WMR 2015 - Migration and Urbanization Paths: Reshaping the ...

2015

WORLDMIGRATION

REPORT

Migration and Urbanization Paths: Reshaping the Human Geography

of Latin America and the Caribbean

Fernando Murillo

International Organization for Migration (IOM)

Background paper

December 2014

2WORLD MIGRATION

REPORT 2015

Background paper

Migrants and Cities: New Partnerships

to Manage Mobility

TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. URBAN MIGRATION TRENDS IN LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN ..............................................51.1.Urbanizationandmigration:Interlinkedcauses ............................................................................51.2.Migrantcorridorsandregionalplanning .......................................................................................81.3. Migrationandurbangrowth ......................................................................................................17

2. LOCAL INCLUSION IN URBAN PLANNING ...........................................................................................262.1. Migrationandurbanizationtrendscreatedbythe“neweconomy”: Opportunitiesforpro-poorpolicies ............................................................................................262.2. The“righttothecity”approach .................................................................................................28

3. PUBLIC–PRIVATEPARTNERSHIPSFORSOCIALHOUSINGFORMIGRANTS..................................323.1. Remittancestosupportsocialdevelopment ...............................................................................323.2. Popularmigrantmarketsfosteringlocaleconomies ...................................................................36

4. SELF-HELPANDMIGRANT-LEDINITIATIVESFORSOCIALHOUSING ...........................................394.1. Displacedpopulationsinitiatingcooperationagreements ..........................................................394.2. Thecontributionofmigrantstodevelopment ...........................................................................40

5. CHANGINGTHEPRACTICEOFEVICTIONFROMINFORMALSETTLEMENTS ...............................435.1. Internationaleffortstopromoteinterculturalneighbourhoods .................................................435.2. Thenewgenerationofurbanplanningtools:Focusonhumanrights .......................................44

6. GOOD PRACTICES IN UPGRADING SLUMS ....................................................................................486.1. Participatoryframeworks ...........................................................................................................486.2. Promotingtheintegrationofmigrants ........................................................................................50

7. CHALLENGESANDRESPONSES:ACOMPARISONBETWEENLATINAMERICA ANDTHECARIBBEANANDSUB-SAHARANAFRICA .......................................................................53

7.1. Urbanization,migrationandslumformation .............................................................................537.2. Majorshiftsinpolicyapproachestodealingwithslums ............................................................57

BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................................................................59

3Background paper



LIST OF MAPS

Map1: MigrantcorridorsinLatinAmericaandtheCaribbean .........................................................10Map2: Netmigrationintheregion ...................................................................................................11Map3: MigrantcorridorthroughCentralAmericatotheUnitedStates .........................................12Map4: NetmigrationareasinCentralAmericaandtheCaribbean .................................................13Map5: MigrationflowsinCentralAmericatotheUnitedStatesandtoCostaRica .........................13Map6: PopulationdisplacementinColombia ..................................................................................14Map7: InternalmigrationflowstoSaoPaulo ...................................................................................16Map8: MigrationcorridorstoandinArgentina ...............................................................................17Map9: ExpansionofBogota,dominatedbydisplacedpopulations .................................................20Map10: UrbanexpansionofElAlto,Bolivia .......................................................................................21Map11: InternationalmigrationtrendsinthesouthernpartofBuenosAires...................................22Map12: MigrantagglomerationsinthemetropolitanareaofBuenosAires .....................................22Map13: MigrantconcentrationsbynationalityinthemetropolitanareaofBuenosAires ................23Map14: PovertyandmigrationbyneighbourhoodinBuenosAires ..................................................24

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure1: Classificationofcountriesaccordingtotheprevalenceofslums ........................................18Figure2: Typesofurbangrowthresultingfrommigrantflows ............................................................19Figure3: “Villa31”–Ahighconcentrationofinternationalandinternalmigrants .............................24Figure4: NewAndeanarchitectureinElAlto .....................................................................................37Figure5: Comparativeanalysisofdifferentneighbourhoodsusingthecompassmethodology .........46Figure6: UrbaninterventionsinMedellinassistingdisplacedpopulations ........................................49Figure7: CablecarconnectingLaPazwithElAlto,Bolivia ..................................................................52

LIST OF TABLES

Table1: StagesandcharacterizationofurbanizationandmigrationincitiesinLatinAmerica andtheCaribbean ..................................................................................................................7Table2: InhabitantsofmajorcitiesinLatinAmerica ...........................................................................9

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LIST OF ACRONYMS

CABA CiudadAutónomadeBuenosAires

CELADE LatinAmericanandCaribbeanDemographicCentre

COHRE CentreonHumanRightsandEvictions

DANE DepartamentoAdministrativoNacionaldeEstadísticas

DGME DirecciónGeneraldeMigracionesyExtranjería

DHS DepartmentofHomelandSecurity

ICRC InternationalCommitteeoftheRedCross

ICT informationandcommunicationstechnology

INDEC InstitutoNacionaldeEstadísticasyCensos(Argentina)

INE InstitutoNacionaldeEstadísticas

INEC InstitutoNacionaldeEstadísticasyCensos(Ecuador)

INEGI InstitutoNacionaldeEstadísticasyGeografía

IOM InternationalOrganizationforMigration

NGO non-governmentalorganization

UNDESA UnitedNationsDepartmentofEconomicandSocialAffairs

USAID UnitedStatesAgencyforInternationalDevelopment

5Background paper



1. URBAN MIGRATION TRENDS IN LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN

1.1. URBANIZATION AND MIGRATION: INTERLINKED CAUSES

Latin America and the Caribbean is themost urbanized region in the world, with 80 per cent of itspopulationlivingincities,aheadofAsiawith48percentandAfricawith40percent(UNDESA,2014).However,whenlookingatthepopulationtoterritoryratio,itistheleastpopulatedregionintheworld(World Bank, 2014). Historically, Latin America and the Caribbean has always receivedmigrants, andit is a regionwheremigrants from very different cultures have shaped urbanization trends. From thecolonialtimesofthefourteenthcentury,whentheSpanish,thePortugueseandslavesfromAfricabegantoarriveinLatinAmericaandtheCaribbean,untilthetwentiethcentury,whentheeffectsoftwoworldwarsresultedinlargenumbersofmigrantsmovingtotheregion,itbecameameltingpotofnationalities.However,thetrendchangedinthemiddleofthetwentiethcentury,whentherewasashifttoemigration,especiallyfromcertaincountriesandareas.Thereasonsforthisshiftaremany,includingunemployment,poor salaries,andsociopoliticalandenvironmental conflicts. It isestimated that, in2010,28.5millionLatinAmericanandCaribbeancitizens(equaltoabout4%ofthetotalpopulationoftheregion)werelivingoutsidetheircountryoforigin(Pizarroetal.,2014).1ThemaindestinationofthisemigrationhasbeentheUnitedStatesofAmerica,wherethemajorityofemigrantshaveestablishedtheirresidence,followedbySpainandCanada.Althoughtherehasbeenagreatdecreaseinemigrationfromtheregioninthepasttwodecades,therehasbeenanincreaseinmigrationbetweencountriesintheregion.

ThecountrywithhighestnumberofemigrantsisMexico(almost12millionMexicansliveabroad,whichisabout10%ofthecountry’spopulation).ItisalsoatransitterritoryforemigrantsofothernationalitieswhoaremovingtowardstheUnitedStates.AfterMexico,thecountrieswiththehighestnumberofemigrantsin total numbers areColombia,Brazil, El Salvador,Cuba, Ecuador, Peru, theDominicanRepublic,HaitiandJamaica.ThecaseofBrazilisimportantbecause,althoughitisoneofthemajoremigrant-producingcountriesinLatinAmericainabsolutenumbers,emigrantsfromBrazilrepresentaverysmallportionofthecountry’stotalpopulation(0.4%).Theirmajordestinationsarecountriesoutsidetheregion(UnitedStates,JapanandSpain).

Ontheotherhand, in1990,countriesinLatinAmericaandtheCaribbeanhostedatotalof7.1millioninternationalmigrants (1.3%of the region’spopulation),anumber thathasbeengrowing since2000,reaching 8.1 per cent in 2010 and 8.3 per cent in 2013 (UN DESA, 2014). Costa Rica is the majorreceivingcountryintheregion,withinternationalmigrantsmakingup9.5percentofitspopulationin2010.Argentinahas thesecond-highestpercentage,with4.5percentof itspopulation,or1.8millionimmigrants.Intraregionalmigrationoccursmostlybecauseofgeographicalproximity,andhistoricalandculturalfactors,especiallytheadvantageofhavingthesamelanguage.

UrbanizationinLatinAmericahasbeengrowingthroughmetropolitancities.Intheyear2000,theregioncontainedthreeofthelargestcitiesintheworld:SaoPaulo,MexicoCityandBuenosAires.However,thesemetropolisesfacethechallengeofdealingwithexpandingslums,wheremigrants,bothinternationalandinternal,fromdifferentsocialandculturalbackgroundslive.

Thesocioeconomicandterritorialdisparitiesacrosscountriesintheregionmustbehighlighted.Countrieswithahigher levelofhumandevelopment(suchasArgentina,ChileandUruguay)tendtohavehigherproportionsofthepopulationlivingincities.2Althoughvariousresearchsuggeststhattherecentshiftin

1 ThetotalstockofemigrantsiscalculatedbydividingthepopulationborninLatinAmericaandtheCaribbeanwhoresideinotherregionsbythenativepopulationwhoresidewithinLatinAmericaandtheCaribbean.

2 CostaRicaistheexception.

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theeconomicmodelfromindustrialdevelopmenttotradeliberalizationhasenabledruraleconomiestoretaintheirpopulations,evidencefromcensusesrevealsthatruralpopulationscontinuetomovetourbanareas(Rodriguez,2011).

TheruralpopulationofLatinAmericaandtheCaribbeanhasbeenshrinkinginabsolutetermssince1990.Takingintoaccountthefactthattheruralpopulationhasapositivenaturalincrease,itisclearthatthereissubstantialnetruralemigration.Thismeansthatthedevelopmentmodelhasnotaffectedruralemigration.

Latin America, with its vast rural territories, remains amajor exporter of agricultural goods and rawmaterialstotherestoftheworld.Theexportsoftheseresourcesareadministeredinlargecities,wherecompany headquarters are located, and through an emerging network of intermediary cities3 acrosstheregion.ThemajoreconomicblocsintheregionincludetheCentralAmericanCommonMarket,theAndeanCommunity(whichincludesthePlurinationalStateofBolivia4,Chile,Colombia,EcuadorandPeru)andMercosur,whichisledbyBrazilinpartnershipwithArgentina,Paraguay,Uruguayand,mostrecently,BoliviaandtheBolivarianRepublicofVenezuela5.

Theregionhassevencitieswithmorethan5millioninhabitants(RiodeJaneiro,Bogota,LimaandSantiago,inadditiontoSaoPaulo,MexicoCityandBuenosAires).Withstronginfrastructures,theyarecentresofinvestment, andwith leadinguniversities, centres of knowledge,whichmake themattractive to largenumbersofmigrants.

AccordingtoUN-Habitat(2012a),thenumberofcitiesintheregionhasincreasedsix-foldinthelast50years.Abouthalfof thepopulation live in citiesof fewer than500,000 inhabitants,while14per centliveinmetropolises,reflectingthegrowingimportanceofintermediarycities.Improvementsintermsofwatersupply,sanitationandpublictransportationinintermediarycitiesontheonehand,andtheseriousenvironmentalandsocialproblemsinmegacitiesontheother,canexplaintherecenttrendsinmigrationtointermediarycities.Althoughmetropolitancitiescontinuetoattractlargenumbersofmigrants,theratehasslowed,andinsteadmigrationflowstointermediarycitiesareincreasing.

Suchchangescontributetomorebalancedurbansystemsincountriesintheregion.Rodriguez(RodriguezandGonzalez,2006)concludesthat:“a)therelativeweightofintermediarycitieswithintheurbansystemissmallerthaninotherregions,particularlyinthedevelopedworld;b)thissegmentofcitiesishoweverthemostdynamicoftheurbansystemindemographicterms,anditsparticipationhasbeengrowingovertimeinLatinAmerica.”Alreadybetween1980and1990,thegrowthrateofintermediarycitieswasfasterthanthegrowthrateofmajorcitiesandfasterthantheoverallurbangrowthrate.Amongintermediarycities, thosewiththefastestrateofurbangrowthhavebeenthesmallerones(morethan50,000andfewerthan500,000inhabitants).Thistrendseemstohavecontinued,asshownintheriseofinformationandcommunicationstechnology(ICT);withsmallercitieshavingimprovedaccesstotheglobalmarket,significantnumbersofmigrantsfromlargercitiesaremovingtothesecities,seekingbetterpaidjobsandimprovedlivingconditions.

All of these changes in migration trends increase the level of human development in countries. Arecognizedgeneral trend is thecloserelationshipbetweenurbanizationpatternsandmigration,whichhasbeendeterminedbyeconomicactivities. In colonialtimes, townswereestablishedas commercialand administrative centres, attracting specific social groupswhoworked as traders or administrators.Industrialization resulted in a demand for more workers in cities and fewer in rural areas, therebyshaping rural–urbanmigrationpatternsandgiving rise to thephenomenonof themegalopolis,whichis restructuringnationaleconomies.Theshiftat theendof the twentiethcentury toeconomiesbeingdominatedbytheserviceindustrycreatedanewprofileofmigrants,nolongercomingmainlyfromthe

3 Intermediarycitiesareconsideredtobethosewithmorethan50,000andfewerthan1millioninhabitants.4 HereinafterreferredtoasBolivia.5 HereinafterreferredtoasVenezuela.

7Background paper



countryside,butfromothercitieswithinthesamecountryorabroad.Thisshifthasledtotheriseoftheintermediarycityas themajordestination for internaland internationalmigrants.The riseof ICTshasresultedintherelocationofeconomicactivitiesandhasgenerateda“neweconomy”basedontechnology,therebycreatingnewurbanizationpatternsandmigrationflows.

Theseurbanizationandmigrationpatternsandprocessesdifferacrosscountriesandareas in termsofeconomicactivities,physicalurbanstructuresanddemographicmovements,anddifferentcountriesareatdifferentstages.Howthiscomplexprocessemergesdefinesthevariouscausesoftheproblemsrelatedtosocio-territorialsegregation,andasaresultinnovativeapproachestourbanplanningarerequired.ThestagesandcharacterizationoftheurbanizationandmigrationpatternsaresummarizedintableI.

Table 1: Stages and characterization of urbanization and migration in cities in Latin America and the Caribbean

Date Urbanizationstage

Dominanturbaneconomic

activities

Urbanizationpattern

Migration MajorplanningchallengesOrigin Maindestination

Nineteenthcenturytotwentiethcentury

Growthofurbanfabrics

Commercialandadministrative

Townstransformedintocities

Internationalmigrationandmigrationfromtheareasurroundingthecity

Capitalcities Provisionofbasicinfrastructure

1900–1970 Urban expansion

Industrial Metropolises Ruralareasandinternationalmigration(duetoworldwars)

Metropolises Expansionofinfrastructuretosupportagglomerationofeconomies

1970–2000 Urban networking

Industrialandservices

MetropolisesandIntermediarycities

Cities(internalandinternationalmigration)andruralareas

Metropolisesandintermediarycities

Relocationofindustrialactivities;locationofservices

2000–2010 Regionalcorridors

Servicesplustheriseofinformationandcommunicationstechnology

Smallandintermediarycitiesandmetropolises

Metropolises(internationalandnational)andneighbourhoodswithinmetropolises

Smallandintermediarycities;andneighbourhoodswithinmetropolises

Segregationandfragmentation

Source:ElaboratedbytheauthorbasedondatafromUSAID,2010.

When towns grow to become commercial and administrative centres, the major challenge is theconstructionofbasicurbanservicesandmonumentstorecognizenationalandlocalidentities.Fromthefifteenthtothenineteenthcenturies,theeconomyintheregionwasessentiallyrural,involvingtheexportofrawmaterialstothecolonialpowers.However,withindependenceatthebeginningofthenineteenthcentury, most countries maintained the agro-exporter model, developing basic industrial activitiessupportedby infrastructuredevelopment,especiallyrailwaytransport. Inthetwentiethcentury,majorcities incountrieswithahigher levelof industrializationstartedtoattractruralpopulationstowork inindustrialjobs.Theyleftthecountryside,alsobecauseindustrializationmeanttherewerefewerjobsthere.Ingeneral,thisprocesstookplaceinLatinAmericanandCaribbeancitiesbetweenthebeginningandthemiddleofthetwentiethcentury.Suchurbanexpansionwassupportedbywelfarepoliciesthatsubsidizedpublictransport,landandservicestohelptosettlethemassivenumberofruralmigrantsarrivinginthecities.Thegoalwastobuild infrastructurestosupport theeconomicagglomerationthatwas fosteringindustrialdevelopment.Intheirnewurbanenvironments,themigrantsbuilttheirhousesandcommunityinfrastructuresthroughorganizationssuchascooperativesandcommunityassociations.

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Attheendoftwentiethcentury,however,duetotheriseoftheservicessector(ortertiarysector)inmajorcities, togetherwithnewenvironmental lawsand theproblemsassociatedwithcongestion, industrieswereforcedtorelocatetonewareas.Asaresult,intermediarycitiesemergedasabetteralternativeforthedevelopmentoftheservicessector,therebyalsoattractingmigrants.Rural–urbanflowshavetendedtobe replacedby city-to-citymigration, takingplacewithin countries and internationally. This impliesasignificantchange:thosearrivinginthecitiesalreadyhaveanurbanbackgroundwiththehabitsandknowledgeneededtomakealivinginthetertiaryorindustrialsector.

