WOMEN AND POLITICS: THE CHALLENGES OF WOMEN IN LEADERSHIP POSITION BY ALADETAN ABIONDUN (M.A, MIHD University of Benin).

ABSTRACT

In Nigeria, politics is presumed to be a mans turf, where No Woman Need Apply (NWNA) an unspoken slogan reminiscent of the discrimination against Irish nationals in 19th century Britain. This unwritten rule is one that only a small percentage of the female population has defied successfully. Politics can be said to be the act of making public choice and making decision on behalf of people through the medium of the State and its apparatus. It is accepted that for development of any kind to be successful, women, who make up a larger proportion of the population, should not be left out, because there is no doubt that both men and women have some potentials and rights to contribute meaningfully to the development of their countries throughout the world, Africa inclusive. It is against this backdrop that it has become important to interrogate the currency of the phenomenon, factors accentuating it and measures to reduce phenomenon or engender a gender balance. The study shall engage Primary data which shall be collected through the use of in-depth interviews and well-structured questionnaires. However, secondary data involving extensive and thorough library research and examination of existing publications, existing reports and websites including reports from government agencies, international organizations, published and unpublished articles shall also be used to construct supporting reviews of the study. This paper is divided into five sections. Chapter one is the introduction while Chapter two deals with Gender relation in Nigeria politics. Chapter three highlights the performance of women in the 2011 general elections. Chapter four talked about huddle between Nigerian women and active participation in politics. And the last chapter gives findings and conclusion.

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTIONIn a society where men are the undisputed champion, a womans quest for attaining the very apex of societal vanguard becomes elusive if not an exercise in futility. If eventually she reaches the zenith of her career against all odds, such a giant stride is often rubbished by certain unfounded rumours and insinuations which bring discredit to her reputation.

Unfortunately, this anachronistic view and relegation of the female gender has succeeded in stagnating the growth and development of our country. It should be noted that, in any society where women are relegated to the background, such society will remain at the nadir of development among the comity of statesNo Woman Need Apply (NWNA) an unspoken slogan reminiscent of the discrimination against Irish nationals in 19th century Britain. This unwritten rule is one that only a small percentage of the female population has defied successfully.

Politics can be said to be the act of making public choice and making decision on behalf of people through the medium of the State and its apparatus. It is accepted that for development of any kind to be successful, women, who make up a larger proportion of the population, should not be left out, because there is no doubt that both men and women have some potentials and rights to contribute meaningfully to the development of their countries throughout the world, Africa inclusive. There is abundant historical evidence that African woman have for long been playing crucial roles in the politics of their countries. Many great women of yesteryears have helped in shaping African politics. They have played crucial roles in redeeming or elevating their countries (Mohamed, 2000).

Despite being a patriarchal society, Nigeria has a rich history of women breaking out of the mold to participate in politics. Our pre-colonial history is replete with the exploits of Queen Amina of Zaria, who led armies to drive out invaders from Zaria; and Moremi of Ile-Ife, whose sacrifice for her people speaks to selfless leadership that we are so bereft of these days. Our recent past speaks of prominent women leaders like Funmilayo Ransome Kuti, a crusader and challenger of despotic leaders, who led Egba women on a protest against taxation; Margaret Ekpo, a prominent civil rights activist; and Hajia Gambo Sawaba, who championed the cause of the oppressed in northern Nigeria. Iyalode Tinubu of Lagos exemplifies the rich participation of women on the economic scene.

The legacies of these women are at risk of extinction. Even though an increasing number of women are finding their way into boardrooms and providing leadership for blue chip companies, the majority of women in Nigeria only minimally participate in economic development or politics. Female participation in decision-making is still a far cry from the Rwandan experience, where the economy rode to recovery on the backs of women. It is instructive to know that in some parts of our country, women were not allowed to participate until 1976 sixteen (16) years after Nigerias independence from Great Britain. There are nagging fears that the exclusion of women might continue indefinitely (Okome, 1997).

Equitable participation of women in politics and government is essential to building and sustaining democracy. Comprising over 50% of the worlds population, women continue to be under-represented as voters, political leaders and elected officials. Democracy cannot truly deliver for all of its citizens if half of the population remains underrepresented in the political arena.

Despite the effort being made by our sister countries in Africa to bridge the gap between men and women in politics, Nigeria government has not deemed it necessary to implement this. However, the recent election of female presidents in Africa, Latin America and Europe is being hailed by many as a seminal movement for the advancement of women in politics. The international community has encouraged countries to keep at least 30% seats in their national parliament reserved for women.

