James River High School

Women in the Mongol Empire:

The Influence of Women’s Labor Positions on Their Personal and Political Freedoms

Savannah Quick

Independent Studies

Mrs. Castelo and Mrs. Reinke

May 26, 2015

Introduction

Quick 1

Men have overwhelmingly dominated the field of history. Historical records often fail to

substantially explore the lives of women. The dominance of men in the field of historical study,

coupled with the general disregard for social analysis that does not focus on great men of

history, creates an idea that women did not participate in history. The only mention of women in

history books tends to include short blurbs about their everyday lives or a brief description of a

woman who achieved an abnormally remarkable position in her lifetime. These women, briefly

included in history, are anomalies. Only recently have historians attempted to discredit the idea

of a past exclusively filled with passive and insignificant homemakers in order to study the social

conditions of women in older societies.

Examining the lives of women in the post-classical era draws attention to the relative

freedoms and influence of the Mongol women, especially when compared to their sedentary

neighbors. Virtually all societies within the post-classical period upheld a patriarchal social

structure. Men in such societies dominated political, economic, and social institutions with

varying degrees of intensity. The role of women in patriarchal societies tended to differ

dramatically between nomadic and sedentary societies. Nomadic societies, while still typically

patriarchal, frequently practiced more egalitarian behavior. The Mongols, while still functioning

within a patriarchal social structure, practiced a system with looser restrictions on women.

This Mongol anomaly serves as an example of the variation in women’s history among

different societies. By examining the lives of Mongol women and the freedoms that they

experienced within the context of Mongol society, one can understand why these women held

more freedom than their neighbors. The underlying cause of this social difference currently

applies to the different social experiences of women in modern societies. Parallels are apparent

between modern global social conditions and Mongol society in that the contributions women

make towards the economic goals of society consequently impact their freedoms. Mongol

women fulfilled labor positions valued as necessary for the economic prosperity of society,

Quick 2which allowed them to fill more powerful social and political positions compared to women in

neighboring sedentary societies whose domestic roles were not as highly regarded due to their

lack of immediate economic importance.

Mongol Customs

The Mongols existed primarily along the Mongolian Steppes in Northeastern Central

Asia prior to the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. They engaged in a nomadic lifestyle that

required the participation of everyone in intense physical labor (Berger). Warm summers and

extremely cold winters characterized the environment of the Steppes. With limited availability of

food that could be foraged or farmed, nomadism was necessary (Bold 25). Pastoral nomads

such as the Mongols moved seasonally in search of water and more areas for their livestock to

graze (“The Mongols in World History”). Constant movement along the Steppes in intense arid

conditions required the mobility and harsh physical labor associated with Mongol society.

Before the unification of the Mongols under Genghis Khan, the Mongols lacked a single

cohesive state and instead organized themselves into a loose tribal structure. These Mongol

tribes often claimed a common heritage but were only vaguely bound by blood. When Genghis

Khan rose to power and unified these tribes, he radically changed the structure of the tribal

bonds. He reorganized the tribes of the steppes and encouraged strong, loyal bonds to his

commanders and to himself (Lane, Daily Life 28). The Mongols typically chose leaders through

the practice of tanistry, electing those who proved themselves to be the worthiest of the ruling

family (Lane, Daily Life 27). In addition, they followed a set of flexible inheritance rules. Sons

inherited ulus; portions of land and the subjects that lived in the territory. The oldest son

inherited ulus farthest from the homeland and the other sons inherited ulus with approaching

proximity to the homelands. The youngest son inherited the camp and possessions in the

homeland (Lane, Daily Life 30). This organization helped the Mongols efficiently manage their

growing empire.

Quick 3

Figure 1. "Mongolian ger." Photos/Illustrations. Dreamstime.com. Daily Life through History. ABC-CLIO, 2015. Web. 22 Mar. 2015.

One of the reasons that Mongol women held such ownership and authority over their

homes stemmed from Mongol marriage practices. Mongols actively participated in polygamy,

though the average man only married one woman. If a man married more than one woman, a

chief wife was chosen among them. She held a higher social status than the other wives and

her sons were generally chosen to continue the bloodline. The accumulation of wives to reflect

an individual’s social status was especially prevalent among the upper class as marriage

required men to present a bride’s family with a dowry or make arrangements to perform a type

of service (Lane, “Mongol Women”). In this sense, women were still treated as somewhat of a

commodity. Arranging marriage for the purpose of sealing a political alliance was also common.

