Won with Blood: Archaeology and Labor sStruggleusers.clas.ufl.edu/davidson/Historical archaeology...

Won with Blood: Archaeology and Labor’s Struggle

Randall H. McGuire

Published online: 9 April 2014# Springer Science+Business Media New York 2014

Abstract Traditionally when Americans went to work they expected that they wouldearn a reasonable wage, work in a safe environment, put in a 40 h week, collect paidvacation days, earn sick leave, have the right to organize and receive health andretirement benefits. Increasingly, however, fewer and fewer workers receive these rightsand today only a minority of people in the United States work under these conditions.The decline in real wages, benefits, rights and safety experienced by twenty-first centuryAmerican workers has correlated with a decline in organized labor. Corporations and theright have assailed unions to erode worker’s rights and “increase competitiveness” in aglobalized, neo-liberal, capitalist, world. The attacks on unions spring from a monstrouslie, that politicians and corporations gave labor these benefits and thus workers no longerneed unions. On the battlefield of public policy, these assaults on organized labor workin a fundamentally ideological way that calls the continued existence of unions intoquestion. In this paper, I will discuss how archaeological studies of labor’s struggle canreveal that contrary to the monstrous lie, workers and their families won worker’s rightswith blood and that solidarity and organization remain essential to maintain these rights.The paper begins with the present state of labor’s struggle and looks to the past toconsider its preconditions. Archaeologists have studied strikes, the lived experience ofworking class life and class war to study history backwards and these studies contributeto the labor’s struggle for the future.

Keywords Class struggle .Working class . Fast capitalism

If the workers took a notion they could stop all speeding trains;Every ship upon the ocean they can tie with mighty chains.Every wheel in the creation, every mine and every mill;Fleets and armies of the nation, will at their command stand still.Hill (1923, p. 5).

Int J Histor Archaeol (2014) 18:259–271DOI 10.1007/s10761-014-0256-3

R. H. McGuire (*)Department of Anthropology, Binghamton University, Binghamton, NY, USAe-mail: [email protected]

Introduction

For much of the twentieth century Americans went to work expecting that they wouldearn a reasonable wage, toil in a safe environment, put in a 40 h week, collect paidvacation days, earn sick leave, have the right to organize for collective bargaining, andreceive health and retirement benefits. Increasingly, however, fewer and fewer workersreceive these rights and today only a minority of people in the United States work underthese conditions. The decline in real wages, benefits, rights, and safety experienced bytwenty-first century American workers correlates with a decline in organized labor.Corporations and the right have assailed unions to erode worker’s rights and “increasecompetitiveness” in a globalized, neo-liberal world, of fast capitalism. The attacks onunions spring from a monstrous lie, that politicians and corporations gave labor thesebenefits and thus that workers no longer need unions. On the battlefield of publicpolicy, these assaults on organized labor work in a fundamentally ideological way thatcalls the continued existence of unions into question.

Archaeological studies of labor’s struggle can reveal that contrary to the monstrouslie, workers and their families won their rights with blood and that solidarity andorganization remain essential to maintaining these rights. Archaeologists have studiedstrikes; the lived experience of working class life and class war to study historybackwards and these studies contribute to labor’s struggle for the future.

Fast Capitalism in the Twenty-First Century

Twenty-first century capitalism is an accelerated, hyped up capitalism, a fast capitalismthat holds a more profound sway over the peoples of the earth than it ever has before.For most of its existence, capitalism expanded by incorporating non-capitalist regionsof the world. Today, virtually no corner of the world lies outside of capitalism’s controland capitalists can no longer significantly inflate profits by incorporating new regionsand peoples. Capitalism now expands by speeding up its processes and by penetratingall aspects of social life.

The globalization of the modern world is neither new nor unique. Capitalism beganas a global phenomenon (Wallerstein 2000). What has changed is the speed of globalcapitalism. The rapid expansion of information technologies (including computers,software, satellites, fiber optics, and the Internet) has transformed the global economiclandscape (Agger 2004). These expansions accelerate capitalism both in terms of speedand reach. Advances in transportation, such as container ships, allow goods to beproduced wherever in the world wage rates are lowest. The new information technol-ogies allow technical, clerical, and even professional services to also seek the lowestwage anywhere in the world. To make a profit firms must cut wages and overhead.Workers who do not accept less lose their jobs as whole industries hop around theglobe. The pressures to deliver all goods and services at the least possible cost createhypercompetitiveness. This process erodes workers rights and benefits and proletari-anizes professional occupations including archaeology.