In Nigeria, the roles of men are more highly valued than those of women when it comes to politics. Women today are still seen as poor political/social problem solvers and therefore ineffective leaders. Despite the huge contribution they have made in developing the country, they are still sidelined in both elections and appointment into public offices. For instance, it has been observed that rather than blossom the activism of late Mrs. Fumilayo Ransome-Kuti, Hajia Gambo Sawaba and Margaret Ekpo, among others into politics which should propel Nigerian women to the fore front of governance, Nigerias independence has not witnessed much women participation in politics (Ogunleye, 1993)Democratic government is predicated upon freedom, justice and equal treatment of all citizens men and women alike, by the society (Nwabueze, 1993:2). This is because democracy presupposes equal opportunity platform for political participation and decision making process (Sodaro, 2001:27). Since equal political participation is sin qua non to democracy (Anifowose, 2004), a society cannot be truly democratized without the full and active participation of women who constitute about 50% of the population of each country. Incorporation of gendered perspective in policy making process is thus imperative for sustainable democracy. Gender equality is globally accepted as a requisite for achieving development and democratic governance that give men and women equal voices in decision-making, policy implementation and attaining MDGs (Ezeilo, 2008). Despite widespread democratization in most countries and the struggle by the feminist movements for the integration of gender balancing in the national politics of countries over the world however, women who constitute about 50% of Nigeria population still remain systematically alienated from politics and decision making process in the country (Agbalajobi, 2010 & Arowolo & Aluko, 2010). The phenomenon of women low participation in Nigerias politics became worrisome following the demise of military rule and then the transfer of power to a civilian democratic administration in 1999. Nigerian Government in its efforts to tackle this phenomenon of low womens political participation ratified some national and international instruments such as the Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in 1989 and adopted a National Policy on Women in 2000 (replaced by a National Policy on Gender Equality in 2007 and Platform for Action, the National Committee on Affirmative Action, the Additional Protocol to The African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa 2003, The African Union Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality 2004, The National Gender Policy 2006, etcetera (Akiyode-Afolabi & Arogundade, 2003; Ajayi, 2007). After three consecutive democratic change of government (1999, 2003 and 2007) however, gender inequalities, discriminations and stereotypes continue to exist in all spheres of the Nigerian polity, preventing women from developing and exercising their full human capabilities and to play a powerful role in sustainable democracy. The objective of democratic consolidation in Nigeria cannot be realized if the womenfolk who constitute about half of the national population continue to be marginalized.

It is against this backdrop that it has become important to interrogate the currency of the phenomenon, factors accentuating it and measures to reduce phenomenon or engender a gender balance.

RESEAESH METHODOLOGYThe study engaged survey research method. Primary data were collected through the use of in-depth interviews and well-structured questionnaires. However, secondary data involving extensive and thorough library research and examination of existing publications, existing reports and websites including reports from government agencies, international organizations, published and unpublished articles are used to construct supporting reviews of the study.PURPOSE OF THE STUDY

The problem of women's right especially to participate in Nigeria politics is not new. It has been in existence for some period. Right from the day a woman is born, she is been faced with discrimination, exploitation oppression or subjugation of one form or the other. This paper discusses women's participation in politics and governance in Nigeria, in order to unravel the dynamics and factors that limit their visibility in the political system. Women's participation in politics in Nigeria has remained a contentious issue, despite many decades of struggle to improve their lot politically. Following an analysis of the ways in which gender relations shapes the lives of Nigerian women, and an extensive review of the trajectories of women's political participation in Nigeria, it is contended in this paper that a conundrum of factors, politics, militate against womens advancement.SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDYIn Nigeria, politics is presumed to be a mans turf, where No Woman Need Apply (NWNA) an unspoken slogan reminiscent of the discrimination against Irish nationals in 19th century Britain. This unwritten rule is one that only a small percentage of the female population has defied successfully.It is against this backdrop that it has become important to interrogate the currency of the phenomenon, factors accentuating it and measures to reduce phenomenon or engender a gender balance in the political arena in Nigeria.Politics can be said to be the act of making public choice and making decision on behalf of people through the medium of the State and its apparatus. It is accepted that for development of any kind to be successful, women, who make up a larger proportion of the population, should not be left out, because there is no doubt that both men and women have some potentials and rights to contribute meaningfully to the development of their countries throughout the world, Africa and Nigeria inclusive.CHAPTER TWO

GENDER RELATIONS IN NIGERIAS POLITICSThroughout the history of Nigeria, there has been varying levels of womens political participation. In pre-colonial Nigerian societies though womens political participation was not equal to that of men, the position of women in traditional political governance was complementary rather than subordinate (Mba, 1982:37; Nwankwo, 1996:20 & Ikpe, 2004:23; Akinboye, 2004:236; Ajayi, 2007; Awe, 1992:11). The complementarity role was however embedded in sex segregation, which determined gender position, status and power in the society and provided women their own spheres of operation and control (Olojede, 1990:82).