Wives could even be inherited by their husband’s sons of a different wife (Van Ruysbroeck).

However, some women were able to decide to remain widows upon their husband’s death

(Lane, “Mongol Women”). They were able to reject the advances of a new suitor and easily live

without a husband. The nature of having multiple wives who each demanded a space of their

own in an environment where the population constantly needed to mobilize created the idea that

Quick 4a yurt was the woman’s home. A man with multiple wives needed to visit each of them and

rotate homes accordingly. The economic system of the Mongols demanded constant travel that

did not allow for the creation of large settlements where wives could live together. Instead,

homes needed to remain small and light enough to transport around the Mongolian Steppes.

Such conditions required a husband to visit whichever individual wife’s yurt he wished to stay in

for the night. This creates a system of a husband’s temporary residence in his wife’s home and

allows her to claim ownership of her yurt and maintain her position within the home.

Women in Relation to Their Male Counterparts

Women fully participated in all forms of public life in the Mongol Empire. Their daily tasks

were extensive and often outdoors; they exclusively drove the wagons, loaded and unloaded

those wagons, saddled horses, assigned loads to animals, and assembled the yurts. They

milked cows, made butter and curds, cured skin, prepared leather, made shoes, made clothing

(Lane, “Mongol Women”), as well as conducted all market activities (Berger). Concerning the

role of men, Marco Polo stated “[they] all lead the life of gentlemen, troubling themselves about

nothing but hunting and hawking, and looking after their goshawks and falcons, unless it be the

practice of warlike exercises” (“Marco Polo: Mongol Customs”). Even female clothing tended to

reflect a longer version of the clothing worn by men (Van Ruysbroeck). As men and women

performed similar tasks, they required similar forms of dress practical for their environment. The

similar form of dress indicated a common need for men and women to engage in the same

forms of labor. Ultimately, women made almost everything used in everyday activities and in

doing so, ensured the continuation and expansion of the empire (Monte Corvino, Ruysbroeck,

and Dawson).

The nomadic nature of Mongol life required women’s work be mobile and outdoors.

Mongol women did not have permanent homes in the same way that women in neighboring

sedentary societies did. Because of their harsh lifestyle, women needed to participate in intense

Quick 5physical labor that required them to interact in the public sphere, rather than the domestic,

private sphere. Mongol societal conditions required that women take responsibility for the care

and transportation of yurts; however, it was not expected that women would remain confined

within the yurts because the entire population needed to focus more energy on working to

sustain the population by engaging in varied and overlapping forms of labor in order to expand

Mongol society.

Mongols expanded the empire through conquest, often done on horseback. Horseback

riding was an essential skill for all Mongols, including women. They rode in the same fashion as

men and frequently carried arrows and a bow (Monte Corvino, Ruysbroeck, and Dawson).

Women could fight for the Mongols and emerge as decorated warriors. Some were even known

to act as commanders. Female warriors could also receive the honorific title of Baatar. In

English, the word Baatar approximately translates to hero; a title considered one of the highest

honors that one could receive. It described a person who demonstrated great acts of bravery

and dedication in the name of the empire (Berger).

Women also participated in celebrations with the same vigor as men. When performing

in sporting competitions, women matched men and even held undefeated titles in sports

competitions (Berger). All sorts of these celebrations included vigorous drinking. Mongols mostly

drank fermented mare’s milk known as kumiss (“Marco Polo: on Mongol Customs”). Drinking

competitions between men and women were common and women were known to become

publicly intoxicated alongside men (Monte Corvino, Ruysbroeck, and Dawson). No strict social

codes regarding the way women behaved in public existed to limit women’s presence in the

various aspects of Mongol society.

Within the Khanate, Mongol women held substantial political power and influence. They

often called and actively participated in the kurultai, a meeting commonly called in the

Mongolian steppes regarding the election of Khans and other important political matters

Quick 6(Berger). The ability to influence these meetings demonstrates the kind of political power

women wielded. The kurultai was culturally significant and determined the fate of Mongol

politics. A role in political processes is essential in evaluating the status of women in a society. If

women are able to participate in regulating the functional processes of the society, they can

further advocate for their own rights. According to Mongol customs, women were fully capable

of political participation.