Fast capitalism expands by oozing into every nook and cranny of society to createnew needs. Powerful capitalists in business, education and government embracehypercompetition to make market principles the dominant ethic for all social relations.

260 Int J Histor Archaeol (2014) 18:259–271

They evaluate all social relations in terms of costs and benefits and by the bottom lineof profit. Their success corrodes socially derived moral frameworks and politicalprograms (Holmes 2000). Hypercompetition leaves slight place for anything that doesnot produce profits. Capitalists’ search for profit transforms virtually everything intocommodities to be produced at the lowest cost and to be sold in a competitive market.

Fast capitalism has eroded and diminished workers rights as shown in US Departmentof Labor Statistics. Most workers now work either substantially less than 40 h a week(they are part time), work substantially more (forced overtime), or worse, work multiplepart time jobs totaling more than 40 h a week. The percentage of workers receivingemployer sponsored health insurance began declining in the 1980s and continues todecline today. Over the last 30 years the number of workers who get paid vacation andthe number of days they receive has fallen. Also, workers take fewer and fewer of thevacation days they are given. The only thing that has improved for workers over the last30 years has been their safety as work place injuries and deaths have declined. However,this may only reflect themassive decline of heavy industry in the same period. As theminedisasters at the Sago Mine in 2006 and in the Upper Big Branch Mine in 2010 demon-strate, companies still subject workers to unnecessary risks to increase profits. Unionsstand in the way of fast capitalism. As of 2011, only 11.2 % of workers belonged tounions, down by 53% from 1973, when 24% of American workers belonged to unions. Itis not a coincidence that between 1973 and 2011 real working class wages in the USremained essentially flat even as worker productivity rose by 80 % (Fleck et al. 2011).

We should not be surprised therefore that those who advocate fast capitalism andwho benefit from it wish to do away with unions. They justify their opposition with amonstrous lie. They argue that unions are an anachronism and that workers no longerneed them because companies already provide benefits and the government protectsworkers from exploitation. They use this lie to justify federal legislation passed in thelast decade that seriously hampers the ability of unions to organize workers. Stategovernments in many states including Wisconsin, Iowa, Indiana, Ohio, and Michiganuse this lie to justify stripping public workers of the right to collective bargaining.

The Archaeology of Class Struggle

Archaeology can reveal the duplicity of this lie and make tangible the historic struggles ofworking families. Archaeology offers a very productive arena for examining the relation-ships among social consciousness, lived experience, and material conditions in classstruggle (Shackel 2009). Scholars often have difficulty finding detailed, systematic dataon the realities of the day-to-day home life and work experience of working families.Archaeologists can integrate documents and material culture to capture both the conscious-ness and material conditions that formed the lived experience of working families (Barileand Brandon 2004; Beaudry 1988, 2007; Beaudry and Mrozowski 1988; De Cunzo andHerman 1996; Delle et al. 2000; Leone 1995; Leone and Potter 1988, 1999; Little 1992).

Class Struggles in Everyday Life

The struggle of working families goes on in the home as well as in the work place.People live class in their day-to-day lives and the shared consciousness for class action

Int J Histor Archaeol (2014) 18:259–271 261

comes from the common experience of working families. As several striking Coloradosteelworkers once told me, families make the decision to strike at the kitchen tablebefore workers in the union hall vote to ratify that decision and walk out.

In the early twentieth-century coal mine camps of southern Colorado, MargaretWood (2009) showed how women in the home took in boarders to add to the familyincome as evidenced by many large serving vessels and the myriad tin cans in the trash.When the company forbade boarding after the 1913–14 strike women shifted fromtaking in boarders to gardening and home canning and broken jars and lids replaced tincans and large serving vessels in the trash (Fig. 1). In the post strike era, the ColoradoFuel and Iron (CF & I) company tried to use the locus of the home to reinforcecompany ideals related to class, family, and “American” identity. They built companyhouses and camps to underline and reinforce unity, cooperation, and identity. Women inworking families took up practices, such as home canning, to co-opt and alter theoriginal intentions of the built environment and thus altered this structure in ways thecompany did not foresee or desire.