The advent of colonial administration however, destroyed the traditional systems of womens political participation in Nigeria (Allen, 1972; Omotola, 2007; Lewu, 2005:65; Mba, 1982; Ikpe, op.cit:30). The creation of patriarchal government by colonial administration, its gender policies and economic interests reinforced and generalized patriarchal values and perpetuated gender inequality in the country (Kamene, 1991, Olojede, 1999; Akinboye, 2004:237). The legislative council created in 1922 though with limited African representation for instance, is noteworthy in Nigerian political development. Yet the colonial government consciously excluded women from this council (Akiyode-Afolabi & Arogundade, 2003:77). These practices significantly marked the beginning of masculinity of politics and womens alienation from the mainstream Nigerias politics (Allen, 1972; Ajayi, 2007:138). In fact while women in South Western Nigeria voted for the first time in the nations electoral history in the 1959 general elections, their Northern counterparts did not enjoyed franchise rights until 1976, fifty-four years after the elective principle was introduced to Nigeria (Enemuo, 1999:232) Women political activism such as the Aba women riot against colonial tax policies of 1929/30, the Ngwa womens opposition against the municipalisation of their community in 1954, the Eastern Region womens opposition to new school fees in 1958; and the series of protests between 1946 and 1958 by the Abeokuta Womens Union led by Mrs. Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti though were invaluable in the countrys struggle for independence (Nwankwo, 1996:16; Adu, 2008:27),

However, the limited gains made by women did not translate into participation in decision making during this colonial period. Men dominated in the first political parties. Women did not feature prominently in the leadership of the Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP), National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC), Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM) and other parties during the nationalist era and after independence (Ahonsi-Yakubu, 2001:151). In the 1958 elections only Wurola Esan got appointed to the Senate of 36 members, while no woman was elected to the 312-member House of Representatives and none was in the federal cabinet (Nwankwo , 1996:17). The low participation of women in politics was also fostered by the nature of post-colonial politics. The ethnic and personality based, paternalistic and acrimonious politics of the post-independence era were detrimental to womens participation (Ojo, 2003; Aina, 2004:227; Ikpe, 2004:35). In the first republic, there were only four female legislators in the whole of the country, a number that was so negligible as to give women the necessary influence and they could not play any active role in decision-making process (Nwankwo, 1996:17, Omotola, 2007:37). The imposition of military, an era that followed this period from 1966 did not foster womens participation in politics and very little was heard of women at the helm of affairs (Anya, 2003). Military rule was an all-male affair and while it lasted women played only a peripheral role (Adeleke, 2002).

The year 1999 marked the beginning of a new dawn in Nigeria as it returned to civilian government after the demise of military rule. Women political participation though witnessed an improvement over previous experience; however, this new era saw women taking a similar low participation in the Nigerias political process. The 1999 general elections saw only 181 positions worn by women out of the 11, 881 available positions throughout the country (Akiyode-Afolabi, 2003:63). In the same elections there were only five (4.6%) women out of 109 senators elected into the Senate, while 13 (3.6%) women were elected into the House of Representatives of 360 seats i.e. 6.3 percent women representation in the national parliament (Ajayi, 2007:139). While there were 36 gubernatorial seats, no female featured. Nigeria had only one female deputy Governor Chief Kofoworola Akerele-Bucknor, deputy governor of Lagos State (1999 -2003), and of the 990 seats available for the States House of Assembly in the federation only 12 (1.21%) women were elected (Adu, 2008:27). At the local level, out of the 774 local government chairpersons across the nation, only 9 were women and 143 out of the 8,700 councilors were women (Babatunde, 2003; Anifowose, 2004:210).