Despite the lack of social and political limitations generally placed on Mongol women,

they were still primarily responsible for the care of children. The expectation of motherhood was

common in all patriarchal societies, including the Mongols. Raising children was a task

considered almost universally female. However, due to their unique societal conditions, the

raising of children typically involved teaching them ways to thrive in Mongol life. Women raised

the children and instilled important cultural values so that as adults, the children would

contribute to society while still upholding cultural traditions. Mongol women began teaching

children skills such as how to use bows and arrows as early as three years old (Berger). They

raised their children in their own image to fight and work for the good of the society. Mothers still

openly participated in public life and taught their children skills that would prepare them for the

difficulties of nomadic life. Even in raising children, Mongol women continued to actively

participate in the public sphere.

Genghis Khan

The political aspect of Mongol culture allowed women to directly fill powerful positions

within society. Genghis Khan established a precedent of powerful women actively engaging in

Mongol political life that carried on throughout the evolution and expansion of the Mongols when

he formally founded the unified Mongol Empire. He united the Mongols into a collective nation of

people, contrary to the loose tribal system that had previously existed. His policies created a

framework for how the empire would continue politically after his death. It is important to study

Quick 7the female influences in his life and how they affected the way he treated women politically

because of the legacy and example his political decisions left concerning the governance of the

Empire.

Genghis Khan, born to Yisugei and Ho’elun, was originally named Temujin. Growing up,

Temujin had three younger brothers and a younger sister from the same mother. He also had

other half-siblings from a different mother (Rachewiltz 13). When Temujin was approximately

thirteen (Abbott, 50), Yisugei took him to the Olqunu’ut people looking for a wife (Rachewiltz

13). On the way, they met Dei Secen of the Onygirat whose daughter, Borte, eventually married

Temujin (Rachewiltz 14,15). As was custom, Yisugei made an agreement with Dei Secen to

leave Temujin with him as his son-in-law (Rachewiltz 15). On the way back, Yisugei met enemy

Tatars who recognized him. He was either poisoned or fatally injured by the group and left soon

after to finish making the journey home. By the time he reached the yurt, he felt sick and called

for a companion to tell him what had happened. Yisugei told him to take care of his family and to

bring Temujin back shortly before passing away (Rachewiltz 16).

After Yisugei’s death, the wives of Ambaqai Khan, Orbei and Soqatai, performed a

religious ceremony, the Qajara Ineru sacrifice to the elders (Rachewiltz 17). Lady Ho’elun

arrived late to the sacrificial meal and upon expressing her distress at being excluded, Orbei

and Soqatai demanded the Tayici’ut people, ”Leave these, mothers and children, in the camp

and move on without taking them along!” (Rachewiltz 17,18). Ho’elun was then abandoned

along with her children to live on the outskirts of the pastoral civilization (Berger). Ho’elun took

on the role of protector and provider for all of her children. She taught them how to survive

(Rachewiltz 19).

Temujin grew up with little positive male influence. Instead, he learned from the female

influences in his life. Ho’elun filled the role of protector and provider as well as mother. He

learned much of what he knew about survival from her guidance. She was also a strong

Quick 8strategist who proved an important influence in his early attempts at warfare. Temujin was

eventually elected a Khan around 1189 and took the title Genghis Khan upon his election as the

Great Khan (Weatherford 13).

Genghis Khan often married off his daughters and female relatives into political

marriages with the intention that they would take control of the settled kingdoms incorporated

into the empire (Berger). Genghis Khan believed in using marriage alliances to further connect

other tribes and ensure their loyalty. However, he only married his daughters to allies he trusted

and never to a tribe he considered a rival (Weatherford 30). When Genghis Khan divided up

newly conquered land, he assigned sections to his wives who managed their own territories and

independent ordus (Weatherford 28). While typically only sons were awarded their own ordus,

Genghis Khan’s faith in his wives’ abilities often allowed them to take such management

positions. By assigning women he trusted to such powerful positions, he demonstrated a loyalty

to his female relatives and a respect for their own political abilities.

