible system instead dashing off abroad on periodic ‘study tours’!” This

advanced civilization was destroyed due to attacks and floods.

Later, during the period of the Aryans, defecating and urinating gained such a prominence that it

was even referenced in religious texts. Religious texts mention the rules to be followed in terms of

excreta, urine, spit etc. Chapter 4 of the Manusmruti lays down the rules that are to be followed by

Brahmins as regards toilet habits. It includes where a Brahmin should and should not defecate,

what he has to wear while defecating etc.

A Brahmin should not wear the same clothes; should not bathe naked; should not urinate on the

road, on ashes or in a cow shed, on ploughed land, in water, on a pedestal, on the top of a mountain,

on the ruins of the temple or on an anthill. He should not urinate in the burrows where living beings

are living, while walking, on the banks of river, on the tip of the mountain. He should not urinate

or defecate in the opposite direction of the wind or in front of a fire or facing a Brahmin, sun, water

or cow. He should cover the ground with sticks, a lump of mud, leaves or grass. He must cover his

body and head with cloth and only then urinate. He should not talk while urinating. He has to be

north facing while urinating and defecating during the daytime and at twilight and at night he

should be facing the south. However, when his life is under threat, a Brahmin is allowed to defecate

in shadow or in the dark, day and night, in any posture.

A person, who urinates facing fire, sun, moon, water, Brahmin, cow, wind will lose his

intelligence. A person should not defecate, urinate and spit in the water and should not throw

clothes polluted with impure things or poisonous things into water. (Manusmruti: Chapter 4,

Verses 44-56)

In the later stages along with the purity-pollution concept increase in urbanization and population

and unplanned city structures not only led to deterioration of the sanitation but also complicated

it.

During the medieval age from 500-1500 AD, the system of burying the excreta in the ground and

letting it out in the river was developed. Pits with wooden seating arrangement were used as toilets.

In 1556 Mughal ruler Jahangir, constructed 100 public toilets 100 km away from Delhi. That is

how the public toilet system started.

During the British period, lack of sanitation gave rise to plague which killed 44,000 people in

1896. As a result, mill owners of Bombay, established the ‘Bombay Improvement Trust’. This was

the first trust started to develop sanitation in urban centers. After the British left, activities of the

trust stopped, giving rise to slums without basic facilities, which provided shelter to people with

lower income. Sanitation facilities did not keep pace with the increase in cities and population.

Even to this day 48% of the population of our country is using open defecation1. Of them 46%

belong to cities. Defecating in empty places, road sides, on the sides of gutters are common.

Treating excreta-urine as impure has continued from the days of Manusmruti till today. Several

taboos are observed, for instance, bathing after defecation and following detailed rules for

defecation. Dumping the responsibility of dealing with excreta on others is the height of

insensitivity as this attitude does not take into consideration the feelings of those who clean that

abhorred filth. These people never think, even for a moment, if the filth comes out of their body is

so nauseating to them, how much more nauseating it might be for others. Their sensitivity has been

killed by the concept of purity and pollution, which is the basis of the caste system. The system of

maintaining purity at the cost of others’ dignity and suffering not only has religious sanction but

also enjoys state protection even to this day.

It is evident from the following fact.

Shravanabelagola in Hassan district of Karnataka State is a sacred place for Jains. Once in 12 years

the Mahamastakabhisheka ritual on the statue of Gomateshwara is performed. Lakhs of people

come there to witness the celebrations. In 2018, February, Mahamastakabhisheka was performed.

Jain saints came from far off places, walking all the way. 50 such saints came in 2018. Among

them some useed dry latrine, some used open defecation. They followed non-violence strictly so

they did not use the flush toilets which kill the germs in the excreta.

Though there is an Act, which bans manual scavenging, temporary soak pits were constructed at

the site. A private contractor had brought 300 manual scavengers from Chitrakoot, Uttar Pradesh

to clean the soak pits. Santhosh Kumar, who was in charge of 24 workers, working in Tyaginagar

Township told The Hindu daily newspaper that “this cleaning is the main source of our livelihood.

We go wherever big events happen. Our group has gone to Ahmadabad, Hardwar etc. Each worker

will get Rs. 8100 per month. We sweep the streets, clean the toilets and clear the excreta in

temporary townships.”

1 (https://www.indianeagle.com/travelbeats/history-of-toilets/

http://www.aಗsepsis.org/blog/2015/10/5/the-state-of-sanitation-in-india-part-2-history-of-sanitation-and-water-

treatment-in-india)

When asked about this, the District Collector Rohini Sindhuri said, “The charge of Tyaginagar

Township is handed over to Jain mutt. They take care of everything according to their rituals and

tradition.”

The president of State Safai Karmachari commission M.R. Venkatesh, having learnt the

information through the newspaper visited Tyaginagar. In an interview to the newspaper he said,

“I have ordered the toilets to be converted to sanitary toilet or be demolished. When we went there,

no workers were there. We came to know that they have been sent back. In order to lodge a

complaint, workers should be present and their caste certificates are required. As the workers were

not there, we asked them to close the insanitary toilets” (G.T.Satish, The Hindu 2018).