The poor performance of women in this election was the basis for the national summit for all women politicians organized by the International Human Rights Law Group, Centre for Development and Population Activities (CEDPA) and Gender and Development Action (GADA) held on June 28, 2002 in Abuja with the objective of enhancing womens active participation in Nigerian politics (Akiyode-Afolabi & Arogundade, 2003:64). However, elections did not witness any significant improvement in these elections, only 21 (6.1%) women out of the 339 members, worn seats in the House of Representatives. Similarly, of 109 senatorial seats, only 3 (2.7 %) women were elected in to the Senate (UNDP Report, 2005:47; Ojo, 2003:16). The 36 gubernatorial positions in the federation had no woman and out of the 990 seats available for the States House of Assembly in the country, only 38 (3.84%) women were elected (Adu, 2008:27).In the 2007 elections, a total of 7, 160 candidates (both men and women) contested in the April elections. Of this number, only 628 women representing 8.8% of the total candidates participated. A total of 3,141 candidates contested for seats in the National Assembly. Of this number, only 209 or 6.7% were women. In these elections, 25 (6.9%) women out of the 358 seats were elected into the House of Representatives and 9 (8.3%) women out of the 109 seats were elected in to the Senate that is 7.3 percent women representation in the national parliament. While out of the 36 gubernatorial seats available, no woman was elected, there were only 6 women out of the 36 deputy-governors in the country. Of the 990 seats available for the States House of Assembly in the country, only 54 (5.5%) were women (INEC, 2007; Nigeria CEDAW NGO Coalition Shadow Report, 2008:10). Thus the percentages of women in the national assembly were 2%, 4% and 6% and in the States Houses of Assembly across the nation were 1.21%, 3.84% and 5.5% in the country in the 1999, 2003 and 2007 elections respectively. In terms of ministerial appointments, only 4 out of 49 ministers were women in 1999, 6 in 2003 and 7 in 2007 and 13 in the present administration. This is the highest so far.The 2011 general elections in Nigeria recorded a sharp drop in women representation, in spite of the numbers that came out for various elective positions. Nigerian women before the elections were highly motivated by the promises and measures taken by the federal government to lessen the difficulties they usually face in past polls. The measures which include the enforcement of the National Gender Policy that came into existence on 15 August 2008, with the

promise of providing women 35% affirmative action, was expected to offer them the chance to compete with the men and capture a good number of their aspired positions. The Nigerian Women Trust Fund inaugurated on 24 March 2011 in Abuja by the Ministry of Women and Social Development also offered a launch pad for female candidates at the poll. The 100 million naira Trust Fund was set up to help offset the campaign costs of about 230 female aspirants no matter their political parties.

In addition to these was the activity of the office of the wife of the president, Dame Patience Jonathan directed to the achievement of the political ambitions of Nigerian women in the 2011 elections. The first lady at the peak of the campaigns rolled out her programme, Women for Change Initiatives. The programme is aimed at encouraging and promoting the political ambition of Nigerian women as well as their socio-economic wellbeing. To display her seriousness Mrs. Jonathan embarked on rigorous tour of the 36 states of the federation, prodding the women to come out and make history. The zeal with which the presidents wife carried the message of change bolstered the hopes of

many women who came to the venues carrying placards declaring their intentions to contest a number of political positions.

Moreover, the fact that the Women for Change Initiatives rode on the presumed efficacy of the 35 % affirmative action, because of the presidents sincerity in its implementation, left no doubt of its practicability in the minds of the thousands of women that obeyed the clarion call. Sadly for the women, the result of the elections after the much touted 35% affirmative action believed to bring about gender parity showed a complete decline after all the positive efforts made since 1999. The fact that Nigeria has yet to achieve gender parity in political representation at the national level, let alone meet the target it set in the NGP1, emphasizes the position of Nigerian women as second class citizens in the nations politics as in every relation with men. After all the promises made women are still underrepresented.It is obvious from this analysis however, that womens political participation in the country still remains at a dismal level in spite of the affirmative actions and institutions of the government to encourage their participation, thus falling short of the desired result of giving women the opportunities and access to political advancement. Womens representation in the National Assembly currently stands at 6.9 per cent in the House of Representatives and 8.3 per cent in the Senate, far below the 35 per cent minimum representation stipulated in the National Gender Policy. Thus the perception that democracy would automatically boost women political participation has not been validated after nine years of return to civilian rule.

CHAPTER THREEWOMENS PERFORMANCE AT THE 2011 ELECTION.