Notable Female Rulers

Women in the Mongol Empire wielded incredible leadership and influence. Men often left

for extended periods of time on political campaigns or hunting trips. During that time, women

took responsibility for the affairs of the empire. It was common for a wife to act as a more

immediate ruler than her husband during such periods of absence (McCaffery). Great female

leaders arose to conquer, fight, and rule over the Mongols. Leaders such as Ebus Kun, Oghul

Ghaimish, Sorghaghtani, Toregene, Qutlugh Terkan Khatun, Mandukhai the Wise, and many

others whose names have been forgotten in history ruled successfully as regent or in their own

right.

Sorghaghtani was born a noblewoman from the Keneyid Clan. After her husband,

Genghis Khan’s youngest son, Tolui died, her brother-in-law attempted to convince

Sorghaghtani to marry his son, but she refused (McCaffery). Instead, she chose to reject

Quick 9remarriage and decided to rule in her own right while simultaneously promoting her own heirs

(Lane, “Mongol Women”). Her rule extended over Northern China and Eastern Mongolia. When

Guyuk, the son of Ogadai, became Khan, he challenged her position and forced Sorghaghtani

to release her soldiers in a growing movement to remove women from power. In response, she

formed an alliance with Batu, the Khan of the Great Horde, and called for a kurultai where her

son, Mongke, became Khan. When the descendants of Ogadai rejected him because the

kurultai was held outside Mongolia, in opposition to Mongol custom, Sorghaghtani organized

another kurultai in Mongolia where Mongke officially became the Khan (McCaffery).

Sorghaghtani ruled successfully with direct authority for years, and when her authority and her

son’s future position was threatened, she took action to ensure her lineage would continue.

Mandukhai was the Khatun essentially responsible for reuniting the empire after it fell

apart. By the time she rose to power around 1470, the Mongol Empire was in shambles. The

lands of their transcontinental empire were all but gone, as they had been forced to retreat back

to their homelands on the steppes (Weatherford xv). After enduring a century of political unrest,

Mandukhai was responsible for bringing order back to her people (Weatherford xvi).

Examples of female leadership in this context demonstrate the influence that

noblewomen were able to yield. Noblewomen were expected to be able to handle the daily

affairs of an empire. Such women were expected to hold the empire together during times of

unrest. They often fostered peace and prosperity during their time; Qutlugh Terkan Khatun ruled

the Iranian provinces of Shiraz and Kirman from 1257 to 1283 and created a golden age in

Kirman history (Lane, “Mongol Women”). Women were not typically elected to fill political

positions; however, it was understood that they were responsible for ruling during the absences

and campaigns of their husbands.

Comparison Between Mongol Women and Women in Neighboring Societies

Quick 10Although Mongol women tended to experience more personal and political freedoms,

women in neighboring societies were often placed under more restrictions that limited their

ability to participate in society. Before the Mongols invaded China to create the Yuan dynasty,

the Song dynasty was one of their sedentary neighbors. Women in the Song dynasty were not

expected to lead extensive professional lives outside the home. They frequently did their work

inside or around the home, especially those who participated in the practice of foot binding

which physically prevented them from working outside of the home. Typically, they had to find

alternatives to working within bureaucratic systems in order to influence their lives and the lives

around them. Upper-class women were the daughters or spouses of men that aimed to fill high

positions in government. Education was more available to them than the women of the lower

class because these women were expected to help their sons learn. This, however, does not

mean that they went to school. They were often educated within the home along with their

brothers by a tutor, by their parents, or by a governess. Girls were not typically allowed to

interact with boys from outside their families in public settings. Instead, they were able to use

education in advising their husband, managing the family, and educating their children

(Bossler). Lower class women were able to gain practical skills associated with family trades

such as sewing and cooking due to their economic status and the needs of their family.

Confucian values deeply shaped the ideas of the proper behavior of women in Song

China. Confucianism stressed the importance of order and propriety. Each member of society

had a place and duties to fulfill. A woman was seen as essential to the family and most of her

duties centered around caring for her family. She was expected to maintain chastity and

obedience. In fact, the three obediences that women were expected to follow stated that, “As a

child a woman should obey her father; as a married person, her husband; as a widow, her son.”

A woman’s duty entailed acting obediently and caring for family life in order to maintain integrity

Quick 11and honor. Such values ensured that a woman’s life within Song China remained focused

around the home where she could properly fulfill her duties (“Confucianism: Woman’s Way”).