International migration started to grow as many families escaping economic and political hardshipsintheirplacesoforigincrossedborderstofindabetter life inanothercity.Majorplanningchallengesremained,buttherewerealsothecomplexitiesoftheeconomicactivitiesbeingrelocatedtonewareas,whichresultedinanalarmingsocialgapintheregion.After2000,partlyasaresultofthegrowthinICTs,someresearchersobservedtheriseofanewageofurbanization,inwhichmigrationtrendsarenotonlybetweencities,butalsointra-urbanandincreasinglyinternational.Migrantswereselectingplacestoliveandworkbasedontheavailableinformationtechnology.Duringthislaststageofurbanization,thereisthechallengeforpublicpolicymakerstoovercometheideaofthecityasaunit,andtothinkintermsofefficientandequitablecitynetworks.Planningchallengesinvolvefindingaholisticapproachtodealingwithgrowingsocio-territorialsegregationandfragmentation,whiletakingintoaccounteconomic,socialandenvironmentalfactors.

1.2. MIGRANT CORRIDORS AND REGIONAL PLANNING

Migrationtrends inLatinAmericahaverecentlychanged.Historically,North-Southmigrationhadbeenthepattern,whentheregionattractedmigrantsfromEuropeandtheMiddleEast.Inthemiddleofthetwentiethcentury,however,thischangedwhenmigrantslefttheregiontogototheUnitedStatesandtoSouthernEurope.Inrecentdecades,theregionhasexperiencedeconomicdevelopment,whichhasledtotheexpansionofindustrialactivitiesthatarebetterorganizedinregionalmarkets,followedbyadecreaseinunemployment.Thishasresultedinemigrationfromtheregionchangingtoimmigrationtotheregion.LatinAmericahasbeenfollowingapatternofgreaterSouth–SouthmigrationbetweencountriesintheregionandfromothercountriesintheglobalSouth(Texidóetal.,2012).

TheCentralAmericanCommonMarket,theAndeanCommunityinthewestandMercosurintheeasthaveemergedasthethreemajoreconomicblocsintheregion.Theseblocshavedevelopedcomplementaryeconomicactivities,creatingattractivejobsandincomegenerationopportunitiesintheregion.Inaddition,newmigrationregulatoryframeworkswithafocusonhumanrightsprotectionhavebeendevelopedinmostcountries,favouringmigrantsfromtheregion,protectingtheirrightsandfacilitatingtheirresidence.Takingintoaccountthatcountriesintheregionhavethesameofficiallanguage(Spanish),exceptBrazil,andsharecommonculturalvalues,migrationbetweenLatinAmericancountriesisshapingnewterritorialcorridorswithsignificantsocioeconomicconsequences.

Theriseof internationalmigrantscompetingwith internalmigrants forsome jobs is resulting insocialconflicts.Theincreaseinenvironmentalstressduetotheeconomicactivitiesintheregion,particularlyextractive industries, as well as climate change, creates further population displacement. These newtrendscreatecompletelynewscenariosthatarereshapingmigrantcorridors.Theyaretransformingthosecorridorsthathavehistoricallydefinedthesocioeconomicstructureoftheregion.

The numbers and percentages of inhabitants in each major city in the region, including natives andinternalandinternationalmigrants,arepresentedinTable2.Itisimportanttounderstandtheongoingtransformationoftheregionandthegrowingroleofurbanizationasaprocessthroughwhichinternationaland internalmigrantsandnativepopulationsmeetanddevelop linkages.Althoughthepercentagesofinternationalmigrants are still not significantwhen looking at country populations, the proportion ofinternationalmigrantsincitiesishigher.Whenthemicrodataaredisaggregatedbyneighbourhood,itcan

9Background paper



beseenthatsomeareashavehighconcentrationsofimmigrants,whoareshapingnewurbanpatterns,structuresanddynamics.Thetablealsoshowstheimportanceofinternalmigrationinsomecountries,suchasBolivia,Colombia,EcuadorandMexico.Thismeansthatthereisatransformationinurbannetworksnotonlyintermsofeconomicactivities,butalsointermsofculturaltiesandlinkagesbetweenareasandcountries.

Table 2: Inhabitants of major cities in Latin AmericaCountry

City

Inhabitants Migrants

Total Native % Internal % International %Argentina

BuenosAires 2,508,373 381,778 13.21MetropolitanareasexcludingBuenosAires

9,173,856 742,859 7.49

Salta 536,113 14,402 2.69Cerrillos 35,789 1,353 3.78Jujuy 265,249 9,688 3.65PuertoDeseado 107,630 8,475 7.87

Bolivia

La Paz 758,845 640,224 84.37 106,374 14.02 12,247 1.61ElAlto 846,88 663,345 78.33 179,368 21.18 4,167 0.49Cochabamba 632,013 433,405 68.58 186,355 29.49 12,253 1.94

Colombia

Bogota 6,725,493 3,998,945 59.46 2,479,007 36.86 31,895 0.47Medellin 4,312,139 2,287,548 53.05 1,879,524 43.59 11,29 0.26

Ecuador

Quito 1,761,867 1,140,290 64.72 575,591 32.66 45,986 2.61Guayaquil 3,645,483 2,884,477 79.12 760,974 20.00 32,207 0.88

Mexico

MexicoCity 12,634,431 11,524,537 91.22 1055,994 3.31 16,631 0.13Tijuana 1,276,060 1,023,269 80.19 182,974 7.84 884,83 1.00

Sources: Argentina–INDEC,2010;Bolivia–INE,2010;Ecuador–INEC,2010;Colombia–DANE,2005;Mexico–INEGI,2005.Tablecompiledbytheauthor.

The shift inmigration trends is directly related tomacroeconomics and to the technological facilitiesnowavailablethathelppeopletosettleincitiesofdifferentsizes.Insomecases,internationalmigrantsaremoreattractedtosmallercitieswithbetterjobs,astheycannowaccesstheinformationnetworksavailablethere;whereasinthepast,thisconnectivitydidn’texistinsmallcities.Betweenthe1960sandthe1980s, variouspoliciesencouraged internalmigration topopulatedareaswitheconomicpotentialand toareas strategically located forcivildefence (ECLAC,2007).However, throughpublicandprivateinvestmentsincertainmetropolitanareas,recentnationalpolicieshaveencouragedintercitymigration,includingtointermediarycities.Duetothediversityinthemigrationcorridors,itisnecessarytohaveavarietyofpolicies,programmesandmechanismsthatrespondspecificallytocitiesaccordingtotheirrolesinreceiving,transferringorgeneratingmigrants.Economicmigrantsareencouragedtosettleinlocationsbased on national priorities. As a way to promote local jobs and incomes, some policies, which aresharedbymostcountriesintheregion,offerincentivesforbusinessestoestablishindustrialactivitiesinundevelopedareas.Inthemajorityofcases,however,suchincentivesfailtoattractprivateandsometimesevenpublicinvestments.

Migrationflowsbetweencitiesaremoredifficulttotrackthanrural–urbanflowsbecauseofthediverseprofileofthemigrants.Intercitymigrationisthemostimportantquantitativeflowintheregion,anaspectdistinguishingLatinAmericaand theCaribbean fromthe restof thedevelopingworld.Suchmigrationtakesplacefromlessattractivecities(fromeconomic,labourandsocialperspectives)tomoredynamiccities thathavegreatereconomicopportunities. In addition to theeconomicattraction, thereare theadvantages of localization and the availability of communication facilities,which can also be found in

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intermediarycities.Inaddition,thedisadvantagesoflargecities–violence,trafficcongestion,highlevelsofpollution,andincreasinglivingandlandcosts–makeintermediarycitiesmoreattractive.

Newmigrant corridors are shaping the areas around them. Populationmovements are registered bycountries’customsofficesandcanbeseeninmap1.ThefirstcorridoristheCentralAmericancorridor,wheremigrantsmoveintwodirections:norththroughMexicototheUnitedStates,andsouthtoCostaRica,mostlyfromNicaragua.

ThesecondcorridorisaresultofdisplacedpopulationsfromColombiamovingtowardsVenezuelaandEcuador,aswellasinternallydisplacedpopulationswithinColombiasettlinginmajorcities,andpeoplemovingfromVenezuelatoColombiaasaresultoftheeconomiccrisis.Anotherbranchofthiscorridoris fromColombia toEcuador, theuseofwhichhas increasedasa resultof internalmigration towardsQuitoandGuayaquil.SimilarpatternscanberecognizedinPeru,whichisexperiencingintensiveinternalmigration,predominantlytoLima,althoughotherintermediarycitiesandotherareas,mostlyassociatedwithminingactivities,arealsoaffected.ThesamepatterncanbeobservedinBolivia,whereimprovementsinaccesstourbanserviceshaveresultedinneglectednativecommunitiesmovingtoLaPaz,aswellasmigrantsmovingtointermediarycitiesandareaswitheconomicactivitiesrelatedtominingandoil.

Thethirdcorridor,whicharoseduetotheeconomicactivitiescreatedthroughtheblocMercosur,linkstheSouthernConecountries.InArgentina–historicallyamagnetformigrantsfromBolivia,ParaguayandPeru–twothirdsoftheflowalongthiscorridoristothecapitalcityofBuenosAires,andonethirdistointermediarycities indifferentareaswherenew labouropportunitiescanbe found.Chile isattractingmajor flows in the formof economicmigrants fromBolivia and Peru, aswell asmigrants fromotherAndeancountries.Recently,Brazilhasbeenreceivingflowsofmigrantsfromvariouspartsoftheworld(fromEuropeintheNorthandfromAfrica,AsiaandtheCaribbeanintheSouth).

Map 1: Migrant corridors in Latin America and the Caribbean

Source:Elaboratedbytheauthor,basedonKingetal.,2010.

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Bylookingatmigrationwithintheregion(map2),itispossibletoseethatcertainareaswithoutmigrationsharethesameconditions,suchashighlevelsofpovertyandadisadvantageouslocation,whileinotherareas, a strategic location andmigration regulatory frameworks facilitate international migration andattractpopulationsfromotherlocations.

Map 2: Net migration in the region

Source:Rodriguez,2011.Availablefromwww.eclac.cl/migracion/migracion_interna

Themigrantcorridorsreflectthefactthat,beyondaddressingthechallengesinreducingthepushfactorsforinternalmigrantsfromcertainareas,allcountriesneedtoactcollaborativelytodealwithinternationalmigrantswhonowreachmoreeasilythaninthepastthecapitalcitiesandareaswithincitieswheregoodjobshavebeen created. In addition, there is thepossibility that internationalmigration corridors alsoencourageinternalmigrationtowardsattractivecitiesandareas.Thisneedstobetakenintoaccountinterritorialplanning,asthetensionandconflictsthatarecreatedwhenthereisstrongcompetitionforjobscanbereducedthroughpreventativemeasuresandanadequateregulatoryframeworkregardingland.

ThemigrantcorridorthroughCentralAmericaandMexico(map3)ismostlytheresultofextremepovertyincertainmicroregionsthatarepushingpopulationstotheUnitedStates.Thesemigrantjourneysinvolvespecificcities,startingwithElProgresoinHondurasandendinginNogalesintheUnitedStates,andhavegreat demographic, economic and political impacts. Along this journey,migrants settle temporarily inshacksandshelters,shapingtheslumsandshantytownsalongtheway.Theymoveasaresultofconflictsorpoorlivingconditionsintheplacesoforigins(pushfactors),andbecauseofopportunitiesintheplacesof destination (pull factors). These migrants are predominantly low-income workers who live, bothduringtheirjourneyandintheirfinaldestination,inveryharshhousingconditions,separatedfromurbanstructures.

www.eclac.cl/migracion/migracion_interna

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Map 3: Migrant corridor through Central America to the United States

Source:Elaboratedbytheauthor,basedoninformationfromhttp://themigrantjourney.wordpress.com/about/

Migrantassociations,basedonnationalorethnicties,havebeencreated. Incities inCentralAmerica,slumsinhabitedbymigrantsintransithavedeveloped,wherethereareextensivenetworksthatincludetransportservicesforreachingtheUnitedStates.Dependingonthegovernmentpoliciesofthetimeandontheregulatorycontrolsimposed,thesegroupseitherreachtheUnitedStatesorremaininpoorlivingconditionsincitiesinCentralAmerica.

Irregular migrants are especially vulnerable to illegal activities. This situation demands coordinatedinternationalactioninordertominimizehumanrightsabuses.In2012,incasesinvolvingtheapprehensionofirregularmigrants(DHS,2013),642,000foreignerswereapprehendedintheUnitedStates,70percentofwhomwerecitizensofMexico.TheDepartmentofHomelandSecurityremoved419,000foreignnationalsfromtheUnitedStates.6ThemaincountriesoforiginofthoseremovedwereMexico,Guatemala,HondurasandElSalvador.About230,000foreignnationalswerereturnedtotheirhomecountrieswithoutaremovalorder.In2010nearSanDiego,California,andTucson,Arizona,171deathsoccurredwhenmigrantstriedto cross the border without proper documents, reflecting the tragedy of these journeys. The borderbetweenMexicoandtheUnitedStateshasdifferentlevelsofporosity,whichinfluencesthecontinuousreshapingofmigrantcorridors.Themigrantsseektoavoidbordercontrols,creatingamarginalizedandillegaldemographyinMexicanbordercities.

Withregardtothe infrastructurescreatedbecauseofthemigrantcorridors,developmentpoliciesandcommercialagreementsbetweencountriesplayalargeroleineitherpushingorattractinginternalandinternationalmigrants(map4).Thepoliciesandagreementsespeciallyaffectbordercitiesandtowns,andshapelocaleconomicactivities,forwhichtheavailabilityofmanpowerisessential.ThishasbeenthecaseforthefarmingindustryinareasofCentralAmerica,wheredepopulationhasoccurredbecauseofbetterjobperspectivesintheUnitedStates.

6 Referstopeoplewithapriorcriminalconviction.

http://themigrantjourney.wordpress.com/about/

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Map 4: Net migration areas in Central America and the Caribbean

Source:Rodriguez,2011.Availablefromwww.eclac.cl/migracion/migracion_interna

Anothermap ofmigration flows shows the routes through Central America to theUnited States andtoCostaRica,thecountryintheregionwiththehighestpercentageof internationalmigrants(map5),whomostlycomefromHonduras,NicaraguaandPanama.InGuatemala,ElSalvadorandNicaragua,thepoliticalviolenceofthe1970sand1980striggeredmigrantmovementstoBelizeandCostaRica,aswellasAntiguaandBarbuda,andGranada.

Map 5: Migration flows in Central America to the United States and to Costa Rica

Source:Mapbytheauthor.

http://www.eclac.cl/migracion/migracion_interna

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Inadditiontopoliticalreasons,peoplemoveforeconomicreasonsandbecauseofnaturaldisasters.Thepoliticalsituation,violenceandeconomicreasonswerebehindlargenumbersofColombiansmovingtoCostaRica.EmigrationfromHaititotheDominicanRepublic,where64percentofforeignersarefromthatcountry,shouldalsobenoted.Atthesametime,about10percentofthepopulationoftheDominicanRepublichasemigratedtoothercountries,mostlytheUnitedStates.Becauseofthegrowthofthetourismsector and the resulting employment opportunities, the countries of the Caribbean Community havemanagedtoretainsomeoftheirpopulationsandareadestinationformigrantsintheregion.

Migration flows within Central America reflect the recent change to South–South migration. SomemigrantsprefertomovetoCostaRica,believingthattheywillhavemoreopportunitiesthere,ratherthantotheUnitedStatesorEurope.ThischangeimpliesthatthesemigrantsbelievethattheywillhavetheopportunitytosettlepermanentlyinCostaRica,andeventuallyovercometheurbansegregationandpoorlivingconditionsoftemporaryresidence.Thistrendconstitutesarealopportunityforsustainable localintegration.BelizeandPanamaarealsoattractivedestinationsforeconomicmigrantsfromGuatemalaandHonduras,butthesecountrieshavelesseconomicpowertointegratemigrants.

Another migrant corridor is the one that resulted from the humanitarian crisis in Colombia. LargenumbersofthepopulationfledtoVenezuela,whichwasalsoattractingeconomicmigrantstoworkinitsoilindustry,andtoitsneighbourEcuador(map6).Paradoxically,Colombiahasavibrantminingindustry,whichcontributestothecontinuingdisplacementofpeopleintheareaastheyareforcedofftheirlanddueto theexpansionof themines (RuizandCastillo,2014). Inaddition, recenteconomicproblems inVenezuelahavereversedtheflow,pushingeconomicmigrantsfromVenezuelatoColombia(Barón,2011).Twomajor cities inColombiahaveattractedmostof the internallydisplacedpersons: the capital city,Bogota,andMedellin.Thishasaffectedthelocationofthepopulation,shiftingthecountrytowardsthetypical“macrocephaly”ofLatinAmericancountries(ICRC,2011).

Map 6: Population displacement in Colombia

Source:Elaboratedbytheauthor,basedondatafromwww.derechos.org/nizkor/colombia/libros/redes/1.html

www.derechos.org/nizkor/colombia/libros/redes/1.html

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Ecuador,which does not have an internal conflict, is also facing rapid urbanization as a result of thedisplacedpersonsarriving fromColombiaand internal ruralgroupsflocking to the twomajorcitiesofQuito,thecapitalcity,andGuayaquil.Thesecitiesareattractivemostlybecauseoftheirstrategiclocationsandthejobopportunitiestobefoundthere.Theinternalmigrationmovementscanbetrackedastheyrespondtoneweconomicactivitiesfoundinsuchindustriesasminingandoil.

Historically,Peruhasbeenasourceoflow-incomemigrantswhomoveabroad,mostoftentotheUnitedStatesandEurope.Recently,however,migrationflowsfromPeruhaveshiftedtowardstheSouth–Southpattern.Inthelastdecade,thebetterperformanceofthenationaleconomy,andparticularlytheexpansionofminingactivities,hascreatedseveralinternalmigrantcorridorstowardsurbanareas,andespeciallytothecapitalcityofLima.

Asimilartransformationinthesocio-territorialpathisoccurringinBolivia,alsohistoricallyasourcecountryofpoormigrants,whohavemovedmostlytoArgentina,theUnitedStatesandSpain.Theymigratedtothemajorcitiesofthosecountries,attractedbyopportunitiestoaccesssocialservices,educationandhealth.However,astheeconomiccrisisinEuropehasledtochangesinmigrationpoliciesofEuropeancountries,manyBolivianshave returnedhome,encouragedby thegrowingwelfare system in their country, andwishing to returnwith their savings in euros.Many are able to afford housing and can begin incomegenerationprojects,whicharepromotedbytheGovernmentinitseffortstohaveitscitizensreturn,asdiscussedlaterinthispaper.