The dismal performance of women in 2011 election (both the new entrants and those that were already occupying elective offices before 2011 and wished for a second tenure like their male counterparts) indicates that a lot have to be done if they must effectively transcend political power in Nigeria. The 2011 election was widely monitored by both Nigerian and International election monitoring bodies and this removed the element of bias in their collective judgment of the election as the lowest in female representation. In a review of womens participation and performance during the elections, Favour Irabor (2011) noted that women aspirants were more and audacious in 2011 unlike in 1999, 2003 and 20072. The total number of aspirants both men and women were 3306, with 3004 (90%) male and 302 (9.1%) female candidates. The increased number notwithstanding the women could not beat their 2007 performance. In the 2007 elections about 1200 women entered the contest, 660 won the primaries while 93 emerged winners. Out of these winners 6 were deputy governors, 9 senators, 27 members of the House of Representatives and 52 won the State House of Assembly seats. Even though this result was a great leap at that time and given the poor presence of women in the nations politics, it did not fill the yawning gap. The most important political seat after the Presidency

is the Legislature because of their important role of enacting laws of the land. However, with more men in that position, laws affecting issues of gender will always remain inequitable. The general believe among female politicians in Nigeria is that if more women are elected into the National Assembly, they would encourage and help in making laws against most of the problems retarding their progress. Many therefore bemoan the National Assembly result of 2011 where only 7 women emerged winners in the Senate out of the 109 members and 19 female representations in the House of Representatives out of the 360 elected members.

Moreover, only one woman emerged as a presidential candidate. This calls to mind the pathetic spot Sara Jubril (the only female presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party at the Partys primaries) found herself during the partys presidential primaries nomination. She contested for the Partys presidential nomination ticket with President Goodluck Jonathan (that was his first attempt to the position by ballot) and former Vice President Atiku Abubarka. Mrs. Jubril lost woefully, she had no supporters and the only vote she got was the one she cast for herself. Many see her inability to match the spending power of her opponents as the greatest challenge Nigerian women face in politics. The reign of political godfathers in Nigeria who bankroll anointed sons (always male) and do everything including buying votes to make sure they win, means that women will always come last. Women are yet to have a lot of money with which to earn the sobriquet political godmothers to be able to sponsor their political

daughters.

The British Council (2012) report further reveals that women lost some of the ground they gained in 1999 at the2011 elections. It noted that the low percentage of women elected to various positions in the 2011 polls especially in

the House of Representatives where women recorded a mere 9%, has earned the nation 118 position out 192 countries in terms of gender parity. The 9% representation of women lawmakers in the lower House puts Nigerian women representatives far lower than their counterparts from South Africa (43%) and Rwanda (65%). This collaborates the findings of the European Union on the elections that the performance of women in the National Assembly was a downward trend in comparison to 2007 electionswomen were generally represented as voters and among polling workers. The report reiterates the already known roles of women during elections that men are comfortable with which establishes women as active participants in the success of their male counterparts during elections.

TABLES ILLUSTRATING FEMALE REPRESENTATION FROM 1999-2011.9

Table 1: Women Elected to Public Office in Nigeria 1999-2011.1999200320072011

OfficeSeat

AvailableWomenSeat

AvailableWomenSeat

AvailableWomenSeat

AvailableWomen

President10101010

Senate1093(2.8)1094(3.7)1099(8.3)1097(6.4)

House of Reps3607(1.9)36036027(7.5)36025(6.9

Governor360360360360

State House of

Assembly CSHA99024(2.4)99040(3.9)99057(5.8)99068(6.9)

SHA

Committees

Chairpersons82918(2.2)88132(3.6)88752(5.9)887-

L.G.A

Chairpersons71013(1.8)77415(1.9)74027(3.6)740-

Councilors636869(1.1)6368267(426368235(3.7)6368-

Table 2: Women Elected to Political Office by Region (Nigeria)2011GovernorSenateHouse of RepsState House of Assembly

North-Central01215

North-East0144

North-West0112

South-East02621

South-South01412

South-West01815

Table 3: Participation by Gender in Elections by April 2011(NigeriaOffice ContestedGenderTotal

2011Female

CandidatesMale

Candidates

Presidents1(0)19(1)20

Vice presidents3(0)17(1)20

Governor13(0)340(36)353

Deputy governor58(1)289(35)347

House of reps220(19)2,188(341)2408

senatorial90(7)800(102)890

It is regrettable that although women constitute the greater number of registered voters in any of the elections held in Nigeria, they are yet to experience full representative positions. The role women play during the electioneering campaign and voting processes therefore demands that they be allowed to partake in leadership positions for their sacrifices to the success of the various political parties at the polls. Political appointments, supplementary seats in the National Assembly and enabling constitutional amendments to safeguard womens positions have been suggested as alternatives to female elective positions. These will remove from them the pressure of competing with the men

and allow more women to be involved in policy making. Abike Dabiri-Erewa, a member of the Federal House of Representatives, who was elected into office in 2007 and regained her seat in 2011, believes that it is a far better option. Politics to her is male dominated and appointive positions are better than elective positions.