In Arizona, Bassett (1994) discusses how the federal government employed Apachemen on the Roosevelt Dam Project from 1905 to 11. The Bureau of Indian Affairs(BIA) saw wage employment as a means to assimilatethe Apache to Anglo society.With this mind, in 1902, the BIA cut off rations to the San Carlos Reservation to forcemen into wage work. When construction began on the Roosevelt Dam in 1905, Apachemen went to work on the project. Apache women tended the wickiups they had erectednear but apart from the project’s construction camps. Here the women maintainedtraditional Apache practices to resist assimilation. They integrated canned goods, flourand lard with traditional Apache foods such as rabbits, acorns, yucca fruits and deer.When someone died, they ritually killed (slashed or punctured) their pots, pans, saddlesor shoes just as they would have done to aboriginal ceramic pots and buckskin clothing.The women grouped the wickiups in clusters that included their mothers, sisters, andaunts to maintain the Apache custom of matrilocality. Through these actions theytransformed the BIA’s instrument of assimilation including artifacts, activities (includ-ing wage work), and foods, into uses and relations that reinforced Apache culture.

Fig. 1 Canning jars from Berwind, Colorado


Working peoples commonly employed the weapons of the weak, evasion, footdragging, pilfering, and vandalism in their struggles. In the documentary record,systematic evidence for covert acts of workplace resistance are often obscure.Archaeologists have used artifacts to reveal these everyday acts of defiance especiallyinthe transformation of craft work into wage labor serving machines. This conversionoccurred in almost all aspects of US industrial production at the turn of the twentiethcentury. And, in all most all cases workers opposed this demeaning of their skills andthe tedious routinization of their work.

At the John Russell Cutlery Company in Turner Falls, Massachusetts, archaeologistsNassaney and Abel (1993) found evidence of such acts. The company was founded in1833 and for almost 50 years it employed artisans to make each knife by hand. In theearly 1880s, the company built a new plant that deskilled knife production by breakingdown production into steps and mechanizing as many of these steps as possible.Workers no longer made knives but rather served machines that made knives.Excavations in and around the factory yielded spoiled knives and imperfectlymanufactured parts. The archaeologists argued that these artifacts represented industrialsabotage by workers to resist the deskilling and devaluing of their work.

Shackel (2000) found archaeological evidence of similar industrial sabotage at thebottling works that served the Harpers Ferry brewery in Virginia. In the last decade ofthe nineteenth century and the first decade of the twentieth century, the owners of thebrewery mechanized and deskilled beer production resulting in increased accident ratesand worker dissatisfaction. Archaeologists monitoring the stabilization and rehabilita-tion of the building found over a hundred empty reusable bottles stashed behind walllath in the structure. They interpreted this as evidence that workers surreptitiously drankup the company’s profits and then hid the evidence in the walls. They also found morethan 1,000 broken refillable beer bottles that workers had dropped down an elevatorshaft.

The Archaeology of Class War

For most of US history, when working families rose up to fight for labor rights theybled and died in strikes, lock outs, union rallies, protest marches and back alleys.Strikes and other actions of labor struggle rarely lend themselves to archaeologicalanalysis because they tend to leave little in terms of material remains. However,archaeologists working in Blair Mountain, West Virginia, Lattimer, Pennsylvania andLudlow, Colorado have found unique opportunities to study some of the majorincidents of class war in US history. Their work springs from the realization thatattacks on labor have intensified in the wake of fast capitalism and it responds to thelabor movement’s renewed interest in these historical events. More than any otherarchaeological work, they reveal the monstrous lie that Capital freely gave rights toworkers.

In the late summer of 1921, striking coal miners in Logan County, West Virginia,marched to demand the right to join the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA).Company gun thugs and the West Virginia National Guard met them at Blair Mountain.Thousands of armed workers advanced under machine gun fire to assault entrenchedthugs and West Virginia National Guard troops, even as planes circled over headdropping bombs on them. This was class war. We do not know how many of the


Appalachian miners fell to the machine guns and bombs on Blair Mountain butestimates range from 50 to 100. Today archaeologists Brendon Nida and HarvardAyers are working to do a battlefield analysis at Blair Mountain and have joined withthe UMWA to try and protect the battlefield from mountain top removal (Nida andAdkins 2010).