Brazilisexperiencingactivemigrationflowsfromthenorth-eastandthesouthtoitsmajorcities,includingSao Paulo (map 7) and Rio de Janeiro. Of its internationalmigrants, in the year 2000, 23.0 per centwerefromEurope,21.4percentwerefromLatinAmericaandtheCaribbean(excludingArgentinaandParaguay),16.4percentwerefromParaguayand13.2percentwerefromtheUnitedStates.BrazilisalsoadestinationcountryformigrantsfromBolivia,Peruandothercountriesintheregion,withaparticularfocusoncertainmetropolises.AccordingtoBaeninger(2004),BolivianstendtomigratetothemetropolitanareaofSaoPaulo(intheyear2000,theyaccountedfor60%ofthecity’sentireimmigrantpopulation).AsmanyBoliviansworkincertainfields,suchastailoring,mostliveinparticularneighbourhoodsclosetomarketsandthesupplyofinexpensivematerials,therebyshapingthecommunitiesaroundthem(RolnikXavier,2011).Inaddition,somestudiesonBolivianimmigrantslivinginthemetropolitanareaofSaoPauloshowthattheyliveindifferentlocationsatdifferentstagesoftheirlives,explainingthehighratesofintra-metropolitanmigration.OfBolivianswhohavelivedinthemetropolitanareaofSaoPaulo,only20.6percentlivedtherefor3yearsorless,25percentlivedthereforbetween4and9years,16.8percentforbetween10and14years,14.4percentforbetween15and24years,and23.2percentformorethan25years.AccordingtoCunha(2004),thepopulationbegantomovefromthecentreofthecitytowardstheperiphery.Accordingtothesethreeauthors,SaoPaulocontinuestoexpandfromitscentre,shapingdevelopmentbothinthecentreandinitssurroundingmunicipalities.

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Map 7: Internal migration flows to Sao Paulo

Source:Elaboratedbytheauthor,basedondatafromwww.geogonline.org.uk/as_g2popki1.3_3.htm

Astrongeconomy,togetherwithsocialimprovementsandnewtransportinfrastructure,iscreatingmigrantflowsalongthecoastthatendinmetropolises.Suchmigrationfeedsthegrowingneedforlabourersinhighlyindustrializedareas,whicharecompetingglobally.TheattractionofBrazilforinternationalmigrantsfromneighbouringcountriesisalsoagrowingphenomenon,althoughtherearenoclearmigrantcorridors.ThehumanitariancrisisinHaitiisshapingmigrantcorridorsinthenorthernpartofthecountry,whichflowsouthtowardsmetropolitancities,makingthisprocessmoreandmorecosmopolitan.

Chilehasexperiencedsignificantandsustainedeconomicgrowthinthelastdecade,attractinginternalmigrantswhomovetodifferentareas,andinternationalmigrants,particularlyBoliviansandPeruvians,whomigratetoareaswithminingactivities(Aroca,2004).

Asstatedearlier,Argentinaisthecountryintheregionwiththesecond-highestpercentageofinternationalmigrants (4.5%of its total population in 2010). Theyaremostly fromParaguayandBolivia, but therearealsoPeruvians,Uruguayansandmanyothernationalities,creatingseveralmigrationcorridorstoandwithinthecountry(map8).Therearetwomaincorridors:onefromthenorthandonefromthenorth-east,bothofwhichflowtowardsthemetropolitanareaofBuenosAires.Thiscityisthefinaldestinationoftheseflows,whichhasthehighestrateofinternationalandinternalmigrantsinthecountry.Thesetwomigrantcorridorshaveademographic impacton intermediarycitiesalong theway,especially inborderareas.Thereisalsoathirdmigrantcorridor,alongwhichmigrantsmovetowardsdifferentareasofPatagonia,inthesouthofthecountry.NewoilexplorationandindustryinthePatagonianregionofVacaMuerta,whichcoverspartoftheprovincesofNeuquén,MendozaandRioNegro,havecreatedrapidurbanizationinNeuquén,thecapitalcityoftheprovince.Therehasbeenarapidincreaseinmigrationintothearea,which currently has a very limited capacity to provideworkerswith adequatehousing. Theprovincialgovernmenthasestablishedabanonsettlingintheareasclosetowhereoilisexpectedtobeextracted,resultingintherapidcreationofslumsandinformalsettlementsinthecityofNeuquén.

762 (1991)

768 (2000) 45,677 (1991)

57,131 (2000)

14,697 (1991)

17,228 (2000)

www.geogonline.org.uk/as_g2popki1.3_3.htm

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Map 8: Migration corridors to and in Argentina

Source:BasedonnationalcensusdatafromINDEC,2010.

Historically,ParaguayandUruguayhavehadhighemigrationpatterns,eventhoughbothcountrieshavemadesignificantefforts,byfacilitatingtheacquisitionoflandandhousing,toencouragetheirpopulationstoremainortoreturn.However,ruralpopulationsarebeingpushedoutduetolarge-scalemonocultureactivities(forexampleforsoyabeanproduction)andforestry.

1.3. MIGRATION AND URBAN GROWTH

Historically,countriesinLatinAmericahavebeenseenaseconomicallyandculturallysimilar,creatingtheimageoftheregionasasingleentity.Thisisreflectedinimportantlegalchangesinmigratoryregulations,whichhavebecomelessandlessrestrictive. Itmustbetakenintoaccountthatmigrationisnowmorecomplexandisoccurringmostlybetweencities,andthatmigrantstendtobemoreeducatedandbetterawareoftheirrightsthaninthepast.Aspopulationmovementswithincities,aswellasbetweensecondaryurbancentres,havebecomemorerelevant,migrantsareassumingidentitiesasinternationalcitizensandlosingtheirstigmaasforeigners.Naturally,thisdependsonthecontextofthecountry,anditcanhappenthatevenintra-urbanmigrationresultsinseriousconflictsincommunitiesthatperceivemigrants,eventhosecomingfromnearbymunicipalities,asdangerousforeigners.Ahypothesisthatshouldbeexplorediswhethertheseconflictsarerelatedtothepresenceofforeignnationalitiesratherthanthescarcityofcertainresources(suchasland,waterorbasic infrastructure) inurbanareaswheredifferentgroupsofnativesandmigrantscompeteforsuchresources.Researchcarriedoutinslumareaspopulatedbyinternaland internationalmigrantsdemonstrates that there are the same social tensions and conflicts amongpeopleofthesamenationalityastherearebetweenmigrantsandlocals,andtheconflictsandtensions

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arerelatedto land,housing,services (especiallyhealthandeducation)and infrastructure(MurilloandArtese,2014).

UN-Habitat (2008)proposesdifferent typesofclassifications forcountriesbasedonurbangrowthandslumpercentages (figure1). Thefirst typeconcerns countrieswithahigh slumprevalence, leading to“slumcities”.Thesecondtypereferstocountriesthathaveslumsconcentratedinthecapitalandlargestcities,the“isolatedunderclass”.Thethirdtypeconcernscountriesinwhichthereisalowormoderatepresenceofslums,or“povertyatthemargins”.

Figure 1: Classification of countries according to the prevalence of slums

Source:BasedonUN-Habitat,2008.

Traditionally,metropolitangrowthhasbeenaccompaniednotonlybydensificationbutalsobyperipheralexpansion.Inmostcases,migrantswhohavemovedtocitieshavesettledintheperipheries,whichhascontributedtothepatternofurbansprawl.EconomicallydisadvantagedperipheriesareacommontraitoflargemetropolisesinLatinAmerica,wherehigh-incomepopulationswhocanaffordtheircostlyurbanservicesliveingatedcommunities,separatedfromlow-incomegroupswhocannotaffordbutstillneedtoliveintheperipheriesbecauseofthelowcostofland.Asaresultofcityexpansion,theolderperipherieshavegainedcentrality,becomingsuburbantowns.Themorerecentlydevelopedperipherieswiththeirgatedcommunitiesoccupylargeareassurroundedbylow-incomesettlementsthathavebecomedenserwithpoorhousingandtransportinfrastructures.Inadditiontothesocialandculturalproblemscreatedby sprawl, there are also thenegativeenvironmental impacts of these vast spaces beingoccupiedbysmall, low-densitypopulations,exactlytheoppositeofwhat issupposedtooccur inasustainablecity.Thesedevelopmentshavebeenfacilitatedbyimprovementsincommunication,andparticularlythroughinvestmentsinhighwaysandroads.Intheolderareas,segregationisscatteredandtherearesignificantdifferencesinthepublicinfrastructureandservicesavailableindifferentneighbourhoods.

Ingeneral,peripheralexpansionisassociatedwithlongdailycommutes(Torres,2001).Theotherfeatureis the concentration of the economically disadvantaged population in deteriorated areas in the citycentreor inthefirstperipheralring.Theseareashavebeenlosingwealthypopulations,wholeavetheneighbourhoodsthathavebecomeoccupiedbylow-incomegroups.Atthesametime,othercentralareas

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haveregainedvaluethroughtheprocessofgentrification(Ciccollela,1999).Inthiscomplexurbanrenewalprocess,migrationhascreatedanimportantrealestatemarket:migrants’needsareaddressedthroughpoor-qualitybuildings,whichrequireinvestmentstobetransformedtomeettheirneeds.

Thedifferentmigrantcorridorsbrieflydescribedintheprevioussectiondeterminevariouscategoriesofurbangrowth.Theyareclassifiedintothreecategories:metropolitancities,whicharethefinaldestinationofmigrationflows;intermediarycities,whichactasmigranttransfercities;andsmallcitiesinpoorregions,whereemigrationflowsbegin(figure2).Thesethreecategoriesdepicttheroleplayedbycitiesinprovidinginfrastructureinthemigrantcorridors,and,atthesametime,showhowthemigrantcorridorsinfluencethedemographic dynamics of thesedifferent categories of urban growth, explaining theprocesses ofrapidurbanexpansionassociatedwiththemigrantflows.

Thefirstcategorycorrespondstotheurbangrowthofmetropolises,mostofwhicharecapitalcities.Thiscategoryconsistsofthreemigrantsettlementpatterns:(a)migrantsliveincentrallocations(inhigh-densityslums),wheretheytakeadvantageoftheavailablejobsandincomegenerationopportunitiesresultingfromeconomicagglomeration;(b)migrantsliveinthefirstperipheralringoninexpensivelandinslums,whicharewellservedbypublictransport;and(c)migrantsliveonsmallfarmsintheextremeperiphery,wheretheyworkinagriculturalactivitiesthatprovidegoodsforthemetropolis.

Thesecondcategorycorrespondstointermediarycities,whichgenerallyhostmigrantsinshantytownssurroundingthecity,segregatedandoutsidetheurbanfabrics.

Thethirdcategorycorrespondstosmallcitiesthatgrowasaresultof increasedeconomicactivities intheirhinterland,whichattractsmigrants.Thesecitiesfacetheproblemsassociatedwiththeproliferationofslumsandshantytowns,andthemigrantsliveoutsidetheurbanfabricbecauseofalackofaffordableaccommodationinthecentreofthetownsandsmallcities.

Figure 2: Types of urban growth resulting from migrant flows

Source:Figurebytheauthor.

Thefirstcategory–metropoliseswiththethreemigrantpatternsdescribedabove(wheremigrantsliveindense,centralareas,inperi-urbansettlementsorinnearlyruralsettlementsontheextremeperiphery)–canbefoundincountriesthatattractmigrants.Inthefirstmigrantsettlementpattern,ifthemigrationis

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internal,theresultisneighbourhoodswhoseinhabitantscomefromdifferentareasofthecountry,withdifferencesinethnicity,asisthecaseinLaPazinBoliviaandSaoPauloinBrazil.Incapitalcitiesreceivinginternationalmigrants,suchasBuenosAiresinArgentinaorSanJoséinCostaRica,theremaybeslumslocatedinthecentreofthecity,aswellasperi-urbansettlementsofmigrants,andmigrantsworkinginruralareas,providinggoodsandservicestothewholemetropolis.

Formetropolitancitieswithhighnumbersofdisplacedpeople,suchasBogota,itisunclearwhethersuchpopulationswillremaininthecityorreturntotheirplacesoforigin.Suchtransitoryandunstablelivingenvironmentsinwhichpeoplearenotsureiftheywillremainornotcreateurbanpatternswithovercrowdedconditions(RuizandCastillo,2014).Map9presentsatypicalperi-urbanpatternofdisplacement,whichis the case in Soachamunicipality in themetropolitan area of Bogota. So far, over 550,000 displacedpersons(CamargoandHurtado,2013)havesettledindifferentpartsofthecityofBogota,predominatelyininformalsettlements,whichincreasestheongoingphenomenonofsegregation.Differentresearchersshowthat45.1percentofdisplaced families live in highlyovercrowdedareas,definedasmore thanthreepersonssharingoneroom(RuizandCastillo,2014).Ithasbeenobservedthatthereiswidespreaddiscriminationagainstdisplacedpersonsintermsoftheirabilitytoaccesspublicservices.

In2009,thenetexpansionareaofthecitywasof3,279hectares:938hectaresatthesouthernborderand247hectaresatthewesternborder.ThereisconurbationwithSoacha,whichhostsalargenumberofdisplacedgroups,andforthisreason,rapidsocio-territorialsegregationhasbeendeveloping.ThereispartialintegrationwithMosquera,Funza,Madrid,CotaandChía.Socialhousingschemeshaveplayedamajorroleinincreasingthesegregationprocess.

Map 9: Expansion of Bogota, dominated by displaced populations

Source:BasedonresearchcarriedoutbyCamargoandHurtado,2013.

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Internalmigrationforsocioeconomicandculturalreasonsispartofthefirstcategoryofmigration.ThisisthecaseinBolivia,wheretheAymaraethnicgroup,whichwashistoricallyneglectedbypublicpolicies,hasexperiencedsignificantbenefits(includingaccesstosocialservicesandincome)bymovingtomajorcities,LaPazinparticular.Thisgrouphasmovedinlargenumbersfromruralareastomajorcities.

InElAlto,anewmunicipalityclosetoLaPaz,thereisaconcentrationoflow-incomegroupsfromruralareas.Socioeconomicimprovementshavetakenplace,includingincreasedaccesstopublichealthcare,education and better jobs, and mixed with the low-income groups are now returnees from Europe,particularlySpain.Thesereturneesarespendingtheirsavingsonbuildingluxuryhouses,popularlyknownby the nickname “Eurocasas” (houses built with euros by returnees). The expansion of El Alto (map10)isacaseofrapidurbanization.Itssizehasmultipliedby160in10years,whichisoneofthefastesturbanizationratesintheworld.In2003,theurbanareaofElAltooccupied115sq.km;10yearslateritsareareached270sq.km.Ofthe1,200neighbourhoodsacross10urbandistrictsofElAlto,onlyabouthalfhaveapprovedurbanplanning.Eventhoughthereareasignificantnumberofinformalsettlementsandsegregationoccursindifferentways,thereisnoclearpatternofsegregationrelatedtomigrants.Instead,thereisasocialmixbetweendifferentethnicgroupswhofindinthecityanewscenariofordevelopingtheirsurvivalanddevelopmentstrategies.Therearethetypicalproblemsrelatedtorapidurbanization,suchastrafficcongestion,andtraditionalopenmarketsorfairsthatwereoriginallyinthecountrysidearenowinovercrowdedpublicspacesintheurbanfabric,wherevendorsarereluctanttoaccepttheformalrulesofurbanization.

Map 10: Urban expansion of El Alto, Bolivia

Source:MunicipalityofElAlto,2010.

Another example of the first category of growth can be seen in Buenos Aires, which has specificneighbourhoodswhereinternationalmigrantslive(map11).Inthiscity,foreigninhabitantsmakeup13.2percentofthepopulation.Thepercentageisevenhigherinthoseneighbourhoodswithahighconcentrationof immigrants,especially inthesouthernpartofthecity,which ishistoricallyanunderdevelopedareacomparedwiththewealthynorthernpart.

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Map 11: International migration trends in the southern part of Buenos Aires

Source: Elaboratedbytheauthor,basedonINDEC,2010.Availablefromhttp://lasocialinformacion.blogspot.com.ar/2014/11/de-que-barrio-sos-migracion-extranjera.html?m=1

Migrantagglomerationsincertainneighbourhoodscanbeidentifiedthroughananalysisofmetropolises(map12).

Map 12: Migrant agglomerations in the metropolitan area of Buenos Aires


Proportion of migrants per neighbourhood(according census minimum unit)

Proportion of migrants per neighbourhood(according census minimum unit)

http://lasocialinformacion.blogspot.com.ar/2014/11/de-que-barrio-sos-migracion-extranjera.html?m=1




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Looking at the concentration ofmigrants in such agglomeration phenomena, it can be observed thatcertaingroupsofmigrantsareattracted toparticularareas (map13).Paraguayans, themajormigrantgroupinArgentina,areconcentratedincentralareasofBuenosAires(IOM,2012)andinthesoutherndistrictsofthecity,suchasNuevaPompeya,Barracas,LaBoca,SoldatiandVillaRiachuelo.Bolivians,thesecond-largestmigrantgroup,alsoliveinsomeoftheseareas(Murilloetal.,2011).ThereisalsoahighconcentrationofPeruviansinBuenosAires,locatedmostlyintheneighbourhoodsofBalvaneraandSanTelmo.

Map 13: Migrant concentrations by nationality in the metropolitan area of Buenos Aires


Alloftheseneighbourhoodshavegrowninthelasttwodecades,predominantlyduetotheformationofslumsthatincludebothinternalandinternationalmigrantinhabitants.Thishasresultedincomplicatedsegregation conditions, with migrants and natives sharing space in an area with a serious housingshortage.Migrationmovementswithinthemetropolisaredirectlyrelatedtomigrantmodesoftransportandhousingpreferences,astheyseekcentralorperipherallocations.Inaddition,ithasbeenobservedthatmigrantsfromruralareasofBoliviarelocatetoperi-urbanareasinBuenosAires,wheretheycansetupagribusinessactivities,suchasgrowingvegetablestosellinthelocalmarkets.Onthecontrary,migrantswithurbanbackgroundsprefercentrallocationsastheycanestablishtradeandmicro-businessactivitiesintown.Beyondthis,ageneraltrendhasbeenforinternalandinternationalmigrantstosettleinitiallyintheextremeperipherythentomoveregularlytowardsacentrallocation.