Appointive positions apart from giving women the freedom to participate in the politics of the nation, will also reduce the unequal gender ratio where men surpass women at all times. The political analyst, Bisi Alabi Williams sees the 35% affirmative action as uneven while blaming the failure of elective positions for women in Nigeria on the difficult terrain of politics and the domineering attitude of the male folk apart from representation in elections, having women in appointive positions also helps to balance the equation. Given the results of the elections of 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011 which glaringly demonstrate that women in Nigeria are underrepresented, the above alternatives seem to be the best for the realization of gender parity in governance.CHAPTER FOURHURDLES BETWEEN NIGERIAN WOMENAND ACTIVE POLITICAL PARTICIPATIONLike many countries, Nigeria maintains a national democratic constitution, boasting inclusive and equitable access to political participation. It was expected that facilitating Nigerian womens admission to one-third of positions in governing bodies would enable women to reach a critical threshold in the pursuit of changes in gender equity and thus, womens empowerment (UNIFEM, 2003). However, the under-representation of Nigerian women in politics is both descriptive (that is, the number of women in political institutions is not reflective of the number of women in society) and substantive (that is, the unique perspectives of women are being heard in political institutions to ensure that womens needs, demands and interests are incorporated into political Afr Educ Res J 162 agendas) (Tremblay and Pelletier, 2000). When the reservation system was implemented, political parties were not necessarily inclined to support female candidates and the chances of being elected while not being a party member, or related to one, were slim.

Moreover, the gap between constitutionally-instituted rights and the conditions which enable women to recognize and embrace those rights often remains fragmented by the absence of politically-reinforced responses to womens daily needs and interests.

According to Nussbaum (2002), Nigerian womens under-representation in the public and social domain, against their male counterparts and the inability to

properly fit into political arena has affected Nigerian womens empowerment and social status. Without a more substantive conceptualization of female-male

relations, both inside and outside of the public domain, filling quota prescriptions risks contributing to routes of womens empowerment with outcomes observed by Nussbaum (2002) wherein is seen as the emergence of a new social underclass. Similarly, Lama (2001), Banerjee(2003), Bird (2003), and Jacquette (1997) document strategies for Nigerian womens empowerment which have necessitated the erasure of femininity within politics, the persistence of proxy-ruling and populist elections, and the regard for female leaders as goddesses imbued with a particular religious authority or vision. Moreover, the application of a gender lens to world politics reveals that today, when women do occupy political offices, they are often assigned to ministries dealing with the perceived soft issues of politics such as health and education, both of which are often shrouded under the hard political areas of defence, finance and international trade, all of which are currently dominated by men (Peterson and Runyan, 1993). The masculinization of certain domains in politics is frequently blamed for the marginalization of issues (such as comprehensive health care and education) which, when absent, are most apt to present women with destabilizing life conditions (Tremblay and Pelletier, 2000). While the strength and determination of Nigerian womens movements remain strong, the devolution of substantial political leverage is a complex and long process (Chaudhuri and Heller, 2002), for instance, the Aba women riot in 1929 portrayed the strength of Nigerian women in claiming their rights. Several impediments have been identified as limiting the participation of Nigerian women on the social, economic, and political fronts. These barriers are cultural, economic and legal.

Cultural mores

Men are the decision makers; women should be cooking in the kitchen while men play politics. Comments passed to Dorothy Nyone when she announced her intention to represent the Gokana area for the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (Frontline Women, 2007).Social conventions, values, and mores combine to maintain the stereotype of Nigerian women as kitchen dwellers who are only gatecrashers into spheres outside of their matrimonial homes. Women are socialized from birth to see their place as second to that of men. The birth of a male child is warmly received, to the extent that women often feel that their marriage is not secure until they give birth to male children. Cultural practices are often harmful to women. For example, burial rites in the eastern parts of the country ensure that women remain social outcasts: widows are forced to drink the bath water of their dead husbands as part of the mourning process.

Vesico Vaginal Fistula (VVF) results from the early marriage of teenage girls in the north. Victims of these cultural practices cannot participate socially as they are viewed as outcasts (Igbafe and Offiong, 2007).