The archaeologists have been systematically surveying the battlefield looking forevidence of rifle pits and artifacts (Fig. 2). They are also examining the battlefield withmetal detectors looking for spent bullets, cartridges and other metal items. Applyingballistics analysis to the bullets and cartridges they can identify the caliber, type ofweapon and even the specific rifle or pistol that fired each round. The cartridges markwhere the weapons were fired from and the bullets the place where they were fired at.By combining this data with documented and oral first person accounts, the archaeol-ogists can reconstruct the ebb and flow of the battle (Patel 2012).

Archaeologists Shackel and Roller (2012) are using an archaeological battlefieldanalysis to study class war in the anthracite coal fields of Pennsylvania. In September of1897, 400 striking, unarmed, coal miners marched to Lattimer, Pennsylvania, with theintention of setting up a picket line to shut down a coal mine there. The county sheriffwith more than 80 heavily armed men met the strikers on the edge of town. Almost allof the strikers were immigrants from Eastern and Southern Europe. The sheriff askedthe strikers to abandon their march and when they refused a gun went off. The sheriffand his men began firing into the crowd of fleeing workers killing 19 and wounding 38.

Shackel and Roller did a systematic visual survey and metal detector surveys of themassacre site to plot the distribution of bullets and cartridges (Fig. 3). They integratedthis field work with archival study, oral history and ethnography to reconstruct in detailthe events of that day. The archaeologists argue that the massacre reflected and wasmade possible by xenophobic fears of immigrants that were common in late nineteenth-century America.

My own contributions to archaeology and labor’s struggle have been with theLudlow Collective and the archaeological study of the Colorado Coalfield War of1913–14 (Saitta 2007; Larkin and McGuire 2009). In April of 1914, members of theColorado National Guard opened fire with machine guns and rifles on a UMWA strike

Fig. 2 Machine gun at Blair, WV, 1921 (with permission K. King)


camp full of women and children. The strikers fought back and the pitched battle lastedthrough an entire day until the National Guard troop swept through the camp lootingand burning it to the ground. When the smoke cleared the next morning it becameapparent that 21 people had died. Among the dead were two women and ten childrenwho suffocated to death in a pit dug beneath one of the tents burned by the soldiers. An11th child died from a National Guard bullet that pierced his brain. Following themassacre at Ludlow, enraged strikers attacked and burned company towns and killedcompany employees. They besieged the Colorado National Guard in two camps. Classwarfare raged for 10 days until Federal troops restored order.

The Ludlow Massacre Site, offers a unique opportunity to use archaeology in thestudy of the labor struggle (Larkin and McGuire 2009). In many ways it is the perfectarchaeological site: a short-term occupation destroyed by fire and only slightly dis-turbed afterward. We excavated the remains of the burned strike camp and in thecompany town of Berwind where many of the strikers lived before coming to theLudlow camp (Fig. 4). In Berwind, we dug deposits that dated to before and after thestrike. By examining everyday life before the strike, we know better why people wentout on strike. A look at this experience in the UMWA tent camps gives us a glimpse ofwhat life was like during the strike, and a look at the objects used daily after the strikereveals how that experience changed as a result of reforms that followed the strike.

The striking mining families in the southern Colorado coalfields struggled to gainsome of the rights that we now expect for workers. They sought fair and equitablecompensation for their work. They asked for a reasonable wage, that the companies notrequire them to do work without pay and that the companies measure their work effortin an accurate manner. They demanded that the companies comply with Colorado laborlaws that protected their safety in the mines, required that the companies pay them withmoney and not script or credit and that they not be required to work more than 8 h aday. They wanted the companies to cease interfering in their lives outside of the work

Fig. 3 MikeRoller andBevHendricks excavating at theCanal Street Site in Lattimer, Pennsylvania, Summer 2012


place so that they could choose where they shopped, what clubs or associationsthey participated in, what literature or entertainment they enjoyed and who theyassociated with on their own time. Most importantly, they sought the right tojoin unions and engage in collective bargaining. At Blair Mountain, Virginia,and in Lattimer, Pennsylvania, workers struggled for the same labor rights. Inthese three places and at many others, men, women and children died in the struggleto win labor rights.