Suchintra-metropolitanmigrationrevealsthesearchforsurvivalanddevelopmentofdifferentvulnerablegroups, includingmigrants living inslumsandshanty towns.VariousstudiesonpovertyandmigrationhavedeterminedthatBuenosAirescanbedividedintothreezones(map14).Thesouthernareaofthecityisinhabitedequallybythepoorandbymigrants.Thesecondzone,definedasmoremigrantthanpoor,islocatedinthenorthernpartandinthefirstmetropolitanring.Thethirdzone,morepoorthanmigrant,islocatedontheperipheryofthecity,wheremigrantsinitiallysettlebeforetheybegintomigratetowardsmorecentrallocations.



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Map 14: Poverty and migration by neighbourhood in Buenos Aires

Source:Elaboratedbytheauthor,basedonINDEC,2010.Availablefromhttp://lasocialinformacion.blogspot.com.ar/

Awell-documentedcasestudyoninformalsettlementgrowthinBuenosAiresis“Villa31”(figure3).Villa31isaninformalsettlementwith51percentinternationalmigrants,20percentinternalmigrantsand29percentlocalresidentsofBuenosAires(CABA,2009).Itspopulationrosefrom12,204in2001to26,403in2009,representingacaseofrapidurbanization.

Figure 3: “Villa 31” – A high concentration of international and internal migrants

Photographbytheauthor.

http://lasocialinformacion.blogspot.com.ar/

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The second category of urban growth involves intermediary cities expanding mostly into rural land.BergesioandGolovanevsky(2013)carriedoutastudyonthelargeneighbourhoodofAltoComederoinJujuy,Argentina.Inthisneighbourhood,just4kmfromthecitycentre,anon-governmentalorganization(NGO)calledTupacAmarubuilt1,800housesthroughself-helpforonethirdofthetotalpopulationofthecity.AltoComederohasahighconcentrationofinternalmigrantsfromruralareasofJujuyprovince,aswellasimmigrantsfromneighbouringBolivia.Althoughtheprojectisviewedashavingpositiveresultsoverall,therehasbeencriticismthatthesehighlyorganizedsocialandpoliticalgrassrootsorganizationschallengetheprovincialgovernmentandtheruleof law. Inaddition, ithasbeennotedthattheseprojectshaveproblemssuchasbuildingsnotbeingconstructedaccordingtobuildingregulations,andinsomecasestheyarelocatedinplaceswheretherearerisksofnaturaldisasterssuchasmudslides.Likemanyotherintermediarycities,Jujuyisatransferpointformigrantsheadingtowardstheirpossiblefinaldestination,inthiscase,themetropolitanareaofBuenosAires.

Thethirdcategoryofurbangrowthinvolvestherapidurbanizationofsmalltowns,whichfaceaproliferationofslumsandtransitoryshelters.Thistypeofexpansionistheresultofnewindustrialactivitiesdemandingworkers in placeswithout infrastructure. An example of such a case involves Botnia, a Finnish paperproducerthatsetupamillinUruguay.Thiscaseiswellknown,asitresultedinconflictsbetweenArgentinaandUruguayduetothesuspectedenvironmentaldamagecausedbytheindustrialactivities.However,theGovernmentofUruguaywasseekingtoattractinternationalinvestmentinordertogenerateemploymentandincome,althoughitdidnotignorethethreatoftheproliferationofslums.ThecaseofBotniainvolvedapublic–privatepartnershipbetweenthenationalandlocalgovernmentsandaprivateinvestor(Botnia)inConchillasDistrict.ItwasagreedthathousingfortemporaryworkerswouldbebuiltongovernmentlandinaneighbourhoodofColoniadelSacramento,amajortowninthearea.Theagreementwasthat,oncetheconstructionofthemillwascomplete,thehouseswouldbetransferredtothemunicipalitytobeusedforsocialhousing.Sincethecompletionoftheproject,thelocalgovernmenthasbeenallocatingthesehomestobeneficiaries,whoarelow-incomegroupsfromUruguay.Insteadofcreatingnewtowns,whichwouldverylikelymeanthatslumswouldalsobecreated,Uruguayhasshownthat,throughjointefforts,itispossibletopreventslumsandcreateadequatelivingconditionsforall.

As Jansa (2008) explains, empirical evidencedemonstrates that therewere significant socio-territorialimpactsoftheBotniapulpmillprojectinUruguayrelatedtointernalmigrationtoFrayBentos(anothercity thatwas receivingmigrants due to theBotnia project) for formal and informal employment. Theassumptionaboutsubcontractedmigrationwasthat,ifexpectationsoffindingemploymenthadledtoaninfluxofworkersthatexceededthedemandforlabour,theBotniapulpmillprojectcouldhavecreatedirregularsettlementsinFrayBentos.ThisdidnotoccurbecauseoftheinfrastructurethatwaspreparedfortheFinnishworkersinadvanceandthenusedtoaccommodatelocalworkers,especiallythoseunabletoaffordhousingwiththeirownresources.

InMontevideothereappearstobeconsensusthatpeoplelivinginirregularsettlementsoriginatefromwithinthecapitalitself,fromotherdepartments(includingthedepartmentsintheareaborderingBrazil,the department ofMaldonado and the department of RíoNegro), but the local governments believeirregularsettlementsarearesultofinternalmigration.Togetherwiththenationalandlocalgovernments,development agencies and organizations operating inUruguay are seeking otherways to prevent theformationandgrowthofirregularsettlements.Duringthefirsthalfof2007,IOMUruguay,incooperationwithUnitedNationsagencies,examinedthepossibilityofaddressingtheproblemofirregularsettlementsfromamigrationperspective.

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2. LOCAL INCLUSION IN URBAN PLANNING

2.1. MIGRATION AND URBANIZATION TRENDS CREATED BY THE “NEW ECONOMY”: OPPORTUNITIES FOR PRO-POOR POLICIES

Therelationshipbetweenurbanizationandmigrationdescribedinsection1mustbeunderstoodasanevolvingprocessthathasdifferentstages.Fromindustrialdevelopmenttotheriseoftheserviceindustryandthentheso-called“neweconomy”,dominatedbyICT,therehasbeenanimportantshiftascountriesin the region have introduced inclusion policies for vulnerable groups. The economic growth and thestructural changes that occurredwhen the economyevolved frombeingbuilt on agriculture tobeingbuiltonindustryandthentobeingbasedonservicesareirreversibleandtendtobeself-reinforced.Theurbanizationprocess supports theexpansionand concentrationofmarkets and thus, amajordivisionof labour,creatingthepossibilityforbetterincomes.Thedemographicdimensionsofurbanizationandmigrationarerelatedandhaveaneconomicdimension.Asfarmingbecameindustrializedandtherewerefewerjobs,peoplebeganleavingruralareasforcities.Inaddition,thelowerdemandforfarminggoodsmeansthedemandforworkersisalsolower,inboththefirststageoftheprocessintheindustrialsectorandthesecondstageintheservicessectorinthecities.However,theprocessofeconomicdevelopmentisrelatednotonlytoincreasesinproductivity,butalsotoitsefficiencyandvariety,andthisisinfluencedbythecapacityofurbancentrestosupportaneconomyofagglomerationsandsocietalfunctionswithefficiency.Acitythat is ingoodshapeeconomicallybut iscongested,pollutedandovercrowdedisnottakingadvantageofitsagglomeration.

Economiesofagglomerationwillnotwork if social servicesdonot reachpoorpopulations.For this tooccur,it isessentialthatthevirtuouscyclesofagglomerationbetakenadvantageof.Bothinternalandinternationalmigrationhaveanimpactonshapingeconomiesofagglomeration,andwhenbasicsocialneedsarenotmet,theefficiencyofthecityasawholeisaffected.

Migrationoccursbecausemanyfamiliesareescapingconflicts,ornaturalorsocialdisasters,orsimplywishtoseekabetterlifeelsewhere.Trendsindicatethatinternationalmigrationwillbeanotherirreversibleandgrowingdemographicforceintheongoingurbanizationprocess.Ithasbeenobservedthatadensificationpattern in central areas, particularly in slums, has been taking place,where different communities ofpeoplecannetworkandacquiretheknow-howtoobtainhigher-skilledjobs.1Intra-metropolitanmigrationhasbeenstronglylinkedtothedebateonurbanprimacy,andmorespecificallyontheprocessesinvolvingthe concentrationor deconcentrationofmetropolises and the formationofmegalopolises. The socialimpactsofintra-metropolitanmigration,particularlythoserelatedtotheissueofspatialsegregation,arealsobeingdiscussed.

Research evaluating the effects of migration on Latin American cities shows that, currently, internalmigration–whichispredominantlybetweenandwithincities–iscontinuingthefeminizationofcities,asmenandwomenarenowequallyforcedtomovebecauseofthelackofemploymentopportunitiesintheirplacesoforigin(Rodriguez,2011).Researchalsoshowsthatinternalmigrationtendstoincreasethepresenceofyouth,tothedetrimentofpopulationsbelow15yearsofageandabove65yearsofageinplacesoforigin.Thiscontributionofmigrationtocitiesiscalledthe“demographicbonus”,aseconomicallyactive populations are introduced into the demographic pyramids of cities, to the detriment of otherareas.Migrationslightlydepresseseducationallevelsingeneralasthemajorityofmigrantsreceivetheirqualificationsoncesettledintheirdestinationcities.

Urbanexpansionthatgoesbeyondcities’administrativeboundariesincorporatesotherurbansettlementsinarapidconurbationprocess.Thishasresultedinthecreationofhugeurbanareas,sometimesformalizedintoametropolitanarea,integratingmanymunicipalitieswithintensiveactivities.

1 An example of this trend involves Villa 31, a slum in the centre of Buenos Aires,whose inhabitants studied architecture and acquiredknowledgetocompeteinthe“neweconomy”.SimilarcasescanbefoundinslumsinotherLatinAmericancities.

27Background paper



Ingreatermetropolitanareas,suchasthoseofSaoPaulo,RiodeJaneiro,QuitoandGuatemalaCity,UN-Habitathasobservedamigrationpatterncalled“concentrateddeconcentration”.Inthispattern,apartofthecity’spopulationmovesfromonelocationinthecitytoamorecentralareainthecity,andthisareacontinuesreceivingmigrantsfromotherpartsofthecountry.Dependingonthecase,migrationcanchangethedemographicdistributionofacityandeventuallycreateterritorialdisparities.Theprevalenceofyouthamongthemigrantscanincreasetheactivepopulationinreceivingareas,whileintheirplacesoforigin,thelevelofdependenceonsocialservicesgrowsduetotheincreasedproportionofchildrenandtheelderly,withtheriskofworseningtheireconomicandsocialproblems.

Theeffectofmigrationontheethniccompositionofpopulationsinplacesofdestinationisanothersubjectofmanystudies.Citiesincountrieswithahighproportionofindigenouspopulationsthatarereceivingmigrantsfromtheseindigenousgroupsisanexampleofurbandeconcentrationandanewtypeofsocialsegregation.

Nowadays,internalmigrationismorecomplex.Itinvolvesamultiplicityofplacesoforiginanddestination,and there has been a change in the socio-demographic characteristics ofmigrants. Data limitation isperhaps one of the reasons evidence of new spatial movements between small administrative unitsandwithin localities isnotbeingdetected.Newparadigms inurbanandregionalplanningrequire theincorporationofahumanrightsapproach.Theremustbeanunderstandingoftherural–urbanlinkagescreatedbymigrationcorridorsinordertoensurethesustainabilityofboththeurbanandruralworlds.Theshapeofnewterritorialentitieswithincitiesandruralterritoriespointstotheriseofnewlifestylesthatmigrantsarebuildinginspecificareas,whetherurbanorrural,whicharecloselylinkedtonewcommercialareas thatoffer incomegenerationopportunities forpoormigrantsandaresupportedby interculturalrelationships.

Ashiftinurbanplanningisrequired,anditmustincludenewregulatoryframeworkstoorientrealestatemarketsandtakeadvantageoflandcapturemechanismssotherecanbeinvestmentinthedevelopmentofnewinfrastructures.Densificationiskeyfortheoptimaluseofland;itisimportanttoavoidphysicalandsocialfragmentation.Althoughtheserecommendationsarecriticalinachievingmoresustainablecities,asignificantcomponenttendstobeneglected:thesocialandculturalbackgroundofthedifferentcategoriesofinhabitantsandmigrantsinfluencingtheurbangrowth.Anychangetoterritorialplanningimpliestheneedtorevisittheoriesabouthowsocietiesorganizetheirownterritories.Thefactthatcitiesingeneral,andthoseinLatinAmericainparticular,arebecomingmoreandmoreintercultural(thatis,placeswherepeoplewithdifferentculturalbackgroundcoexist)mustbereflectedinurbanandregionalplanning.Thereis alsoaneed fornewapproaches toorganizing territoriesoccupiedbypeople fromdifferent culturalbackgrounds.

Thedebatearoundsprawlandthecompactcitytendsnottoaddressthefactthat, forpeoplecomingfromruralareasorfromcitiesinothercountries,itisverydifficulttoadapttohigh-ormedium-densityurbanlife,anditgenerallytakesonegenerationtodoso.Also,thewaycommunitiesorganizethemselvesisreflectedintheirterritorialpatterns.Migration,bothinternalandinternational,providesanopportunitytocreatesuitableplaceswheredifferentsocialgroupscansatisfytheirbasicneedsataffordablecosts.However, to achieve the ideal of intercultural cities – where tolerance flourishes, because it is moreconvenient for different communities to interact than to compete (as evidence has shown) – specificplanningmechanisms are required. Suchmechanismsmust be able to engage community structures,shapingnewpartnershipstodealwithmorecomplexchallenges,includingsocialcohesion,environmentalprotection,andadaptationandresiliencetoclimatechange.Ofparamountimportanceistheparticipationofthecitizens,includingmigrants,inmovinginsuchadirection.

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2.2. THE “RIGHT TO THE CITY” APPROACH

Asahighlyurbanizedregion,LatinAmericaandtheCaribbeanhasdevelopedlocalinclusionpoliciesthatarebasedonhabitatinterventionsinspiredbytheconceptofthe“righttothecity”.Thisisaprogressivevisionthatincorporateshumanrightsapproaches.Formostcountries,ithasbeenimportanttoprovidecitizenswithadequatehousing,alsoformigrants,asmostcountrieswishtofacilitatetheirresidenceand,in somecases,even speedup citizenshipprocedures.2 Such consideration forhuman rightshasdirectconsequencesonhabitatandurbanization,makingmigrants,nomattertheirreasonformigration,eligibleforsocialbenefits,includinghousing.Montevideo,thecapitalcityofUruguay,hasforalongtimetakenaproactiveapproachtotheinclusionofinternalmigrantsbysupplyingresourcesfortheirhousingneeds.Theeconomic strengthof themetropolismakes it amagnet for low-incomegroups fromall over thecountry,whoseekaccesstopublicservicesandabetterlifeingeneral.Bytheendofthe1980s,however,thisattractiontothecityhadcreatedanexpansivebeltofshantytownsandinformalsettlements,andthelocalgovernmentdecidedtostopthistypeofgrowth.Decentralizationpoliciesaimedatgivingmorepower to the lowest level of state administrationwere put in place, with assistance from grassrootsorganizations,inordertoaddresslocalinclusionfromdifferentangles,includinghousing,health,educationandurbanization.Witha long traditionofurbanplanning, the citymoved towardsamore systematicapproachtodecentralization,includinginstitutionalizingpro-poorpoliciesthattargetspecificgroups.

Ruralmigrantshavetheadvantageofworkinginruralcooperatives,sharingtoolsandfunding,whichtheyhavebroughttourbanlocationsintheformofaffordablehousingcooperatives.Becauseofthehighcostofurbanlandandinfrastructure,suchschemesarebasedoncommunallandtenure.Fromtheindividualsuccessfulexperiencesofsomeaffordablehousingcooperativestoamoresystematicapproachtourbanplanningandcitygovernance,Uruguayhas struggled tofinda scheme toguide thedevelopmentandtransformationofthecapitalcitytowardsamoreinclusivemodel.AsexplainedbyChavez(2005):“Thepolicymostblockadedwaspreciselydecentralization,notonlybecause itdisplacedthepoliticalactorsfromapoliticalsystemhighlycenteredonparties,butalsobecauseitimpliedaradicalchangeintheformsofrelationbetweenthestateandsocietyandbecauseitattackedtheclientelisticnetworksthatusedtorelatethetraditionalpartiestotheirsocialgrassroots.”ThedecentralizationpoliciesofMontevideohaveledtopublicpoliciesthat,throughwell-structuredgrassrootsefforts,havegonebeyondsocialhousingandhaveresultedinthedevelopmentofaffordableurbandevelopmentschemes,includingthoseforsocialservicesandinfrastructure.Thesepolicieshavebeenbasedondifferentfinancialalternativestargetingdifferentsocialgroups,complementarytosubsidizedpublicworksaimedatamoreinclusivecity.Forthepoorestgroups,thebestoptionhasinvolvedcooperativeschemesbasedonsharedcommunalland,asincreasinglandvalueshavemadeitnearlyimpossibletosatisfytheirhousingneedsthroughtraditionalmarket mechanisms. For middle-to-low income groups, other alternatives, including renting and softmortgages forpublicservantsandotherspecificgroups,havebeenmadeavailable. Inbothcases, thepolicieshavetargetedtheconstructionindustry,minimizingrealestatespeculationandredistributinglandvaluesamongthevarioussocialgroups.Asaresultofthisprocess,thecityisexpandingmoreinclusivelywithlesssegregationandfragmentation.LikeMontevideo,PortoAlegre,acityinsouthernBrazil,hasagood reputation for seeking social inclusion throughparticipationandconsideration forhuman rights.The city has used the participatory budgeting model, which is a well-known methodology wherebypublicresourcesareinvestedinsocialpriorities,withspecialattentionpaidtoensuringthatthepoorarewellrepresentedandtheirinterestsareaddressed.Concreteimprovementsintermsofurbanplanningcontributetoevidencethattheparticipatorybudgetingmodelcanwork.