Similarly, their contemporaries in Southwest Asia also practiced excluding women from

the public sphere. The Abbasid Caliphate developed in Southwest Asia in 749 C.E., when the

Abbasid family overthrew the Umayyads and Abu al-Abbas as-Saffah became the Caliph, until

1258 C.E. when the Mongols came to power (“Abbasid”). The position of women in the Abbasid

Caliphate is often difficult for historians to critically examine due to the distinct lack of material

that discusses the daily life of women in the Abbasid Caliphate. The majority of information

concerning women of the period comes from the hadith and legal documents as well as

literature (Keddie 30).

Unlike the previous era, Abbasid women typically did not appear in records concerning

the battlefield, mosques, or as key contributors to social functions (Ahmed 79). At the beginning

of the establishment of Islam, the prophet Muhammad was born and lived from 570 C.E. until

632 C.E. He grew up in a nomadic tribe and married Khadija, a widow who inherited her own

business (“Muhammad”). The very roots of Islamic society developed with the prophet

Muhammad. As demonstrated by the rights and property held by Khadija, the beginnings of

Islam developed in a nomadic society where women initially held property and ownership rights.

A shift in this type of public activity can be observed when the Caliphate was established and as

it became more sedentary and focused on expansion. By the time of the Abbasids, women held

far fewer rights.

After the fall of the Umayyads, the women of the Abbasid Caliphate slowly became more

secluded from public life. Increasingly negative views of women from the Umayyads are

reflected in the increasingly conservative interpretations of the Quran abundant in the religious

and legal texts from the period. In the most prominent piece of literature of the Abbasid time,

The Thousand and One Nights, women are presented as unfaithful and often deceitful. The

Quick 12story began with a Sultan named Shahriyar who, upon learning of his first wife’s affair, decided

to punish the unfaithfulness of women by taking a new bride each night and killing her each

following morning. A woman named Scheherazade, daughter of the grand vizier, decided to

marry the Shahriyar in an attempt to end the punishment. She told him the first stories of the

Arabian Nights but ended each story at its climax so that he would keep her alive another day to

hear the end (“Arabian Nights”). Within these stories, many women are portrayed as submissive

and dependent. Even Scheherazade, kept alive in the story by her resourcefulness, was valued

far more for her storytelling than her inherent worth as a woman. This idea of women being

valued more for their appealing traits rather than any inherent worth is reflected in the cultural

norms of the time. These norms partially resulted from the adoption of outside cultural practices,

such as the process of veiling, brought into the Caliphate from conquered areas such as the

former Byzantine and Sasanian Empires (“purdah”). The decrease of egalitarian behavior

continued to shield women from public spheres of life. Upper and Middle class women

especially were kept in forms of seclusion, such as guarded harems, during the Abbasid

Caliphate (Keddie 30). The widespread seclusion of women vastly differed from practices of the

Mongols and prevented Abbasid women from publicly engaging in certain social and political

aspects of society.

Mongol Expansion and Assimilation

Quick 13

Figure 2. Mongol empire. IMAGE. Encyclopædia Britannica. Web. 22 Mar. 2015.

As the Mongol Empire expanded, the vast quantity of land under Mongol control

necessitated the division of the Empire into four Khanates each controlled by one of Genghis

Khan’s grandsons.The Yuan Dynasty formed when the Mongols overtook China (see fig. 2).

Kublai Khan, a grandson of Genghis Khan, became the first emperor of the new dynasty. The

Mongols were very resistant to assimilation into Chinese culture. Mongols despised the Chinese

and practiced formal discrimination against them. They created a class system which favored

ethnic Mongols followed by the semuren, often those from central and western Asia, and then

the Han ren and Nan ren, the ethnic Chinese from North and South China respectively, at the

bottom. Eventually, peasant rebellions in response to the discriminatory laws placed on the

Chinese helped dismantle the Yuan dynasty, and Zhu Yuanzhand became the first emperor of

the new Ming dynasty in 1368 (Lee).

Quick 14

Figure 3. "X-ray of bound feet." Photos/Illustrations. Library of Congress. Daily Life through History. ABC-CLIO, 2015. Web. 3 Feb. 2015.