Religion

Religion is an accomplice in the stereotyping of Nigerian women and reinforces the barriers that prevent them from participating politically, economically, and socially. For instance, in the northern part of Nigeria, women are held in Purdah in deference to Islam. Only their husbands have unfettered access to them and their movements are restricted to their quarters. They depend entirely on their husbands and families to meet their needs. The conditions of their lives can only be guessed at, as most households subsist below the poverty line. Religion ensures that a significant number of women are barred

from participating in politics (either as voters or as aspirants to elective offices) as well as economic activities.

Others factors include:

1. Patriarchal institutions that tend to push women back into the private sphere.

2. Cultural and religious socialization that considers Nigerian women as subordinates and men as their superiors. For instance, some religions do not allow women to go out in public and they can only communicate through the men.

3. Poverty: that is, women do not own resources; they are usually co-owners and as such property lies in the hands of men.

4. Illiteracy: The few literate women are usually marginalized and isolated by society.

5. Repressive nature of socialization and lack of self-esteem.

6. Womens multiple roles such as reproductive, productive and community roles.

7. Lack of general security that tends to affect women more.

8. Sexual and gender-based violence.

9. There is no universal civic education from a gender perspective.

10. Lack of solidarity among women.

Factors facilitating Nigerian womens participation in the political transition process include:1. Existence of political parties.

2. Existence of womens movements and synergies

3. Political will from government.

4. Gender-sensitive donors that tag financial support to womens participation in politics and governance issues.

5. Women who contribute actively in political campaigns or armed conflicts are rewarded with positions indecision-making.

6. Education of women, that is, educated women have more chances to participate in political processes.

NIGERIAN WOMENS PERCEPTION OF POLITICS

Politics a dirty and deadly game

Politics is perceived as a dirty vocation that is reserved for unrefined people who have little scruples with bending the rules and subverting due process. Nigerians are regaled daily with the details of the unsavory actions of members of the political class. Politicians are adept at manipulating the popular will of the people. Nigerian women in politics are seen as similarly corrupt. They are treated as deviants. Contesting for public office as a woman is often considered unladylike.

The strong demands of politics

Politics is time consuming and demands a great deal of attention. There are caucus meetings, primaries, campaign stumps, and fundraising. Participation often requires attending evening meetings. For women without supportive spouses, it is difficult to juggle conventional roles with an interest in politics. Some women in politics pay a costly price for their careers. The trade off may be

politics for marriage and marital happiness. Female politicians are often perceived to be divorcees and marital failures (Mohanty, 1988).

The high rate Violence and threats

One of the potential disincentives to participating in politics is the crudeness of Nigerian politics which brooks no opposition and resolves dissent by visiting violence on political opponents. The do-or-die nature of politics in Nigeria is barely veiled. Threats are made intermittently to warn opponents that when push comes to shove, the side with the monopoly of violence will own the day. The spate of politically motivated killings has not helped matters.

Funding

One of the frightening bogeys that politics conjures is the figure of a potbellied, avuncular male figure that holds court in a political party as a godfather. His role is not mentoring; rather, the godfathers role is to provide a robust war chest and clear the path for the selection of the godson or daughter for the contested office. In return, the godfather receives unrestricted access to the corridors of power and inflated contracts that are rarely executed. The election process requires tons of cash to buy votes and compromise consciences. Candidates without deep pockets or wealthy backers cannot actualize their dreams of contesting for public office. Nomination forms to contest for elective offices in most parties are very expensive. According to the Gender Empowerment Index, women in Nigeria earn 0.45 of a full salary, which may partly explain why they are reluctant to actively participate in politics. On the economic frontier, limited access to credit and finance also scuttles womens

dreams of participation.

Poverty

In Africa, poverty wears a womans face. - UNs Economic Commission for Africa. A corollary to funding is the stark poverty that confronts Nigerian women. Under stifling economic conditions, women have less access to education, credit information, skills, loans, and healthcare - all crucial to attaining financial independence. The combination of all these factors, added to the burdens of child rearing and housekeeping, conspire to keep women off the social and political scenes. In some cultures in Nigeria, women have no property or inheritance rights.

African women are said to own just one percent of the continents assets. This makes it difficult for them to access loans, as they do not have collateral.

CHAPTER FIVEFINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONFrom the foregoing, the findings derivable include more women participation in governance at the Federal and State governments above the local level, male domination due to low political consciousness among women- that is associated with cultural barrier, lack of economic base for women is a basis for poor attitudinal syndrome to achieving the 30 percent affirmative action declaration for women at the Nigerias grassroots.