Themodelhasfourmainsteps.First,inPortoAlegre,eachruralandurbanareadeterminedits13mostimportant needs, such as basic sewage, housing and urban transport. Second, each area prioritizedits needs from1 to 13. Then, officials from themunicipality selected thepriority areas for thepublic

2 ThePatriaGrandeprogrammeinArgentinaaddressesthebureaucracyinvolvedinmigrantssettlinginanewcountry.Throughthisprogramme,thewaitingtimesformigrantstoreceiveproperdocumentationhavebeensignificantlyreduced.

29Background paper



investments and determined the allocation of resources for each area. Thiswas done according to anumericalcoefficientcalculatedaccordingtothepercentageandtheequivalentmonetaryvalueofthetotalbudget.Valid lessonsregardingsocial inclusioncanbe learnedfromthePortoAlegreexperience.Thesocial inclusionofdisadvantagedgroups,suchas internalmigrants fromruralareas,wasachievedthroughtheiractiverepresentationandtheiraccesstobenefits.Suchrepresentationconstitutesastepforwardwithrespecttothetraditionalparticipationofvulnerablegroups,wheretheyhavethechancetoexpresstheirviewsanddiscusstheirproblems,buttheydonotnecessarilyhaveanopportunitytosolvetheirproblemswithanythingmorethantheirownresources.However,buildingmetropolitaninstitutionswithaninclusivevision,givinggrassrootsgroupsavoiceandavotetodefendtheirrights,withtheexplicitintentiontoincludevulnerablegroups,provestobeaneffectivewaytobuildinclusivepolicies.

ThepoorinLima,Peru,aresegregated,andparticipationanddecentralizationistheonlywayforwardfortheirinclusion.Themetropolitanterritorialstructurephysicallyreflectstherecurrentwaveofliberalizationpoliciesthatleaveclearfootprintsofsegregation,fragmentationandexclusion.Thewell-knownPeruvianscholarHernandoDeSotohasproposedapolicyformassivelandregularizationinpoorneighbourhoodsthatwouldensuretheaccessofthepoortosecurelandtenureasthefirstkeystepforthemtoinvestintheirownhabitatandtocapitalizeonthisinordertoobtaincredittosetupbusinesses.InhisbookEl otro sendero(The Other Path),DeSoto(1987)arguesthatthepoorcannotbuildcapitalinLatinAmericabecauseundercolonization–unlikeintheUnitedStates–theydidnothaveaccesstolandownership.Histhesissupportstheideathattherealproblemoftheinformaleconomy,throughwhichthepoorsurvive,isthatStateregulationsdistortmarkets.

DeSoto’sstudieshaveinspiredvariousinterventionsininformalsettlementssurroundingLima,mostofwhichareovercrowdedandbuilt onarid land. Theexpectation is that,with secure land tenure,poorpopulationswill have access to credit through availablemortgage systems, introducing the poor intothemortgageandcreditmachinery tomake theirmicro-businessesmoreefficient.DeSoto’s researchdemonstratesthat,inPeru,onewouldneedUSD590and43daysjusttoopenabasicshopatastreetfair,somethingclearlyunaffordableforthepoor.Hisevidenceshowsthatitisnecessarytosimplifyregulationstomaketheformalregistrationofbusinesseseasierandmoreeffective.Thiswouldresultinsystematicallyinclusivepolicies,therebyprovidingworkersintheinformaleconomywithmoreopportunities.Intermsofhousing,theresearchshowsthat,toreceivepermissiontobuildashackonamodestplotintheoutskirtsofLima,a familyrequiresUSD2,156,theequivalentof56timesabasicwage,onceagainmakingthiscompletelyunaffordableforthepoor.DeSotoconductedstudiesoninformalsettlementinhabitants,whoapartfromhavingalloftheeconomicdifficultiesmentioned,facediscrimination,lackknowledgeabouttherulesandregulationsforworkinginametropolitancity,andlackpoliticalrepresentationtodefendtheirinterests.

Many critics of De Soto’s theories suggest that this individualistic approach to development iswrong(Rizzo,2011;Gravois,2005).Theybelievethat,insteadofpushingforfewerregulatoryframeworksthat“oppress”thepoor,itisnecessarytodotheopposite.Theysuggestthatmoredevelopmentframeworksare required to enable the poor to progress through subsidies that encourage production and Statecontrolofeconomicactivitiesthatensurethatthosefewrulesoftheeconomyreallywork.Accordingtothesecritics,theevidenceshowsthattheregularizationoftheinformalsettlements intheoutskirtsofLimahasnotchangedanything,andevenwithsecurelandtenure,therehasnotbeenanyprogressforthepoorinhabitants.Taxesonindividualplotsforpoormigrants,whoarestrugglingtoaccessessentialpublicservicessuchaswaterinveryaridareasorincomegenerationopportunitiesinareasfarfromtheurbanfabric,areanenormouscostthattheysimplycannotafford.Theresultisthatthepoorwilllookformorecentralizedslums,whereevenrentinginformallywillbemoreaffordablethathavingapieceoflandinasegregatedarea,whereasupposedlyavailablemortgagemeanslittleinsettingupabusiness,andthereforedoesnothaveanimpactontheirstruggletoescapepoverty.

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Regardingthisdebate,Fernandes(2011),whostudiedtheimpactsofregularizationoninformalsettlementsinLatinAmerica,emphasizestheimportanceofpresentingalternativestoslumdwellers,ratherthanusingasingleapproach.Amongthealternativesaredifferentformsofsecurelandtenure,includingcommunallandtenure,asanoptionforthelowestincomegroups.

Landaetaetal.(2014)makethecaseforcommunallandinBolivia,wheretheintroductionoftheUruguayanmodel of housing cooperatives, already successfully introduced in Nicaragua, faces serious problemsrelatedtoculturalperceptionsbydifferentethnicgroups.InBolivia,wheninternalmigrantsmovefromanareawithcertaintribestoanareathatancestrallyhadbelongedtoothertribesthereisresistancetosubdividingtheland,exceptinthecaseofformalurbanization,whichfollowstherulesestablishedbythecolonialpowers.Therehasbeena“rediscovery”ofdifferentlandtenuremodalitiesfrompre-Colombiantimes,andtheGovernmentofBoliviahassoughttousethesehabitationschemesthatworkedinthepastbuttoadaptthemtothechallengesofaglobalizedworld.Acriticalstepinthisregardwastochangethenameofthecountryfromthe“RepublicofBolivia”tothe“PlurinationalStateofBolivia”,whichshowstheintentiontorebuildthecountrybasedontoleranceanddiversity.

Another step forward inensuring the representationof thepoor inurbandecision-making is thenewregulationonparticipation,whichmakesitcompulsoryforanymunicipalitytocallforthedirectparticipationofcommunitiesindecidinghowtoallocateresourcesfromtheStatefortheirbasicterritorialorganization.ThismoveisstronglyinfluencedbytheparticipatorybudgetingmodelusedinPortoAlegre.CriticsoftheapplicationofthismodelinBolivia,however,pointoutthatsuch“open”participationinfacthidestheclientelisticandveryopportunisticoperationof“pirate”realestatedevelopers,whochannelfundingfromtheStatetocapitalizeonlandthattheyselltolow-incomegroupsathigherprices,continuouslyextendingcityboundaries(Landaetaetal.,2006).

Fromaverydifferentperspective,MexicoCityisexploringotheroptionsforhavinginclusivepolicies.Thecommunalownershipof landinMexicohas longbeendebated,andispartofcurrenteffortstoshapeapproaches tohousing formigrants. Internalmigration from rural areas to themetropolitan capital isan enormous challenge for averageMexicans. The proliferation of informal settlements has been therule, rather than theexception, for accommodating low-incomegroups. Policies that supposedly seekinclusionareinfactincreasingthevalueofthelandthatwasonceoccupiedbyinformalsettlements,butwhoseinhabitantshadbeenevicted.Thevalueisrecapturedthroughdifferentregulatorymechanismsofcompensationthroughwhichsocialhousingisprovidedontheoutskirtsoftheurbanfabric,wherelandisstillinexpensiveandwithoutinfrastructure.Inthisway,socialhousingonthecityoutskirtsworksasasubsidythat,insteadofservingtobuildamoreinclusivecity,servesthepurposeofexpandingspeculativeformalrealestatemarkets,therebycapturinglandvalue.ThisscenarioofthecompleteabsenceoftheState regulating land for thepoorhashadverynegativeconsequences in termsofurbansegregation,fragmentationandexclusion.

InCostaRica,thepresenceofmigrants,particularlythosefromNicaragua,whorepresent54percentofthetotalinternationalmigrantpopulation(CostaRica,MinistryofMigration,2012),hasaparticularsocialimpactontheurbanfabric.InformalsettlementsinCostaRica,inhabitedmostlybyNicaraguansworkinginsuchpublicservicesassecurityandtransport,greatlycontributetothelocaleconomy.However,therearecomplexitiesrelatedtogovernancethatalsomustbetakenintoaccount.AlthoughCostaRicahasagoodreputationforhavingatolerantsociety,uniqueintheregion,dependenceonmigrantworkershasigniteddebatesaboutnationalismandthedefenceofsovereignty.SuchdebatestakeplacemostlyinSanJosé,thecapitalcity,whereshantytownsinhabitedbyforeignersareincloseproximitytowealthyneighbourhoodsdominatedbynatives.Thishascreatedacomplexscenarioofsegregationandfragmentation.

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Statistical surveys show that such tensions are perceived among the population in general, includingnativesandmigrants.Forexample,74.2percentofNicaraguansbelievethattherelationshipisoneofeconomicexploitation.Thisperceptionisreflectedinthestatisticsonthepopulationlivinginshantytownsandthoselivinginpoorhousingconditions.Forexample,7.1percentofNicaraguanheadsofhouseholdsliveinshantytowns,whilethisfigureisjust1.2percentforCostaRicanheadsofhouseholds.Regardingthoselivinginpoorhousingconditions,thefigureis7.9percentforNicaraguansand1.5percentforCostaRicans.Onceagain,asinothercases,segregationinslumsconstitutesthemajorthreatfacedbymigrantswhen settling in their recipient cities. Even though these citiesoffer goodemploymentopportunities,certainlyfarbetterthanthosebackhome,theadvantagesarenotthesameintermsofaccommodation.Theseissuesmeanthemigrantsarehesitanttodecidetostaypermanently,whichleadsthemtoliveforextendedperiodsinprecarioussituations,whichinturnhasnegativeconsequencesontheeducationandemotionalstabilityofwholefamilies.

An interesting case to examine is that of Curitiba, in Brazil. As a model city, especially in terms ofsustainability, Curitibahas achieved significant progress in protecting its natural environment and is apioneerintermsofpublictransportandplanningurbanexpansion.Theresultsofpublicpoliciesaimedatsustainabledevelopmenthavebeenadmiredinternationallybecausetherehavebeenpromisingindicatorsofwell-being.However, different research that analysed a recent census shows there are segregationtrendsinvolvingthosewithhigherincomesmovingoutofthecitycentre,ignitingatypicalsprawlprocess.Suchdifferentiationisaresponseofhigher-incomegroups,ofthesamewhiteandAsianoriginssharingthesameneighbourhoods,confrontedbyinternalmigrants,whoareAfro-descendantsfromthenorthernpartofthecountry.Migrantethnicitiesandincomelevelsarecloselyinterrelatedinthiscase(Wojtowicz,2014), which is a challenge for policymakers. Improvements in citizen’s access to goods and servicesrequireadditionaleffortstocombatpowerfulsegregationtrends.

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3. PUBLIC–PRIVATE PARTNERSHIPS FOR SOCIAL HOUSING FOR MIGRANTS

3.1. REMITTANCES TO SUPPORT SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT

Public–privatepartnershipsareakeytoolforusingmigrationinthedevelopmentoflow-incomecountries.AsSandoval(2007)pointsout,migrationanddevelopmentcouldbeaviciouscircleornot,dependingonmigrants’capacitytomaintainlinkageswiththeirplacesoforigin.Accordingtothisauthor,remittances,whenassumedasapublicpolicytopromote localdevelopment,giveriseto“co-development”,wherecountries ofmigrant origin and destination benefit equally by working together. Sandovalmakes thepoint that LatinAmerica is currently facing an intensemigratoryphenomenon,with a social inclusionperspectiveinheritedfromitsrichhistoryofcontinuousculturalexchangeafterthearrivalofEuropeans.The scholar, however, queries how such a phenomenon is really influencing the development of theregion,anddiscusseswhethertherearegreatercoststhanbenefits.Itcanbesaidthat,ontheonehand,migrationisaresultofinequalitiesintheregionandontheotherhand,itisoneofthefactorshelpingtoperpetuatethem,consideringthehumancapital lost.Migration isalsoadirectconsequenceof thedevelopment of societies in transition, one of themain factors contributing to correcting the gap inthemodernizationofcountriesoforigin. InLatinAmerica,remittancesareoneofthemainbenefitsofmigrationforcountriesoforigin,astheysupportagoodnumberofeconomiesintheregion.However,changesinconsumptionpatternsandincreasesininvestmentandtradearealsothebenefitsofmigrationthat contribute to poverty reduction. The author provides the example of the introductionof flexiblebankingineconomiesencouragedbyremittances,aswellasthespreadofnewpoliticalandsocioculturalideas that correspond toahigher levelofdevelopment, suchasdemocracy, accountability inpoliticalactivities,diversemodalitiesofparticipationandadifferentroleofwomeninsociety.

Asaconcept,public–privatepartnershipisatypicalresultofdevelopedsocietiesfindingwaystoaddresstheirchallengesmoreefficiently.Forothersocietiesthough,public–privatepartnershipscanbeassociated,forgoodreasons,withopportunitiesforcorruption,whichcanoccurwhenthereisalackofadequateStatecontrolmechanisms,givingroomtothediscretionaluseofpublicresources.Remittancesareasensitiveissue,asthosesendingandthosereceivingthemseektoavoidanypossibilityofStateinterference,fearingtheriskofbeingchargedtaxes.However,thereareseveralorganizationsthatworkwithpeoplesendingandreceivingremittances,bothindividualandcooperativeassociations.TheyhaveestablishedpositiverelationshipwithStates,collaboratingwiththemtocarryoutspecificactionsforthebenefitofall.Whenco-developmentinitiativesarepromotedbycountriesoforiginanddestination,thereisanimprovementintherelationshipbetweenmigrationanddevelopment,andadimensionofequalitybetweenindividualsandbetweencitiesandcountriesisintroduced.Sucharelationshipiscomplexandfrequentlycontradictory;migrationcanleadtodevelopment,butitcanalsobethecauseoffurtherpovertyanddependence.Infactitisnecessaryforgovernmentstodesignpublicpoliciesthatreallytackletheseviciouscirclesandhelpcitiesandareasmovetowardsavirtuouscirclewheretheycooperateinco-developmentprogrammes,therebyhelpingtoreducesocialgaps.Theuseofcollectiveremittancestosupportpublicworksis,forthemostpart,newtotheregion.Althoughitisdifficulttodeterminethemiddle-andlong-termimpacts,suchinitiativesarepromisingandshouldbetakenintoaccountinthedevelopmentagendasofLatinAmericanandCaribbeancountrieswherethepracticeofremittancesisfrequentandtheestablishmentofcollectiveremittancesmaybeencouraged.

The “Two for One” initiative betweenMexico and the United States encourages the effective use ofremittances to promote local development. Through this initiative, Mexican migrants living in Texascontributeonethirdofthecapitalrequiredtocarryoutimprovementworkintheirplacesoforigin,whiletheothertwothirdsiscoveredbytheGovernmentofMexico.

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Similarly, inArgentina,aBoliviancooperativecalledSaropalcaassistsmigrants inusing their collectiveremittancesmore effectively to improve public infrastructures in poormunicipalities in their place oforigin,averypoorareainBoliviacalledToropalca.3TheSaropalcacooperative,locatedinMoróninthemetropolitanareaofBuenosAires,hasanextensivenetworkoffruitandvegetableproducerswhousethecooperativesystemtomaketheirbusinessesmoreprofitable(forexample,byhavingtheirowntransporttotaketheirproductstomarketsinBuenosAires,avoidingtheuseofanintermediary).ItprovidesmorethanonethirdofallofthefruitsandvegetablesforthecityofBuenosAires(CastroOlivera,2005).Thecooperativesystemismanagedbymigrantsusingsocialpracticesfromtheirplacesoforigin,includingtheuseofadisciplinedcooperativebusinessplanthatfacilitatesthereuseandreinvestmentofthecapitalinvested.Thesocialcohesionofthisgroup(themembersarefromthesameplaceoforigin)isoneofthereasonstheygenerateprofits.

Akeyquestionamongthecooperativemembersconcernshowtheycancontributetothedevelopmentoftheirplaceoforigin,astheymaintainstronglinkswiththeirhomelands.Forinstance,mostmemberskeepandexpandtheirhousingfacilitiesintheirplacesoforigin,andtheycontributetocharitableorganizationstohelptheyouthandtheelderly,aspromotingthewelfareofothersisanoldtraditionintheBoliviancommunities.However, this isnotalwaysarticulated inpublicpolicies. Thecooperativehasagreed tohelpthemunicipalitiesoforiginbypartiallyfundingthebuildingofinfrastructure,whichgeneratesjobsand other income opportunities, thereby also helping to prevent emigration from their homelands.Studieshavebeendonetodeterminehowsuchcontributionscouldmoreeffectivelyhelpinsettingupbusinessopportunities inthemigrants’placesoforigin.Somespecificprojectshavebeenidentifiedasstrategicinpromotingincomegenerationactivitiesintheregion,targetingthemostvulnerablemembersof the community. One such project involved building amill and seedmixer to facilitate ruralmicro-businessactivities, incorporatingvalue in theirproductionchain.Otherprojects related to raisingpigsanddevelopingnatural fertilizerswere implementedbuttheydidnotdoaswell intermsofeconomicperformanceandsocialbenefits.Eventhoughtheylivefarfromtheirplacesoforigin,themigrantshavebeenabletolinktwogovernmentstoworkinpartnershipwithaprivateactor(thecooperative)forthebenefitofaspecificterritory–anayllu,whichisanancestralsocio-territorialspacefrompre-Columbiantimes.ItcontinuestooperateunderthepoliticalstructureinthesevenmunicipalitiesofToropalca.Suchhistoricallinkagesareimportantwhenitcomestosupportforlocaldevelopment.Wheninstitutionalized,theseformsofancestralsocialorganizationshavebenefitsintermsofsocioeconomicdevelopment.ButtheprocessisextremelycomplexandtherecanbeconflictsamongdifferentethnicgroupswhoprefertoworkwithinternationalorganizationssuchastheInternationalOrganizationforMigration(IOM).