Working families lost the 1913–14 strike in southern Colorado just as they lost the1897 strike in Pennsylvania and the 1921 strike in Virginia. In southern Colorado, theminers went out on strike several more times in the 1920s. Violent strikes such as thesecharacterized labor actions in the Untied States until the New Deal of the 1930s whenall workers in the United States finally won the rights that the strikers had died for atLattimer, Blair Mountain, and Ludlow. From the 1930s to the 1970s workers madegains in their rights. Throughout this period women, people of color, and their alliesstruggled to expand these rights to all workers regardless of gender, race, ethnicity orage. Since the late 1970s, advocates of fast capitalism have eroded and diminishedthese rights.

Archaeology as Remembering

The history taught in the schools of the United States rarely if ever includes discussionsof class struggle. More typical are explicit statements that class war never occurred inour country (Durrenberger 2007). The Blair Mountain Project, the Lattimer Project, andour work at Ludlow, demonstrate how wrong this history is. These projects use the craftof archaeology to unearth the remains of class war and make it material and indisput-able in our modern context. This exhumation also becomes a form of memory wherebypeople remember the sacrifices that were necessary to win labor rights. Just as thestruggles for those rights were contested in the past, we find the attempts to maintainthe memory of that struggle also disputed.

Fig. 4 Archaeologists laying out an excavation grid at the Ludlow Massacre site


In Pennsylvania, Shackel and Roller (2012) have framed their research as a form ofmemory to remind the modern residents of the anthracite region of their immigrantheritage. This memory has particular importance as modern residents have embracedxenophobic fears of recent Latin American immigrants. Large numbers of theseimmigrants have recently moved into the region to work in warehouses located inHazelton, Pennsylvania, adjacent to the Lattimer Massacre site. The town of Hazeltonhas passed an anti-immigration ordinance that blames Latin American immigrants forincreased crime in the town, for overwhelming public services, and for diminishing thequality of life in the community. The ordinance attempts to punish employers for hiringundocumented migrants and to prevent landlords from renting to them. The archaeol-ogists have been using their study of the massacre to help the modern descendents ofthe late nineteenth-century Eastern and Southern European immigrants to understandthe discrimination that the new immigrants experience.

At Blair Mountain, the memory of the 1921 battle lives in the local community. Nidaand Adkins (2010) have set up a museum to preserve and expand that memory. Theyhave also participated with local groups including the UMWA and the Blair MountainHeritage alliance in marches and demonstrations to prevent the Massey EnergyCompany from doing mountain top removal and destroying the battlefield. As part ofthis struggle, they nominated Blair Mountain to the National Register of Historic Placesand in March of 2009 the National Park Service added the site to the register. Within9 months, under pressure fromMassey Energy and organizations that lobby for the coalindustry, the park service removed the site from the register. On October 1, 2012, afederal court upheld the removal of Blair Mountain from the National Register ofHistoric Places (Nyden 2012). It is the only site to ever be removed from the register.

At Ludlow, we share the remembrance of the sacrifices that working families madewith the UMWA. The union erected a monument to the Ludlow dead in 1918. Themonument sits adjacent to the death pit where the women and children died andincludes statues of a grieving miner and his wife. The UMWA holds annual memorialservices at the monument. From 1996 to 2009 we made presentations on our research atthe annual Ludlow memorial service. As I write this, Dean Saitta sits on the statecommittee managing the centennial remembrance of the massacre and other projectmembers are also actively involved with the centennial. We developed a travelingexhibit that was sent to union halls around the country (Fig. 5). We published in thejournal of the UMWA and in the American Federation of Labor-Congress of IndustrialOrganizations labor history journal. We developed a web site both the UMWA and theAFL-CIO linked to their web sites. In 1998, when steelworkers from locals 2102 and3267 in Pueblo, Colorado, walked out to stop forced overtime, they made Ludlow asymbol of their struggle (Fig. 6). We addressed strike rallies to reinforce the memory ofLudlow and attended union dinners in the steel workers hall in Pueblo (McGuire 2004).They won their strike in 2004. At one memorial service, Yolanda Romero, the wife of aminer and then president of the local union’s women’s auxiliary commented on ourwork. She noted that the passing of the participants in the strike had severed thepersonal connections to the events and reduced them to the dry stuff of books. Shefound that our work remade that connection as we allowed her to touch the things thatthe strikers had held and to follow the path of the massacre on the ground.