During the Yuan Dynasty, the Mongol women who entered China refused to bind their

feet in the manner of Chinese women (Weatherford xiv). Foot binding is the process of binding

one’s feet in a manner that prevents normal growth and mutilates the feet so that they appear

smaller and more desirable in an effort to mimic the lotus flower (see fig. 3). Bound feet were

considered beautiful partially because of the way that they prevented a woman from working

and often walking. This indicated a higher status of wealth. The fact that many girls could not

walk also had more of a virginal appeal that was found attractive. Foot binding was a painful

process that even when healed tended to cause infection, muscular atrophy, and paralysis

(DeMello). Mongol women who came into China during the Yuan dynasty had no beauty

standards that required such a level of physical distortion. Their nomadic nature necessitated

that women constantly work outside to continue their lifestyle; they needed to be able to walk,

ride horses, work with herd animals, and occasionally fight in battle (Lane, “Mongol Women”).

The type of labor they engaged in affected their values and standards of beauty. Mongol women

rejected footbinding with such vigor because their customs valued women who could be

Quick 15involved in society and bring about prosperity by engaging in active forms of labor. The contrast

between the Mongol and Chinese societal expectations of women and their beauty standards

highlights the difference in regard women were shown in each society.

Furthermore, when Mongol women began to settle in Yuan China, they clung to the

public positions that they had always known. Mongol princesses and empresses typically

continued to live a very public lifestyle despite the private lifestyles that Song women in such

positions lived (Franke 37). Yuan legal texts also demonstrated some special regard for the

position of women. Under Yuan law, killing infant daughters, while not as heavily punished as

killing infant sons, was still heavily punished in an effort to deter the practice. Other standards

were initially set aside to protect certain marital rights and implement Mongol views on marriage

(Franke 38). Even when Mongol women became more integrated in the daily life of Yuan China,

they resisted cultural bindings that they viewed as inferior. Some of the perceived inferiority was

due to the discriminatory attitudes of the Mongols toward the Chinese, but much of it was also

because of their distinct difference in values. Their understandings of beauty, ideas of admirable

behavior, and expectations of women were fundamentally different because the Mongol

economic need for women to engage in the public sphere did not exist in China.

Similar to the subdivision of Yuan China, the Ilkhanate was created as a subdivision of

the Mongol Empire in 1258 C.E. until 1394 C.E. over contemporary Iran, Iraq, and Northeastern

Turkey (See fig. 2). It was established by Hulegu, the grandson of Genghis Khan and brother of

Kublai. The Great Khan Mongke ordered Hulegu to move his conquests across Southwest Asia

and to push as far as Egypt. He made it through most of Syria, but eventually was pushed out

again due to counter attacks by the Mamluks. Upon taking Baghdad, the capital of the Abbasid

Caliphate, the Mongols were able to dismantle the remains of the former Abbasid Caliphate and

create the Ilkhanate (“Ilkhanate”).

Quick 16Mongol customs drastically differed from the customs of the former Abbasid Caliphate,

especially in terms of gender relations. Upon the formation of the Ilkhanate, Mongol women

brought their relative freedom with them. Initially, they even retained a fair bit of political power.

Indeed, during Mongol rule, women were more able to engage in public positions. They could

fully participate in administration and could also yield great political influence as the relative of a

ruler, and in certain cases, were able to rule for themselves (Keddie 48). In fact, some of the

activities of the wives of the Mongol Ilkhans were even recorded in Rashid al-Din’s Universal

History, which defied the norms of the time by mentioning the activities of women (Keddie 49).

Concerning the experience of Mongol women in the Ilkhanate, historian Maira Szuppe states,

Among the Mongols and Ilkhans...female members of ruling families enjoyed a

privileged position. They were entitled to a share of booty and had the right to

participate in the quriltay, the all-Mongol assembly. Not only did they become

regents of their minor sons, but also under certain circumstances they could

themselves lay claim to the throne. Even after Islamization progressed...women

retained much of their social position (qtd. Keddie 49).

Especially among the elite, women of Mongol tradition were able to retain their standing in

Ilkhanate society.

Mongol attitudes towards the people in the Ilkhanate vastly differed from that of the Yuan

Dynasty. The Mongols despised the Chinese and strove to prevent cultural assimilation, as

reflected by the discriminatory laws established against the Chinese (Lee). This attitude was in

stark contrast to the attitude of Mongols concerning the incorporation of many other newly

conquered territories. Typically, Mongol policies encouraged assimilation across cultural

boundaries of societies incorporated into the Empire. In the Ilkhanate, Mongol customs and

culture quickly came together with Islamic and Persian traditions (Gilli-Elewy, Hend). Over time,

Quick 17the assimilation of the Mongols into the sedentary society resulted in the decline of the status of

women.