Anotherexampleofapositivepublic-privatepartnershipinvolvesthehealthcareofMexicanmigrantsintheUnitedStatesbeingfundedbytheGovernmentofMexico(Laglagaron,2010).Inthisregard,MexicanconsulatesinvariouscitiesintheUnitedStatesestablished“BinationalHealthWeek”,targetingsegregatedMexicancommunities tooffer freehealthassistanceandpreventiveeducation throughaworkshop,amedicalexaminationandinsurancereferences.TheBinationalHealthWeekhasgrownrapidlyandnowinvolves the Governments of Colombia, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua. Ithas attractedmore than 6,500 agencies in 33 states,with debates andworkshops promotinghealthybehavioursandlifestylesamongLatinfamilies.Theprogrammehasraisedawarenessabouttheriskfactorsaffectingimmigrants,aboutlocalhealthresources,andaboutthechallengesandopportunitiesinvolvedinthebilateralwork.Theinitiativeincorporatesaprivatecomponentthroughtheso-called“healthwindow”in which private groups in Mexico and the United States raise funds to support medical treatmentforMexicans living in theUnitedStates.Thecaseof remittances inEl Salvador iswelldocumented inthe literatureonthesubject.Therearereportsonseveralpublic initiativesthattakeadvantageof the

3 TheInternationalOrganizationforMigrationprovidestechnicalexpertiseforthisproject,helpingnationalandlocalgovernmentsinArgentinaandBoliviatoworkinpartnershipwiththecooperativetooptimizeremittances.

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significantremittancesthecountryreceives.However,someresearchindicatesthatremittancesarenotcontributingtopovertyreductionsimplybecausetheyarenotreceivedbythepoorestgroups.AsNilson(2005) explains: “There is no evidence showing that remittances have an equalizing effect on incomedistributionbyreachingpoorhouseholds,sincethelowerincomegroupstendtohavefewerremittancerecipients.Thelowestincomegrouphashadthesmallestincreaseofremittancereceivinghouseholds,andthereisstillarelativelysmallshareofremittancereceivinghouseholds.Thereasonforthiscanbethatthecostofmigratingistoohigh.”ThisobservationcorrespondswiththefactthatthepoorestandthesegregatedneighbourhoodsinSanSalvadordonotshowimprovementsduetoremittances;infactsuchimprovementisseenwherethemiddleclasslives.Equally,thepooresttownsandtheruralareasdonothavenew infrastructureresulting fromremittances. It shouldbenoted,however, that remittancesencouragepeopleborninElSalvadorwholiveabroadtocarryoutcharityprojectsintheirhomecountrytoreduceinequalitiesthere.

Thehousing programme “Mi País,Mi Casa” (my country,myhome), launchedby theGovernment ofParaguay to encourage its citizens living abroad to return home, is a good exampleof a public policynotonly to encourage return, but also to reintegrate returning citizens. Theprogramme is a result ofcooperationbetweentheMinistryofForeignAffairs,theSecretaryforReturn,andtheMinistryofHousingandUrbanDevelopment.Throughtheprogramme,Paraguayanslivingabroadareprovidedwithcreditstopayforplots,housingandinfrastructure,suchaswaterandsanitation.Inthisway,theGovernmentseekstoattractinvestment,whichwouldleadtoarepopulationoftheareasofthecountrypeopleleftduetostagnanteconomicconditions.Theprogrammeisambitious,asitaimstoprovidehousingasananchorforthedevelopmentprocessinwhichmigrantcommunitiesabroadreturnhometoasafehouseandbusinessopportunities,towhichtheycanapplytheskillsacquiredabroad.Althoughtheprogrammeisnew,anditisnotclearhowitwillworkinpractice,thereisclearlyanintentiontotakeadvantageofthemigrants’skillsobtainedabroadtogenerateincomethroughbusinessdevelopmentandtobuildtheirhabitatbackhome.

AnothergoodexamplecanbefoundinColombia.Theproject“MiCasaconRemesas”(myhousewithremittances)wascreatedbytheMinistryofForeignAffairsintheframeworkoftheprogramme“AhorroProgramadoparaCréditodeViviendayEducación:ElFondoNacionaldelAhorro”(savingsprogrammefor credit, housing and education: national savings fund), which works through a volunteer savingscontractforColombiancitizensabroad.Themostinnovativeaspectoftheinitiativeisthatitinvolvesanallianceofinstitutions,includingtheInternationalBankforDevelopmentandmultiplebanksandfinancialinstitutionsfromdifferentpartsofthecountry.ThesystemisbasedonthemortgagesofexpatriatesinCanada,Spain,theUnitedKingdomandtheUnitedStates,andtheremittancesareputintoaspecialfundwhosefinancialsustainabilityensuresthatthefamiliesabroadcanpurchaseahouseinColombia.Thisfactiscriticalinattractingemigrantstoreturnhomewithoutlosingtheirfinancialcapacityabroad.Thesystemitselfregulatesthefinancialaccountabilityoftheoperations,guidingthebeneficiariesonthedecisionstobemade.

In Ecuador, “Plan Bienvenidos a Casa” (welcome back home) is an initiative that coordinates publicprogrammes to encourage Ecuadorians abroad to return home through the use of certain incentives.Different from theothersdescribedabove, thisprogrammeaims to reduce thepaperworkneeded toreturn legally, to providepackages to help returnees get back into the labourmarket, and to provideinformation on and certification for the skills and qualifications obtained abroad. Returnees are alsoassistedthroughtheremovalofmanyofthetaxesongoodsthatthereturneesbringbackhome.Theyarealsoexemptfrompayingtaxesontoolsandvehicles,whichisimportantformicro-entrepreneursseekingtoestablishanincomegenerationprojectintheirhomeland.

Savings andmortgage credit programmes can be found in the region. One of these is “Mi Vivienda”(myhome) inPeru,whichworksaspartofaprogrammefor thenativepopulation.Througha special

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amendmenttoa law,apercentageofnationals livingabroad,whobysendingremittances,canaccessthe benefits of the programme. Interestingly, through this programme, real estate developers worktogetherwithpublicofficialsinakindofpublic-privatepartnership,targetingsocialhousingmarketswithasustainablebusinessapproachthatincorporatessocialresponsibilityfromagovernmentalandprivatesectorperspective.

AlsoinPeru,“TechoPropio”(myownroof)and“FondoparaIncentivarlaProducción‘ElCucayo’”(fundforincentivesfor“ElCucayo”)offerincentivesforsocialandfinancialinvestments.Inaddition,“ProgramaSolidaridadconmiProvincia”(solidaritywithmyprovince)promotesfundraisingforcharitableprojects,andmunicipalitieshaveagreementswithNGOstoprovidepoormigrantswithfoodandhousing.AnotherapproachisusedinBolivia.Asstatedearlier,thechangesintroducedinEuropeancountries(tighteningmigrationrules)andtheriseofprosperityathomehave ledmanyBolivianstodecidetoreturnhomeandinvestinhouses.Thephenomenonofthe“Eurocasas”hasspreadtomostBoliviancitiesandpopularneighbourhoods. Some local researchersbelieve that such investment inbuilding luxuryhomes is theoption chosen not only because of the social prestige but also because it can support other incomegeneration activities (such as rent). This trend has led to the expansion of urban areas by returningfamilies.Designandconstructionschemeshavebeensetupasajointeffortbetweenthenationalandlocalgovernments,togetherwithanetworkofcitizenslivingabroadandinthecountry.Throughtheseschemes,theGovernmentispromotingthereturnoftheexpatriatepopulationwithinaframeworkofnationalisticpolicies,eventhoughsuchreturnsresultintheemergingsegregationofreturneeneighbourhoods,whereluxuryhousingisflourishing.Asmentionedearlier,oneofthenegativeeffectsofreturninBoliviaisgrowinginequality,whichisseeninluxuryhomesbeingbuiltinpoorneighbourhoods,therebyinflatingpricesandforcingthepoortoleavethearea.TheGovernmentisseekingtoreducesegregationtrends,concentratingreturneesinexpansionareas,andtryingtoavoidreturneesinvestinginhousing.Itisinsteadencouragingreturneesto invest inbusinessesthatwouldprovideproductsorservicesnotavailable inBoliviaortocreate new income generation schemes, thereby introducing opportunities for thewhole population.SomeresearchersareoptimisticabouttheuseofremittancesingeneratinglocaldevelopmentincountriesoftheglobalSouth.Usingalargedatasetcomposedof71countries,AdamsandPage(2005)statethat,atthenationallevel,“bothinternationalmigrationandremittancessignificantlyreducethelevel,depth,andseverityofpovertyinthedevelopingworld.”Theyexpresstheiroptimismregardingremittancesasaneffectivetooltoreducepovertyatthehouseholdlevel.

Otherresearchersarelessoptimisticaboutthepotentialofremittancesinhelpingpeopleescapepoverty,arguing thatultimately theyeitherbenefit themiddleclassorcreate furtherdependenceof thepoor.Anothercriticism,whichisbasedonsurveyresults,isthatremittancesdonotencouragelocaldevelopmentthrough investments in income generation schemes, but rather, they are used for the purchase ofconsumergoods,suchastelevisionsorfurniture,andthatthereisnoconcreteimpactontheeconomicdevelopmentoreducationofpoor families.After lookingatcountrieswithahigh levelof remittancesand governmental initiatives, some researchers believe that the strategies involving remittance-leddevelopmentappearsimplisticandnaïve.However,otherresearchers(Nijenhuis,2010)pointtotheroleof“hometownassociations”–definedasorganizationsofmigrantswhooriginatefromthesamemunicipalityorcommunityinacertaincountry–whichcollectivelyattempttostimulatedevelopmentinthesendingareabyraisingfundstofinancetheimplementationofprojectsmainlyinthesocialsphere.Inthisregard,thegovernment’sexperienceinsupportingalreadyexistingcommunityinitiativesisanimportantfactorwith regard to local development andachieving greater equity, asopposed to remittances in general,whichdonotincludedevelopmentplanning.

Important examplesof how remittances impact theurbanizationprocess canbe seen in intermediaryCentralAmericancities.Thesecitiesareexperiencingaboomingatedcommunitiesforthemiddleclass

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and themajority of peoplewith access tomigrant remittances (Klaufus, 2010). According to Klaufus,remittances inthiscontextcontributetounsustainableurbanizationthroughtheprivatizationofurbanplanning. Insuchacase, the lackofgovernmentalmechanismstochannel remittancestowardspublicwell-beingisreflectedintheabsenceofadequateregulatoryframeworks.Thosecasesinwhichregulatoryframeworks take careof thenatural environment andpromote social coexistencemakeanenormousdifferenceintermsoftheirfinalimpact.Researcherssuggestthat,inthesecases,themarketofexistinghousingshouldbemademoreattractiveinordertocontrolurbangrowthandtopreventanoversupplyofnew,expensivemiddle-classhomesintheperiphery,paralleledbyalargenumberofabandonedhousesintheurbancore.

3.2. POPULAR MIGRANT MARKETS FOSTERING LOCAL ECONOMIES

Boliviancitiesareexpandingrapidly,mostlyasaresultofrural–urbanmigration.Asstatedintheprevioussection,thecityofElAlto,amunicipalityclosetothecityofLaPaz,expanded160timesinareainjustonedecade.ThecityhasattractedpoormigrantsfromthehighAndeanmountainsandfromotherintermediarycities,whotogethermakeup81percentofthepopulation,aswellaspoorinhabitantsfromLaPaz.TheyfindinElAltoanopportunitytopurchaseaplotandbuildashack.Traditionalcommercialpractices inthecountryside,suchascommunitymarkets,haveemergedinurbanareas,adoptingnewidentitiesasaresultofthe interactionamongdifferentcultures.ThemarketsofElAltoareapopularattraction,asmanyproductscanbeboughtthere, fromhandicraftsandsmall industrial itemstosophisticatedhigh-technologyproductsatverylowprices.

Suchmarketsworkunderacomplex,informalsystem,regulatedbytraditionalmechanismsoftheAymaraandQuechoaculturesandwithtaxesandfeesagreeduponthroughaprocessofnegotiationwiththemunicipality (Municipality of El Alto, 2010). In fact, the popular market constitutes a public–privatepartnership;theland,typicallythestreets,andsomekeyinfrastructuresuchassanitationareprovidedbythelocalgovernment,whilecommissionsandcooperativesareinchargeofsettinguptheinfrastructuretoselltheproducts.Multiplemechanismsforcommunityagreementsandcooperationhelptomanagetheindividualandcollectivebusiness.

Themarketsinthe“ceja”(eyebrow)ofElAltoareagoodexampleofapublic–privatepartnershipthatcanoffercluestohowaninformalmarketcanbeanexampleofhowtolinkdisplacedcommunitieswiththeirnewurbanterritory,whilerespectingtheirparticularculturalworldview(GuzmanAgreda,2015).FortheAymarapeople,themarketisknownasqhathu,whichisaplacetoexperiencePachamama(motherland).Themarketislocatedintheopensopeopletherecanbeintouchwiththeopenskyandtheearth.Theinteractionbetweenbuyersandsellersisseenasbeingnotonlymaterial,butalsospiritual.Themarketexperienceinvolvesbothbuyersandsellersactingingoodfaithandsolidarity,withthesellerreducingpriceswhenrequestedandgivingmore(yapa)oftheitemasanexpressionoffriendship.Themarket“16deJulio”isseenasaplaceofrecreationinthepre-Columbianeraspacesremainingintheovercrowdedareasofthecity.

Migration toElAltohasbeenencouraged throughmanypublic policiesbut it hasoccurredespeciallybecause the country’s president is from the Aymara ethnic group. Five hundred years after Spanishconquest,thecitywasreshapedintourbansettlementsbasedonAymaratraditions,wheretheinhabitantsmaintaintheirancestral lifestyleswithamindsetadaptedtotheurbanenvironment.Inthesemarkets,thevaluesofthevariousethnicgroupsarepresent:ayni, whichmeansreciprocity,helpingpeopleor,ingovernment,working together;minka,whichmeans solidarity among sellers; yanquiña,whichmeansbarteringorfacilitatingtradeonafairbasis;andjanuluqa,whichmeansredistributionandassumesthattrademaynotalwaysbefair,thatcommunitiesneedsomerulestoensurethattheprofitsareredistributedtothosewhodidnotbenefitenoughintheprocessandmayfacehungerorlacknecessities.

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InElAlto,people’sliveshavebeenimprovedasaresultofthenationalpolicy“goodlife”,whichhasbeenimplemented through government-subsidized social infrastructures (such as schools, health facilitiesand sports clubs), and as a result of the Government’s emphasis on building a plurinational country.Theattainmentofsuchnationalgoalsinacountryhistoricallydividedbyethnicrivalriesrequiresstrongintercultural linkages, especially with such marginalized groups as poor rural migrants or relocatedunemployedmineworkers.ThismeltingpotinElAltohascreatedseveraltradeunionsandcommunityassociations,whichhavestrongsocialrelevance,ahighmobilizationcapacityandthepowerofcollectiveaction. They use ancient Andean knowledge and traditional practices to build new territories. ThephenomenonofemergingterritoriesbeingbuiltwithancestralpracticeshasspreadtoagreatnumberofmarketsandfairsaroundElAlto.Thishasoccurredsimultaneouslywiththeriseofanewsocialactor,theentrepreneur.Entrepreneurscreatevariousprofitablebusinesses inthecontextofagrowingeconomy,generatingprofitsthatarethenreinvestedinthesamemunicipality.Anewarchitecturalstyle,withaclearallusiontoancientAndeanartisticmotifshasemerged,fundedbysuchprofits(figure4).Inadditiontothemarkets,newurbanprojects,whichhavesometimesbeentheresultofverbalagreementsbetweenthemunicipalityandlandowners,giverisetonewurbantypologies.Thecommercialgroundfloorofsomebuildingshasmultipleuses,suchaspartyroomsorapartments,andthetopfloorisa“chalet”(or“cholet” asitiscalledinElAlto,ahumourouscombinationoftheword“chalet”and“cholo”,awordreferringtotheindigenouspeople).

Figure 4: New Andean architecture in El Alto


Theseprocessesarenot limitedtoBolivia.Theyhavespreadtoothercountriesthroughmigrants.Thewell-knownandwell-documentedcaseof“LaSaladamarket”inthemetropolitanareaofBuenosAiresisaninterestingexampleofareplicationofanopenmarketinaverydifferentenvironment,withdifferentculturalrulesandpoliticalframework.Inbrief,LaSaladawentthroughvariousstages.Initially, itwasa

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placeofillegaltradeoperatingontheoutskirtsoftheurbanfabricofthecity.Aftersometime,andasitsucceededinattractingpeopleofferingalternativetradesandproducts,themunicipalitiesstartedtoacceptitandincludeit intheirfaircatalogues. It isnowalsoaculturalattraction.InMexico,therearesimilarcasesof“spontaneous”markets that,becausethesellershavedemonstratedtheircapacity forinterculturaldialogueandcommunitymobilization,havebeenacceptedandpromotedbytheGovernmentandhaveflourished.LaFeriadelasCulturasAmigasdelaCiudaddeMéxico(thefairofculturalfriendsofMexicoCity)attracts2.9millionpeopleannually.Thisevent,supportedbyhigh-rankingofficials,isaresultofthehighrateofmigrationtoandfromthecity.Occupying100sq.m.,itwasdesignedtoenlightenthepublicontheimportanceofmigrationinshapinginterculturalcities,andthereisanaudiovisualexpositiononthesubject.