It is an irony to see that the followers of Jainism, which preaches complete non-violence, have

compassion for the unseen bacteria but not for human beings. Manual scavenging is a cruel form

of untouchability, and it has therefore been banned. Violating a law, which is implemented to

prohibit the caste discrimination, is also irreligious and unethical. It is violence to make the poor

Dalit workers clear the excreta. Ethics and non-violence have to be part of waste management.

1.6. Conclusion

The conditions of the Safai Karmacharis, who are in fact keepers of public health by removing

tons and tons of waste every day is miserable. The concerned authorities and contractors are

violating their legal obligations. Despite an institutional structure with a legal framework for solid

waste management, except for the salary, Safai Karmacharis are not getting any other facility like

wage slip, ESI, PF, leave, accident and death compensation, drinking water, rest rooms or safety

gear, all of which they are legally entitled to. Even the salaries are not given on a fixed date, but

once in two or three months.

There is a direct connection between the health of Safai Karmacharis and the work they do. They

do the hazardous work of clearing the waste, which is full of mosquitoes, micro-organisms,

poisonous gases, sharp materials, which is highly harmful. They can be fatal. Injury and death by

vehicle accident is also common. Workers do not have any leave facility and therefore prefer

private hospitals which are expensive. Some don’t even go to the clinics; they take medicines from

the medical shops. For serious diseases and for surgeries they go to government hospitals.

Untimely death of workers is a stark reality due lack of regular medical check-up, good and

accessible health facilities.

Manholes and septic tanks, which are filled with poisonous gases are death holes for workers. They

work under the shadow of death, because poisonous gases can kill them in a few minutes. They

have no protection. Since the last 10 years, 68 workers have died while cleaning manholes and

soak pits. Of these, 31 deaths have occurred in the state capital Bengaluru, extolled as ‘Silicon

Valley’ and the IT Hub. Two deaths have taken place in Jayamahal Extension area, where Health

Minister and Social Welfare Minister live. By not providing any safety equipment and protective

measures and by not adopting mechanization the State has completely neglected the health of the

Safai Karmacharis.

Though manual scavenging has been banned in 1993, cleaning excreta by bare hands continues.

Not only the public but also the government institutions are insensitive to the practice of

untouchability. Lack of political will has led to ineffective implementation of the law prohibiting

manual scavenging. By not providing drinking water and toilets for workers, not creating

awareness on the prohibition of untouchability the State itself is practicing untouchability.

Manual scavengers themselves are unitedly fighting against manual scavenging in KGF. Shifting

from manual scavenging to sweeping was like a victory in a long-drawn out battle. It was a battle

against the elected representatives and bureaucrats, whose duty it was to ban manual scavenging.

At the same time it throws light on the huge money involved in waste management. Collective

strength of the workers is a hurdle in the way of making profit out of waste disposal. That is why

every effort by the Safai Karmacharis to stop manual scavenging and regularize their jobs is being

sabotaged both by the bureaucracy and the contractors.

Except the salary no other rights and benefits are provided to the workers. Even for a hike in the

salary workers had to fight a long battle. But their pay hike never keeps pace with rising inflation.

In spite of these adverse situations and problems, workers have been able to get some of their

rights in some places, because of their collective strength by formation of unions. That leadership

is emerging from within the community is a significant factor in effective mobilisation.

Among the Safai Karmacharis women are more in number. Women do the daily, monotonous,

laborious jobs. They do not resist, do not retort, do not waste time smoking like men, and it is easy

to handle them, and keep them subdued. Women of the lower castes are still more vulnerable,

which makes it easy for profiteers,

How these women workers are oppressed socially and in work place is discussed from a gender

perspective in greater detail in the following chapter.

The third chapter concludes with a detailed description of the inhuman conditions in which they

work. The fourth chapter discusses the condition of the Safai Karmachari women within their

families.

References

1. Krishnan, Maitreyi and Clifton D’ Rozario. 2006 Solid waste management and

Pourakarmikas. (Unpublished)

2. Manusmruti: verses 44 to 56, chap 4, 2004, samaja pustakalya, Dharwad-1

3. Tiwari, Rajnarayan. 2008. Indian journal of occupation and environmental medicine,

December 2008-volume 12, issue-3

4. WP (civil) no.583 of 2003: p.16, 17 & 18

5. The Prohibition of Employment of Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act 2013,

published by Socila welfare Department of Karnataka State

Newspaper Articles

Meera Iyer: The state of sanitation in India, January 20, Deccan Herald.

http://www.asepsis.org/blog/2015/10/5/the-state-of-sanitation-in-india-part-2-history-of-

sanitation-and-water-treatment-in-india

https://www.indianeagle.com/travelbeats/history-of-toilets

The Hindu ‘Shravanabelagola latrines run afoul of manual scavenging law,’ Satish GT Hassan,

January 27, 2018

The Hindu ‘Panel orders closure of insanitary toilets in Shravanabelagola’, Satish G.T Hassan

January 31, 2018