Archaeology can and has demonstrated that capitalists did not freely give workersthe rights that many take for granted today, such as the 40 h week, respect in the work


place, union representation, health and retirement benefits and a safe work place.Rather working people paid for these rights with their lives and the lives of theirchildren. The contemporary importance of this message is simple. Because capitalistsdid not freely give these rights and because workers won them only through greatsacrifice, we must continue to struggle to keep them.

We can use archaeology to remember the sacrifices of working people and memoryleads to action as working people see their contemporary struggles as a continuation ofthe struggle at Ludlow. Archaeology also engages us in shared experiences withworking families. Shared experience builds solidarity. Solidarity is a unity of interests,purposes, or sympathies among members of a group. It produces a fellowship ofresponsibilities and interests. Building, maintaining, and advancing solidarity oftenrequires compromise and the putting aside of conflicting identities, interests or goals.

Fig. 5 Rank and file union members and Cecil Roberts, President of the United Mine Workers of America,discussing the traveling archaeology exhibit at the Ludlow Massacre memorial service

Fig. 6 Striking steelworkers marching into the Ludlow Massacre memorial site


Solidarity entails a political commitment that some archaeologists who advocatecommunity consultation or even activism wish to avoid. As LouAnn Wurst andStephen Mrozowski argue in the introduction to this volume, archaeologists oftenemphasize partnerships with others simply because it serves our research interests.Other archaeologists have taken the simple sentimentality of doing “good” as a route toactivism in an attempt to avoid the dilemma of whose interest to serve and what changeto make in the world (Little 2011). These approaches do not entail solidarity. As Hale(2006, p. 115) has noted, joining the struggle of others requires a scholar to embrace thecontradictions that the people they serve confront. Solidarity is not a comfortable ornecessarily coherent position and can involve compromises that may be compromising.

Solidarity implies a long-term commitment to the people and causes we work with.Long-term commitments by their very nature bridge private and professional lives. Along-term commitment to activism should also lead scholars to assist in communityinterests beyond the craft of archaeology, archaeological questions and the archaeolo-gist’s needs. In the United States today, Republicans have launched the most sustainedand effective attack on workers’ rights and unionism since the early decades of thetwentieth century. Those of us who believe in these things need to fight this attack notonly with trowels and whisk brooms but also with a sustained commitment and politicalaction at the local and national level.

There are many in the United States who wish to forget or destroy the memory of thesacrifices that working families made for the rights we enjoy as workers today. Labor’sstruggle occurs in the remembrance and forgetting of history just as it does in court

Fig. 7 Restored monument to the victims of the Ludlow Massacre


rooms, on the shop floor, and on picket lines. Working in southern Colorado we heardmany times that the UMWA should let go of Ludlow and we all should forget whathappened there. Arguments against unions in the contemporary economy argue thatlaws now protect worker’s rights and that unions should be forgotten with the past.

As in Virginia and Pennsylvania the memory of the struggle and sacrifices ofworking families at Ludlow is contested. On May 3, 2003, someone used a sledge-hammer to decapitate the granite miner and his wife on the UMWA monument to theLudlow dead. For working families in southern Colorado, the symbolic violence of thebeheadings was a visceral reminder of the real violence of the massacre of women andchildren at Ludlow. Cecil Roberts, president of the UMWA addressed the 2003memorial service where he declared “This is our Vietnam Veterans Memorial, ourTomb of the Unknown Soldier, our Lincoln Memorial” (Saitta 2004, p. 85). Hedescribed the Ludlow dead as “American Heroes” and “Freedom Fighters” who hadwon with blood the basic workplace rights so many Americans take for granted today.He vowed that the monument would be restored. On June 5, 2005, over 1,000 rank-and-file union members, the UMWA’s executive board, officials of other unions,politicians, visitors and archaeologists gathered to rededicate the restored memorial(Fig. 7). The site of the Ludlow Massacre remains a living memorial and a reminderthat workers’ rights were won with blood.

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