By way of making recommendation, this study therefore beeps its search lights to areas that need to be given attention with the aim of creating opportunities for women to attain leadership positions in our local government areas. They include the following:

1. Beyond 10,811 political and contestable offices from local government councilor to the position of the President of Nigeria, the main obstacles stem from political structures, processes and parties as they determine political networks, potential benefits, reconciliation of parental and family responsibilities as well as the mobilization of women by the media (Schalkwyk and Woronick, 1998). The above-mentioned impediments can be ameliorated through the agents of socialization viz; the family, religious bodies, school, peer groups, work place, media and re-orientation of cultural norms.

2. At the level of political enlightenment, it should be pointed out that electoral system and education has been porous towards the women especially at the local government level. It must be stated emphatically that elections and results are products of manipulation by the ruling party, thus the urgency of having an aggressive re-orientation programs that are of course, vital and healthy for the survival of our democracy. Therefore, these programs when put in place for the rural women, which does not necessarily have to come during electioneering campaigns alone, should be geared towards enhancing their political, economic and socio-cultural consciousness. It can be carried out periodically in three stages1. Before elections

2. During elections

3. After elections

Poverty alleviation scheme becomes very germane for the purpose of enhancing popular and active participation of women in local governance through loans, subsidized agro-chemicals, and provision of good infrastructures backed by maintenance mechanisms. The failure of the 35 percent affirmative action puts women representation in the minority thereby relegating issues concerning women and gender equality at the border of our national development.Thus, the recent clarion call on world leaders to enforce the Affirmative Action found its way into the Nigerias political landscape with the setting up of the Uwais Electoral Reform Committee on 28th August 2007. On the basis of strengthening the compliance capacity of the committee on the said action, the electoral reforms process therefore gave new opportunities to actualize their Electoral and Constitutional Memoranda Committee, led by Honourable Beni Lar, the former House of Representative Chair on Women Affairs on 28th June 2008 at the ECOWAS secretariat, of which no fewer than seven amendments needed be made in the constitution as far as gender equity is concerned (Report of GEM). A deduction made here include late understanding of the political strength and place of women in Nigeria, failure to legitimize powers to women, and late passage of appropriate gender friendly bills to become laws have resulted in slow pace of women occupying political offices. . Thus, as the political circle is now heating up for the 2015 elections with each political party strategizing on ways of winning, making gender parity a reality should start through the practice of internal democracy . The achievement of gender parity at party level will automatically ease the way for women in any position they want. It should be part of the manifestoes of the various political parties. In the other hand the Women themselves need to work together like their predecessors by championing a common front and working towards achieving success in 2015 and beyond. They need to help one another, be there for each other in other to hasten their dream of gender equalityIn addition, as lack of proper planning contributed to the failure of the 35 percent affirmative action in the2011 general elections, to forestall a repeat government should plan against its failure in 2015 by making funds available to women and on time. Provisions of adequate security, reduction of late hour meetings as well as bequeathing on female politicians the respect they deserve will yield better result in 2015 elections. Although appointive positions are being advocated for, Nigerian women have the right to vote and be voted for. This therefore calls for more enlightenment programmes, training and support for aspiring female politicians in the form of the UNDP Democratic Governance for Development Project. The project which is part of a five- year US$80 million project aimed at consolidating and strengthening democracy in Nigeria has trained 2043 female politicians and

candidates on how to engage in electoral processes at all levels.21 Of greater interest is their choice of women in the rural areas with the firm believe that exposing women into mainstream politics must start from the local level. The initiative if undertaken by other NGOs would educate women more and better than the last minute election campaign sensitization programmes undertaken by government and political parties. Finally, until a lot of energy is put in the global fight for gender parity by making elections in Nigeria favorable to women, policies like the 35 percent affirmative action will remain what it was in 2011 general elections - a political fallacy.Conclusion This paper has critically demonstrated that more women are involved in governance at both Federal and State levels of government, particularly at the various houses of parliament. What happens at the legislative and executive arena is that men are the major occupant of political offices. It is on rare occasion that women are considered, as in the case of Abeokuta in the South West, Nigeria where a woman is local government counsellor in the President Goodluck Jonathans administration.

Arising from literatures and theoretical framework employed in this study, it can be established that women involvement in governance is just gaining ground, despite the popular declaration of 30 percent affirmative action in Nigeria, characterized by parochialism, poor attitude, low participation, and high deprivation tendencies. Marginalization of women in local governance is nothing but an elongation of male dominance in virtually all political affairs. As such, historical fact of this nature is strongly associated with the attitudinal views which had often impede the chances of women to having more political representatives at the various government levels in Nigeria.