The Ilkhanate adopted Islam as the official religion around the early 13th century, quickly

after the Ilkhanate was established. Still, the status of women, specifically Turco-Mongol

women, remained exceptionally high. Even with the adoption of Islam and the growing

acceptance of the local cultural traditions, the majority of Mongol women did not participate in

the practice of veiling until the second half of the fourteenth century. The adoption of Islam also

helped spur the adoption of a more sedentary lifestyle for some Mongol women of the Ilkhanate.

Other Mongol women resisted sedentary life and clung to nomadism throughout the period

(Gilli-Elewy, Hend). As the Ilkhanate continued, a divide between the status of women who

embraced sedentary life and those who attempted to remain somewhat nomadic became

apparent.

While Turko-Mongol women as well as elite, ruling women did initially experience high

societal freedoms, many native women of the common class did not experience a significant

long-term rise in status. Overall, the presence of the Mongols did not alter the general cultural

norms concerning women in the Ilkhanate. This becomes increasingly apparent when

examining the fate of the women who began to embrace the sedentary lifestyle of the native

population. The embrace of this lifestyle is characterized by the increase of the overall seclusion

of women. Women became increasingly excluded from social and political activities. Elite

women resisted the trend towards isolation longer than most common women, reluctant to give

up the powerful political positions they had come to know (Gilli-Elewy, Hend). Despite this, with

time, increasing numbers of powerful women became more secluded and usually were only

able to exert influence from within the harem rather than in the public political sphere (Keddie

50). Only the women who actively resisted sedentary lifestyle and chose to continue nomadic

Quick 18life from within the Ilkhanate continued to be active in the public sphere during the entirety of the

Ilkhanate (Gilli-Elewy, Hend).

Economics and Gender Roles

As seen in the aforementioned societies, female labor tends to be held with differing

value depending on how directly it affects the economic prosperity of a society. Unpaid domestic

work such as raising children, cooking, and caring for the household does not visibly contribute

to economic production (Elborgh-Woytek et al. 8). These kinds of tasks are undervalued and

often considered the expected norm in terms of women’s ability to work in patriarchal sedentary

societies. If women work in any other capacity, it is expected that her household duties are still

her primary concern. When women are strictly confined to these roles, they are frequently

forced to spend the majority of their time fulfilling domestic tasks, which limits their ability to

partake in other facets of the labor market (Elborgh-Woytek et al. 8). This leads to the idea that

women are obligated to spend the majority of their time working within the home as opposed to

actively participating in other public activities.

Female household labor is often characterized as less strenuous than any other form of

labor. It is considered more dispensable, trivial, and far less physically demanding. With this

connotation of weaker work, women who participate in this type of labor are by extension also

considered weaker (Berk). This leads to a devaluation of their character and contributes to the

distrust of women. If women are only capable of participating in marginal labor, women then

become incapable of participating in certain public activities that seem to require those with

strong traits such as intelligence and moral character. When women are forced to engage

exclusively in this variation of labor, their work becomes undervalued and considered inferior,

which prevents them from fulfilling important social and political positions outside of the home.

The inability to engage in the public sphere of society inhibits women’s social and

political freedoms. When women are able to work outside of the home, they are exposed to

Quick 19more socialization and are able to view the results of their labor in a way that holds more

personal value (Miles 129). When women are able to see the immediate value of their work,

they can more easily assure themselves of their own ability. Women who are forced to strictly

work in household labor positions due to their societal conditions are often unable to leave the

home and socialize with others. This inability to socialize publicly removes women from the

forefront of most forms of social and political activity, and thus removes women from history.

Modern Application

Currently, female labor force participation is significantly lower than male participation

worldwide (Elborgh-Woytek et al. 4). Women also participate in unpaid labor much more

frequently than men; in fact, women spend twice the amount of time on household labor and

four times the amount of time on child-rearing compared to men (qtd. in Elborgh-Woytek et al.

8). Worldwide, “Average FLFP [Female Labor Force Participation] remains low at around 50

percent” (Elborgh-Woytek et al. 6). The participation of women in varied forms of the labor

market, especially in less economically developed countries, remains extremely low worldwide.