ThecaseofsupermarketsownedbyChineseimmigrantsiswelldocumentedinthespecializedliterature.Therehasbeena great expansion in thenumberof supermarkets in LatinAmerica,with thenumbergrowing in onedecadewhatwould takefivedecades in theUnited States. The supermarket shareofnationalfoodretailintheUnitedStateswasbetween8and10percentin1930,andreached80percentin2000.InLatinAmericancountries,however,theprocesshasbeenmuchfaster.InBrazil,thenumbershaveincreasedthefastest:thefigurewas30percentin1990and75percentin2000(anannualincreaseof10%),whileinArgentinathefigureincreasedfrom17percentin1985to57percentin2000(anannualincreaseof9%).Guatemalahasexperiencedalowerrate,from30centin1990to35percentin2000.Withinthistrend,theincreaseinChinesesupermarketsrespondedtotheopportunitycreatedbyLatinAmericancitiestoexpandbusiness.TheChineseimmigrantsusedtheknow-howacquiredinChina,whereinthelastdecadesanoverwhelmingnumberofsupermarketshaveopened,atarateofapproximately30to40percentperyear,whichisuniqueintheworld(Huetal.,2004).Thesesupermarketshaveagrowinginfluenceinpopularneighbourhoodsincitiesintheregion,particularlyintheSouthernCone(Argentina,UruguayandthesouthernpartofBrazil).

Informal retail centres in public spaces are another phenomenon of popularmarkets led bymigrantcommunities,suchas thedisplacedpopulations inBogotaor themigrants fromnorthernBrazil inSaoPaulo.However,althoughsuchactivitiesarecrucialforthemigrants’survival,differentstudiesreportthattherearemanygovernmentinitiativestocrackdownandevenevictthesegroups.Thegovernmentsclaimtheyaretakingsuchactionsduetoreplanningprojects.

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4. SELF-HELP AND MIGRANT-LED INITIATIVES FOR SOCIAL HOUSING

4.1. DISPLACED POPULATIONS INITIATING COOPERATION AGREEMENTS

The agreement between themunicipalities of San Carlos andMedellin in Colombia is an example ofamigrant-led initiativewith support frompublic resources. SanCarlos is a smallmunicipality stronglyaffectedbyinternalconflict,whichhascausedamassivedisplacementoftheruralpopulation,whomovedtoMedellin(MunicipalityofMedellin,2012).Mostdisplacedpopulations livetogether inovercrowdedslumsintheperipheriesofthecity.Bothmunicipalitiesagreedtoworktogethertofacilitatelargenumbersofvolunteerreturnsintheframeworkofanationalplanforreconciliation.Toimplementthisplan,itwasnecessarytointroduceanamendmenttoanationallegalrulingonmunicipalexpenditureinordertoallowMedellinauthoritiestoinvestresourcesinanotherterritory,inthiscasethemunicipalityofSanCarlos.Thecaseisrelevantasboththemunicipalandthenationalrepresentativesinvolvedunderstoodthatthe“righttoreturn”wasofparamountimportancetothevictimsoftheconflict,ratherthanjustreceivingsocialhousinginMedellin.

AsMarmora(1997)correctlyadvocates,therighttodecidewhereonewishesto live isabasichumanright. This is critical when there is a strong relationship to land lost through displacement, as is thecaseinColombia.Apolicytopreventforceddisplacementrequiresthecombinationofsocial,political,economicandculturalactorsworkingcollectively inremovingthecausesofdisplacement,forexampleby promoting dialogue for peace and finding income generation schemes and support for the mostvulnerablepopulations.ThestrategyofthoseinvolvedintheSanCarlosprojectwastoinserttheprocessinthepublicandgovernmentagendasandthentobringtogetherkeyalliestoachieveresults.Supportingdisplacedgroupstoreturntotheirplaceoforiginbyofferingthemhousingandassistancetostarttheirownbusinesses,inastillunstablepoliticalsetting,wascontroversial.RepresentativesfromthemunicipalgovernmentofSanCarlosunderstoodthat thebestway tobringback itsdisplacedpopulationwas toconvinceprivateinvestorsinMedellintocreatejobopportunities,tosubsidizehousingandinfrastructure,andtorepairtheroadsdamagedbytheinternalconflict.TheSanCarlosprojectcontributestothebroaderdiscussiononreturnprogrammesinitiatedbydisplacedpopulations,whoareabletodevelopaframeworkfornegotiationonmultiplelevelsandwhoseactionsserveasablueprintforurbanandregionalplanningexercises.

Althoughthiscasehasshownpromisingresults,thewayforwardconcerninglandrestitutionandreturninColombiaisstilluncertain.Fromahumanrightsperspective,whenthreatstohumanliferemainintheplaceoforigin,itisnotnecessarilyadvisablethatdisplacedpopulationsreturn.However,thesepopulationshave the right to self-determinationand the freedom to choosewhere to live. Their choicesmust berespectedandtheirrighttohavetheirfarmsandlandbackcannotbedenied.ConsideringthatColombiaisanurbanizedcountrywithcleartrendstowardsevengreaterurbanization,thedecisiononsupportingmassivereturnstothecountrysideisnotaneasyonefortheGovernmentorthedisplacedpopulations,especiallyconsideringthatthedisplacedpopulationshadacquiredlivelihoodsinthecities. It isonthisaspectthatpublicpoliciespromotingtherighttoliveinthecityarefocusing;thatis,education,healthandotherfacilities.Improvingthelivingconditionsofthedisplacedpopulationsintermsofovercrowdingandunemployment,eitherinruralorinurbanareas,isacriticalaspectofdesigningpro-poorregionalandurbanpolicies.Besidessocialandeconomicwelfare,theissuesofidentityanddignitymustbetakenintoaccount.Itisnotthesameforafarmerlivinginaslumtoreceiveasubsidytoliveinanupgradedslum,asitwouldbeforhimtoreceivethesamesubsidytomodernizehisfarmandbeself-sufficient.

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Othercountriesintheregionarealsostrugglingontheonehandtoadvancetheconceptoftherighttothecitybyenhancingthelivingconditionsofthepoorincities,andontheotherhandtocreateconditionsthatensurethattherighttoliveintheplaceofone’sownchoiceisrespectedeveninruralareas.Thissecondstrugglealsocontributestopreventingmigrationtometropolitanandintermediarycities,oneofthemostimportantaspectsofregionalplanningpoliciesaimedatnationaldevelopment.

4.2. THE CONTRIBUTION OF MIGRANTS TO DEVELOPMENT

Throughtheirwork,migrantscontributetothedevelopmentofthehostcommunities invariousways.Typically inLatinAmericaandtheCaribbean,migrantsdevelopcooperativeschemesforagroindustrialdevelopment related to food production on the outskirts of cities. Such operations are based on theagriculturalknow-howofmigrantcommunitiesappliedspecificallytocertainproducts.Theestablishmentofthesecooperativesoftenleadstomigrantsbuildingtheirownhousingfacilitiesandbasicinfrastructures,ascollectivelytheyareabletogeneratetheresourcesneeded.Abriefoverviewofacaseintheregionprovides insight intohowmigrantcooperativeswork,what thechallengesareandwhatopportunitiestheyprovide.InLatinAmerica,bothinternalandinternationalmigrantshavetheadvantageofhavingthesamelanguagespokeninmostrecipientcountries(exceptBrazil),andofthecountries’physicalproximity,whichmakesitpossibletomigrantstotaketheirfamilieswhileseekingmorepermanentsettlement.Thetypical journeyforLatinAmericanmigrants involvessettlingfirst inovercrowdedslums,generallyuntiltheyfindajobandcanearnanincome,thenbringingtheirfamilyandseekingamorepermanentplacewheretheysettletogether. Inthissearchforbetter livingconditions,migrantsusetheirorganizationalcapabilitiestoforminitiativesforsocialhousing.

Cooperativeschemescanbethesolutionwhenitcomestoemploymentgeneration,buttheycanalsobeatrapthatresultsinmigrantsbeingcompletelydependentonlargerenterprisesthatabusetheirbasichumanrights.Thishappensespeciallywhencooperativesarelocatedinruralorperi-urbanareas,whereStatecontrolislimited.

Brazil has one of the highest percentages ofmigrants from Africa. Historically,migrants arrived fromAfricaduringcolonialtimestoworkasslavesandremainedafterindependencefromPortugal.Theirlivingconditionswerepoorwhentheylivedinruralareasandwhenthesegroupsmovedtothecities,wheretheytypicallylivedinshantytownsandfavelas(slums)indifferentpartsofthecities.RiodeJaneiro,amajorcityonBrazil’ssouth-eastcoastwithapopulationofapproximately11.7millionpeople,containsalmost4percentofthecountry’stotalmunicipalterritory(InstitutoPereyraPassos,2010).Thecityhasgrownforanumberofreasons,oneofwhichissimplynaturalincrease(thebirthrateishigherthanthedeathrate).Thepopulationhasalsogrownasaresultofurbanization,whichismostlyaresultofrural–urbanmigration.Infact,millionsofpeoplehavemigratedfromBrazil’sruralareastoRiodeJaneiro,where65percentofurbangrowthisaresultofmigration.Thisiscausedbydifferentpushandpullfactors.FavelasarelocatedontheedgeofmostmajorBraziliancities,andtheyarefoundintheselocationsfortwomainreasons.First,itistheonlylandavailabletobuildonwithinthecitylimits.Second,industryisgenerallylocatedontheedgeofcities;manypeopleneedjobsandthereforetheyliveclosetothefactories.Someofthesesettlementsthatareontheedgeofthecitymayinfactbe40or50kmfromthecitycentre,alongmainroadsorupverysteephillsides.

TheauthoritiesinRiodeJaneirohavetakenanumberofstepstoreduceproblemsinthefavelas,includingsettingupself-helpschemes.Throughonesuchscheme,thelocalauthorityhasprovidedresidentswiththematerialsneededtoconstructpermanentaccommodation,includingbreezeblocksandcement.Thelocalresidentsprovidethelabour.Themoneysavedcanbespentonbasicamenitiessuchaselectricityandwater.

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Rocinha is a slum with 200,000 inhabitants, a high percentage of whom are migrants of differentnationalities. It isdistributedacross21neighbourhoods,but itoccupies just0.86sq.km.Today,almostallthehousesinRocinhaaremadefromconcreteandbrick.Somebuildingsarethreeorfourstoriestallandalmostallhouseshavebasicsanitation,plumbingandelectricity.Comparedtosimpleshantytownsorslums,Rocinhahasabetterdevelopedinfrastructure. Italsohashundredsofbusinessesandshops,includingbanksandpharmacies,aswellasbuslines,cablefortelevision(andalocallybasedtelevisionchannel)and,atonetime,evenaMcDonaldsfranchise.ThesedevelopmentfactorshelptoclassifyRocinhaasafavelabairro,or“favelaneighbourhood”.

Even though poor populations are concentrated in the area, there are already clear indications ofdevelopmentthat,whenconsistentlysupportedbythemunicipality,canleadtoapositivecircleofsocio-territorialinclusion.Thisfavelahadbeensegregatedfromtherestofsociety,butduringrecentdecadesthe situationhas begun to change. This has occurred as a result of aggressivepublic policieswith anenablingapproach, suchas theFavelaBairrioprogramme, throughwhichneighbourhoodassociationshavebeenprovidedwithfinancialsupporttoupgradethearea,improvetheinfrastructure,supportlandregularizationandsoforth.Theself-helpcomponentoftheprogrammemustbehighlightedbecauseitpursues legitimatecommunitymobilizationbyallocatingresourcestothosereadytocontributetotheenhancement of their living conditions. In addition, the programme seeks to ensure that the culturalidentitiesofslumdwellersarerespected,thattheirlivingconditionsareimprovedandthattheyarenotforcedoutoftheirhomesduetotheirethnicityorbecausetheyaremigrants.

Localgovernmentsinvestsignificantresourcesandprovidelegalframeworkstopreventforcedevictionsandthecrackingdownoninformaleconomicactivities.Cooperativeschemesaredifficulttoachieveinslums because different communities there compete to access basic resources.Migrant organizationsoftenhaveanelementofself-organizationastheyarebuiltonsolidarityamongpeoplefromthesamecountryorregion.Bolivians,amongothernationalities,livinginslumshavebeenwelldocumentedinthisrespect.They joincooperativeschemes, contributing to theenhancementof their slumsandhousing,whichiskeyforthesuccessofthegovernmentalprogrammes.

AcaseofpositiveinterculturalexchangecanbefoundthecityofViedma,Argentina.There,Boliviansinagriculturalcooperativessupplythecitywithvegetables,whichbeforetheirarrivalhadbeenimportedfromsuppliersatgreatdistancesandathighcosts.Inreturn,themunicipalitysupportsthesecooperativesby providing a well-situatedmarket built with public funds where they can offer their products in acomfortable and well-organized environment. However, this municipal decision generated complaintsfrom local neighbours about the fact that themunicipality was “promoting immigrants”. Afterwards,therewasadebateduringwhichtheresidentsdiscussedtheadvantagesanddisadvantagesofmigrantsoccupyingrolesandrunningbusinessestocoverinternalmarketdemands.However,mostofthepeopleofViedmafeltpositivelytowardsthemigrantsandthefactthattheytooktheleadinorganizingthemselvesintoacooperativetoproducelower-costvegetablesthatwereindemand.Themunicipalitythendecidedtodocumentandcollectevidenceofthevariouscontributionsofmigrantstolocaldevelopment,whilepursuingbettercommunicationstrategiesandunderstandingamongtheresidents.

It is characteristic ofmigrant groups to organize cooperative schemes in the agricultural sector. Suchschemes have provided themwith income generation opportunities and jobs, and they have helpedlocals,especiallyinremoteareas,togeneratelocallyproducedfood,replacingexpensiveandunreliableimportedfood.However,themaincriticismoftheseschemesisthat,tofillthedemandforagricultureproduction,migrantgroupsaresometimesforcedtoliveisolatedinperi-urbanareaswithoutadequateurbanservices,especiallyschoolsfortheirchildren.Itiswellknownthatmigrantcommunitiesputgreateffortintoensuringthattheirfamiliesgrowupingoodenvironments.

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Thereisarecordofabuseofmigrantsincooperativeshiredbyenterprisesintheagroindustrialsector.AsPizarro(2008)explains,forimmigrantsvulnerabilitycanmeanalackofactualpower.Althoughnationalregulatory frameworks protect the rights ofmigrants and establish clear legal resources, their actualapplicationbypublicofficialsandcitizensingeneraltendstobelimited.Thisisduetoacombinationofignorance,prejudiceandcorruption.Thesefactsmeanthat,eventhoughmigrantsmayknowtheirrights,thefullexerciseoftheserightsisinpracticelimitedbyculturalintolerance.CasesinCordoba,Argentina,documentedbyPizarroshowthat,withregardtoBolivianmigrantsinCordoba,therehavebeendifferentperceptionsbylocalresidentsindifferenttimeperiods.Initially,about40yearsago,theywereperceivedas“goodworkers”andaspeoplewhowereabletododifficultmanualworkinexchangeforpoorsalaries.Inthesecondtimeperiod,asthemigrants’rightsstartedtobeprotectedthrough legislationandtheydevelopedtheirowncooperatives,themigrantswereperceivedas“gangs”whoalwaysmovedingroups.Althoughtheywerestillrecognizedasbeinghardworkers,itwassaidthattheyhad“bigambitions”and“trickyattitudes”,aslocalsbelievedthattheyavoidedpayingtaxes.Inthethirdstage,asmanymembersof the cooperativeswere clearlybeingabusedby large companieswhowerepaying very low salariesand themigrants were working almost as slaves, public opinion again changed towards the Bolivianworkers.Asaresultoftheclearabusesofhumanrights,locallawyersbegantodefendtheircausesandtodemanddamages,asmanymigrantworkershadbecomeseriouslyillasaresultofworkinginunhealthyconditions.1TheBolivianworkersgainedsympathyfromthepublicingeneral,astheywereseenasvictimsofabuse.Thisopenedavenuesofsolidaritywithworkerunionsandassociations,butmedium-sizedandlargecompanieshesitatedtohiretheseworkersastheysawthemasproblematic.ResearchhasshownevidenceoftheriseofslaveryincurrenttimesinwealthyneighbourhoodsofcitiessuchasBuenosAires,BogotaandMexicoCity.Inalloftheseplaces,apparenteconomicopportunitiesattractingmigrantshavesometimes turnedout tobea trap inwhich themigrantsendupworkingas slaves. Some individualstakeadvantageofvulnerablemigrantsseekingjobs,whowouldacceptanysituationjusttogetintothelabourmarket.Intheirsearchtosettleintheirnewcountries,migrantsareregularlyforcedintohumantrafficking,drugdistribution,prostitutionorother illegalactivities.Cooperativeschemescanempowermigrantcommunitiesbecausethroughthem,migrantscanearntheirincomesindependently.Also,manycasesofabuseofworkersareresolvedthankstothetimelyinterventionofcooperativestructuresthattakelegalaction;forexample,theycanopenacasewiththePublicDefender’sOffice.

1 AdescriptionofacaseinvolvingtheabuseofmigrantscanbedownloadedfromthewebsiteofthePublicDefender’sOfficeatwww.defensoria.org.ar/publicaciones/pdf/justa01B.pdf

http://www.defensoria.org.ar/publicaciones/pdf/justa01B.pdf

http://www.defensoria.org.ar/publicaciones/pdf/justa01B.pdf

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5. CHANGING THE PRACTICE OF EVICTION FROM INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS

5.1. INTERNATIONAL EFFORTS TO PROMOTE INTERCULTURAL NEIGHBOURHOODS

Someinitiativeshavecreatedapositivemomentumtochangethehostilestanceofmanylocalgovernmentswith regard to informal settlements, particularly those inhabitedmostly by internationalmigrants. Inadditiontothelegislativechangesontherighttothecity,aninitiativethatdeservesrecognitionistheImmigrantDaycelebration,togetherwithotherssuchasRefugeeDay.Theseinitiativesattempttoinformcitizensaboutthevalueofdifferentculturesandtheimportanceofsolidarityamongcultures.TherearealsomanyinitiativesthatsupportinterculturalcitiesinLatinAmericabypromotingfestivals,movies,fairsandexhibitions.Theseeventsrevealthegreatvitalityoftheregion,whichinturnhelpstochangenegativeviewsofmigrantsinlocalsocieties.