Without this participation from women, the economy of less economically developed countries

remains unfulfilled, and the majority of women are not recognized as being capable of

performing in non-domestic roles.

Cultural impediments also play a large role in preventing women from participating in

more varied forms of the labor market. Many countries face issues in the form of the devaluation

of women and girls which can limit the rights of said women. Some countries restrict the ability

of a woman to work independently, outside the home, without their husband or father’s

permission, or in a position considered naturally male-dominated. The same kind of attitude that

historically shielded women from participating in the public sphere of society can still be found in

the modern era. These restrictions hurt the economic development of the country. Overall, the

Quick 20restriction of female participation in market labor limits national economic potential (Elborgh-

Woytek et al. 10).

Conclusion

Within strict patriarchal societies, women are typically bound to the home in terms of

their opportunities for work and social interaction. However, Mongol women had no sedentary

home with which to be bound. The continuation of the Mongol way of life demanded the intense

physical, public labor of women. Women provided for the immediate survival of the society by

meeting the harsh demands of nomadic life in a way that reaped immediate economic benefits.

The necessity of this labor loosened confines upon women. Labor that is necessary for the

immediate continuation of a society is valued as far more important in a patriarchal setting than

exclusively domestic work. When the survival of a society depends on women engaging in the

workforce, women’s work is more respected, and the individual pursuit of higher societal and

political positions is more likely to be seen as natural.

Without strict confinements, Mongol women were able to participate in many varied

forms of labor. They were still expected to raise the children and take care of the yurts, but they

owned the yurts and controlled the happenings inside the yurts. Mongol women held the

ultimate authority over what went on in their homes (Berger). The ownership of their homes, of

their own property, and their ability to control what was allowed to go on within their yurts was

radically different from the homes dominated by women in sedentary societies. In sedentary

society, women took care of the home, but it certainly was not theirs to own.

The situation of Mongol women demonstrates an underlying trend in gender relations. When the survival of a nation’s economy relies upon the engagement of every able-bodied member of society, women participate in varied forms of the labor market outside of exclusively household-bound domestic labor. This participation outside the home and alongside men is still considered respectable because of the immediate benefit to the economy and the consequential survival of the society. Once women are able to engage on this level, they are free to pursue more ambitious individual political, social, and economic goals. In conclusion, the ability of women to participate in labor markets outside the home directly impacts their position in society.

Quick 21

Figures

1. "Mongolian ger." Photos/Illustrations. Dreamstime.com. Daily Life through History. 3

2. Mongol empire. IMAGE. Encyclopædia Britannica

13

3. "X-ray of bound feet." Photos/Illustrations. Library of Congress. Daily Life through

History.

14

Quick 22

Glossary

Abbasid Caliphate. Caliphate based on the Arab family descended from Abbas that lasted

from 749-1258 C.E. (“Abbasid”).

Ambaqai Khan. Mid-12th century Mongol ruler (Buell).

Genghis Khan. Unifier of the Mongols; first Great Khan; creator of the imperial Mongol Empire.

Great Khan. Varied uses, commonly denotes an imperial Khan (Buell).

Ho’elun. Mother of Genghis Khan (Rachewiltz).

Hulegu Khan. Founder of the Ilkhanate.

Ilkhanate. Subdivision of the Mongol Empire that centered on Persia from 1258-1394

(“Ilkhanate”).

Khan. Title that denotes a leader or ruler.

Khanate. Term that encompasses the area and people ruled by the Khan.

Khatun. Female version of a Khan.

Kublai Khan. Founder of the Yuan Dynasty.

Kurultai. Mongol political meeting (Weatherford).

Mongolian Steppes. Geographical region in Central Asia.

Ordu. Refers to a camp, sometimes the Khan’s collection of yurts.

Song Dynasty. Dynasty that lasted in Southern China until Mongol invasions overthrew the

dynasty in 1271 (Lee).

Tayici’ut. Nomadic tribespeople in Central Asia (Rachewiltz).

Temujin. Birth name of Genghis Khan (Rachewiltz).

Yisugei. Father of Genghis Khan (Rachewiltz).

Quick 23Yuan Dynasty. A Mongol-ruled dynasty that lasted from 1271-1368 (Lee).

Yurt. Tent-like Mongol homes.

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