InhismessagetocommemorateInternationalMigrantsDay2012,theSecretary-GeneraloftheUnitedNations stated that many migrants who are escaping difficult conditions end up facing even greaterdifficulties,includinghumanrightsviolations,povertyanddiscrimination.However,heemphasizedthatthesemigrantshadmorethanfearanduncertainty,thattheyalsopossessedhope,courageandresolvetobuildabetterlife,andthat,withtherightsupport,theycouldcontributetosociety’sprogress.Healsomadeapleaforbetterinteractionbetweenthedifferentregionalactorsinvolvedintheformulationandimplementationofmigrationpolicies(CELADE,2013).

Otherdocuments releasedon InternationalMigrantsDay2012highlight the importanceofgeneratingfurther cooperationbetween countriesof origin anddestination, and increasing awareness about themigrants’ situation in order to promote public policies based on existing needs. Furthermore, in theframeworkofthesecondHigh-LevelDialogueonInternationalMigrationandDevelopment,theDirectorGeneralofIOMparticipatedintheevent“Theimportanceofregionaldynamicstointernationalmigrationanddevelopment”,organizedbyIOMandtheGovernmentsofPeruandtheRussianFederation.Atthedialogue, it was stated that the discussions were a good opportunity for countries to take action onpractical solutions regarding themost important issues related tomigrationand toestablishprioritiesineachregion. InBuenosAires,anannual festivaloffilmsaboutmigrantshasbeentakingplacesince2010.Itisaimedatenlighteningsocietyontheimportanceofrespondingtothechallengesofimmigrantsandrefugees,whofrequentlysufferdeprivationbecauseoftheirconditions.Documentariesandotherfilmsmadefromahumanrightsperspectivearepresentedatthefestivaltobuildawarenessaboutthechallengesandopportunitiescreatedbymigration.Althoughmunicipalgovernmentsarenotinvolved,itisimportanttohighlighttheinitiativesincountriessuchasArgentinaandUruguaythathaveestablishedmobileconsulatesinslums.Theideabehindthemobileconsulatesisforimmigrantstobeabletoaccessdocumentationprocessingclosetotheirresidence.

Furthermore,CostaRicahasdevelopedaseriesofmanualstohelppublicofficialstointegrateespeciallypoormigrantsintotheurbanfabric(DGME,2011).Theideaofthemanualistobetterexplainmigrationlawtofacilitatetheadministrativeprocessandtoenlightensocialworkerstohelpmigrants.Thisisacleardemonstrationofashiftinhowmigrantsandtheircontributionstocultureandeconomicdevelopmentareperceived. In the region, there is a clear trend involving thepromotionof the local integrationofmigrants,asreflectedinseveralpublications,toolsandapproachesaimedatguidingnationalandlocalgovernments(UN-Habitat,2010).

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5.2. THE NEW GENERATION OF URBAN PLANNING TOOLS: FOCUS ON HUMAN RIGHTS

AccordingtotheAdvisoryGrouponForcedEvictions,theCentreonHousingRightsandEvictions(COHRE),theHabitatInternationalCoalition,theInternationalAllianceofInhabitants,SlumDwellersInternationalandtheAsianCoalitionforHousingRights,themostprevalentcausesofforcedevictionsarethosethatariseasaresultofdevelopment(UN-Habitat,2011).Development-relatedevictionsspanabroadrangeofactivitiesthatinclude:(a)large-scaleprojectssuchashydroelectricdamsorminingprojectsthatforcepeople from their homes and off their land, leading to rural–urban migration; (b) city developmentprojectstoaddressincreasingurbanizationandrelatedinfrastructureissues;(c)urbanprojectstoincreasethesafetyandsecurityofinhabitantslivinginareasdeemedbyauthoritiestobedangerous;(d)projectsaimedataddressinganenvironmentalconcern;(e)citybeautificationprojects;and(f)thehostingofmegaeventssuchastheOlympicsorWorldCupsoccerevents.

Apartfromtheabove-mentioneddevelopmentprojects,forcedevictionsalsooccurasaresultofnaturaldisasters,climatechangeandmorerecently(particularlyindevelopedcountries)economicdeprivation,whichcanbetheresultofnotattendingtosocialprioritiesandmorespecificallytheglobalfinancialcrisis.Evictions targetingmigrant groupsarealso frequent, as some sectors inhost societies, including localpoorpeople,donotalwaysacknowledgemigrants’righttoliveintheirhostcountries.Thissituationisindependentoftheirstatusascitizensorforeigners,asitcanbeobservedinsomecountriesintheregionthatevensomemigrantswhohaveacquiredlegalstatusascitizensfacediscriminationbecauseoftheirplaceoforiginandarepreventedfromobtaininggoodjobsorbenefittingfrompublicinvestments.Thehousesandbusinessesofmigrantsarefrequenttargetsofuninformedlocalauthorities,whocancausesignificantdamage(forexampletomarketstallsoratculturalfairsorcelebrationsorganizedbymigrants).Theevictionofcertainmigrantgroupssetsabadprecedentthatcanleadtotheevictionsofothergroups.Forthisreason,humanrightsexpertsemphasizetheimportanceofnotallowinganyhumanrightsabusetotakeplace,even incases inwhichsuchrightsarechallengedby“normal” localpractices.Thekey isto identify the right legal frameworkwithindomestic legislation topreventhuman rights abuses, anddetermining how the national constitution incorporates international treaties, particularly theGenevaConvention.

Theissueofevictionhasledtothecreationofvarioustoolsandmechanismsthatareusedbydifferentgroups topreventeviction throughparticipatoryplanning. Ina reportbyUN-Habitat (2011), sixmajorgroups of tools are identified. The first group is based on legal action.When independent courts areavailable, communities affected by eviction often use legal mechanisms to challenge an impendingeviction.Courtsaregenerallyusedtochallengetheenablinglegislationitself,andtoseekinjunctionstostoptheevictionfrombeingcarriedoutwhileabroaderlegalcaseisprepared.

The secondgroup refers to communityorganizationandmobilization. Theexperienceof theAdvisoryGroup on Forced Evictions indicates that community organization andmobilization is the singlemostimportantfactorinpreventingorhaltingforcedevictionsandnegotiatingadequateresettlement.

The third group of strategies relates to international solidarity and support, involving NGOs workinginconcertwith localorganizationsandmovements. Inmany instances, support fromthe internationalcommunityhasplayedasignificantrole inaddressingevictions inthedomesticcontext.OftenmigrantcommunitiesfeelisolatedintheirstrugglesandNGOsfillthegap,helpingtoorganizeandstructurethedefenceoftheirrights.

The fourth tool is the media. Manymigrant communities use the media to communicate with theircommunities and tofight theabuse targetingmigrants. Radioprogrammes that arepresentedalmostthroughout Latin America and the Caribbean give a voice tomigrant communities so they can share

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their experiences in their host countries and help each other find employment and acquire properdocumentation.

Thefifthtooltopreventeviction isthroughtheuseofhumanrightsframeworks. Internationalhumanrights laws and mechanisms contribute to preventing or halting forced evictions. International andregionalmechanismsareparticularlyimportantincountrieswhereinternalmechanismsareinadequateanddemocracyiscompromised.

Thesixthwaytopreventevictionistohaveplansthatarealternativestothoseproposedbythegovernment.Under international human rights law, Stateshaveanobligation topursueevery alternative to forcedevictionandthusshouldconsideralternativeplans,includingthosedevelopedbycivilsociety.

Away topromoteparticipatoryplanning is for localgovernments to introduce tools so theycanworktogetherwithcommunitiestodetermineprioritiesforaction.The“compass”isaparticipatorymethodologyemployed to collect data from slum dwellers, using key indicators tomeasure their living conditions,expressed in terms of human rights, community organization, regulations and ongoing public works(Murilloetal.,2010).2Thismethodologyaimstoproducecritical information,validatedby low-incomecommunities, including slum dwellers and other residents. It brings together communities and localgovernmentstodiscussprioritiesandtoselectplansforaction.Thecompassmethodologyisessentiallyatoolusedtomakepublicpoliciesmoreeffectivebyincorporatingtheknowledgeandcommitmentofslumdwellers.

A great advantage of this methodology is that it expresses the results of the participatory diagnosisgraphically,reflectingthestrengthsandweaknessesofasegregatedneighbourhood.Byusingthistool,itispossibletocarryoutacomparativeanalysisforpolicydesign(figure5).Insteadofdesigningpublicpoliciesbasedonestablishedglobalsolutionsforslumsandlow-incomeneighbourhoods,andneglectingdifferencesandparticularities,usersofthecompassmethodologytakeintoconsiderationthedifferencesandparticularitiestobeabletoworkoutamoredetailedunderstandingofpoorneighbourhoodsandthendevelop“tailormade”policyresponses.Suchtailormaderesponsesdependonadiagnosis–thatis, a determination of the key factors of poverty and segregation – being identified collectively. Self-generating data on the various aspects of the population’s situation and living conditions (includinghousing, infrastructure, services and employment) are produced. Afterwards, an analysis is made ofthesocio-territorialgaps,expressedashumanrightsdeprivation.Thetargetcommunitiesdiscusstheirproblemsandpossiblewaystoaddressthem.Onceaconsensus is reached, thecommunityagreesonprioritiesandactionstobetakencollectivelyandindividuallytoupgradetheirneighbourhoods.Atthisstage, thecommunitieswork togetherwith theauthorities toestablishguidelines fordesigningactionplans.Suchwork,supportedbyexpertteams,isfollowedbyanin-depthdiscussiononalternativewaystomoveforwardtoimprovetheslums,takingintoaccountthespecificneedsandopportunities,definingtheprioritiesforpro-poorpolicies,andempoweringthecommunitytoplaythemainroleinimplementingtheplan.

2 Moreinformationisavailablefromwww.youtube.com/watch?v=MjlcTWVxP8U

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MjlcTWVxP8U

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Figure 5: Comparative analysis of different neighbourhoods using the compass methodology

Source:Figurebytheauthor.

Different fromtraditionalparticipatoryexercises inwhichthesegregatedcommunityseeksto improveits living conditions, the compass approach involves linking communities together andwith the localgovernmentasastrategicmovetoachievemoresustainableactions.Forinstance,aslummaylackwaterandsanitation,butitmayhavegoodaccesstojobsandincomegenerationactivities.

The participatory exercise with the communities and local governments strengthens the sense ofcommunitybycreatingdataforplanning,whicharesharedandagreeduponbythedifferentstakeholders.This lays the foundation for takingaction todevelopa strategy todealwith the lackof infrastructurethroughacommunity-ledprocesssupportedbylocalauthorities.

Inthisway,thecompassmethodologygeneratesafruitfulparticipatoryexercise.Differentfromtraditionalparticipatoryexercises inwhichcommunitiesplaymoreofa“recipient”role, inthismethodologytheygeneratetheplansandcontributeeffortsintheirimplementation,ratherthanjustwaitingfortheStatetotakeaction.Amongthestakeholdersareslumdwellers,low-incomeresidentsandthebeneficiariesofpublichousing,whoarenormallysegregatedinthesameneighbourhood.Thedataareusedtoproducethenorthaxisofthecompassgraph,andtheimprovementsinthehumanrightssituationareexpressedasapercentage,whichallows foracomparisonof thesituationto that inotherneighbourhoods. It isimportantforthepoortoseetheirstrengthsandweaknesses,assumingthatsomefactors,suchaslandtenure, or the availability of drinkablewater, sanitationor public transport, are combined key factorsbehindtheirpoverty.Asitisacollectiveexercise,theresultsshowevidenceoftheactionsthatfamiliescan take individually (such as addressing overcrowding by building additional rooms with their ownresources),ofactionsrequiringcommunityself-organization(suchasbuildinggreenorpublicareas)andofactionsthatrequiretheinvolvementofthemunicipalitytoachievetheresults(suchasbuildingwaterandsanitationinfrastructures).

Duringtheparticipatoryplanningdiscussion,communityleaders,empoweredbytheexercise,arefoundat the same tablewithmunicipal officials, representatives from the private sector, non-governmentalpartnersandotheractors interested inbeingpartof the initiative.Theparticipatoryplanning stage iscrucialintheprocess:whenitgoeswelltheresultisan“urbanpact”,inwhichcommunityrepresentatives

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andthemayorsignanagreementonhowallofthestakeholderstogetherwilladdresstheissueofslumsbasedonafair,egalitarianandsustainableapproach.AsHarvey(2012)statesinhispublicationabouttherighttothecity,themajorachievementofthemethodologyisnotonlyhavinghousesandbasicservicesactually built, but also empowering communities to regain confidence in their capacities to organizethemselvesandtoovercomedifficulties.

Sofar,thecompassmethodologyhasbeenappliedin17citiesin5LatinAmericancountries(Argentina,Bolivia,Chile,ColombiaandGuatemala).Ineachofthesecases,amodelforparticipationwasintroduced,facilitatingdialoguebetweenthelow-incomegroupsandthelocalauthorities.Theexperiencehasshownthatthekeyforsuchsynergiesistoencouragecommunityself-regulationthroughacombinationofpublicexpendituresintermsofhousingandinfrastructuresupplywithmoreflexibleregulatoryframeworks.

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6. GOOD PRACTICES IN UPGRADING SLUMS

6.1. PARTICIPATORY FRAMEWORKS

SlumproliferationisoneofthelargestchallengesfacingcitiesinLatinAmericaandtheCaribbean.Althoughthischallengemayseemtobesimilaracrosscities,itisimportanttobearinmindthatthereareenormousdifferencesintheirpresenceinmetropolises,intermediarycities,smallcitiesandruraltowns.Asslumsarebeingcreated,interventionstrategiesmustbeadequatelycontextualized.Metropolitancitiesareimportantbecausetheirsizecreatesnewdynamicsandinteractionsbetweendifferentdemographic,social,political,economic andecological processes, facilitatingwealth generationand investment attraction.As LopezMoreno(2011)pointsout,SaoPaulo,Brazil’slargestcity,andBangkok,thecapitalofThailand,eachhostjustover10percentofthetotalpopulationoftheirrespectivecountries,butbothcitiesaccountformorethan40percentoftheircountry’sgrossdomesticproduct(datafromUN-Habitat,2014a).LopezMorenostates:“Goodsandservicesaregenerallyproducedanddistributedmoreefficientlyindenselypopulatedareas;but,itisalsointheseareasthatonecanseeandsmelltheeffectsofovercrowding,pollutionandunsanitarylivingconditionsthataresoprevalentincitiesofthedevelopingworld.Itisalsointheselargecitiesthatpronouncedlevelsofpoverty,socialinequalityandenvironmentaldegradationexacerbatethevulnerabilityofpopulations.Bigagglomerationswithhighlevelsofexclusion,ethnicdivision,segregationandgrowingdisparitiescanbemorepronetocrime,insecurityandconflict.”LopezMorenoexplainsthattheworld’slargestcities,thatis,citiesofmorethan5millioninhabitants,werehometoonlyabout7.5percentoftheworld’spopulationin2007andthattheygrewatarateofabout2.2percentannuallybetween2005and2010.Infact,veryfewintermediarycitiesarewellpreparedtofacesuchchallenges.AstudycarriedoutbyUN-Habitat (2008)showsthat, fromasampleof120 localgovernments,70didnothavepoliciesforcontrollinginformalurbanexpansionresultingfrom,forexample,slumformation,orcommercialormicro-industrialactivities.Inadditiontothelackofmechanismstocontrolthecomplexprocessofinformalurbanexpansion,thestudyrevealsthatthereisalackofawarenessofacriticalaspectofthefuturesustainabilityofLatinAmericancities:incomeinequalitieshavenotdecreasedintheregion.Itshouldbenotedthat,althougheffortshavebeenmade,theseinequalitieshavenotdecreasedevenincountriesexperiencinghigheconomicgrowthrates,suchasBrazilandMexico.There,urbaninequalitiesremainacrucialproblem.TheGiniIndex,whichmeasuresincome/consumptioninequalities,remainedatabout0.55forthesecountries,unchangedbetweentheearly1990sand2005(UN-Habitat,2008).Thisunfortunatedivisionbetweenrichandpoorconstitutesthemajorhandicapintheregion,andaccordingtovariousresearch,itisalsothemaincauseofinsecurity,politicalinstabilityandsocialproblems.

Thegoodpractices inslumupgrading inLatinAmericaarewellknownglobally.TworecentsessionsoftheWorldUrbanForum,organizedbyUN-Habitat,havebeenhostedinLatinAmerica:inRiodeJaneiro,Brazil,in2010andinMedellin,Colombia,in2014.Thesecitieswerechosenbecauseoftheirgoodpoliciesinintegratinginformalsettlementsintotheurbanfabricwhileovercomingsocio-territorialsegregation.

TheFavelaBairroprogramme,whichbeganintheearly1980sasaresultofalocalgovernmentdecisiontorecognizepeople living inslumsascitizens,usesaprogressivestrategytoregularizesmallpiecesoflandwheretheinformalpopulationliveinshacksandshelters.Thegovernmentofferssmallgrantstoself-organizedgroupsseekingtoimprovetheirhabitat.Thegrantsareofferedonlytothosecommunitygroupsthatarereadytocontributelabourtobuildinginfrastructures.Thispositiveassociationbetweenthelocalgovernmentandcommunitieshascreateda“win-win”situationinwhichthelocalgovernmentachievesconcreteresults intermsofhabitat improvementfor low-incomegroups. Inaddition,thecommunitieshaveachievedthetangibleresultsofhavinglandtenureandpublicfacilities,initiatingapositiveprocessofimprovement.

Nolessimportantistheparticipatoryprocessthattheprogrammeencourages,bringingcommunitiesandgovernmentstogether,overcomingthetraditionalstigmatizationthatslumdwellershavefacedhistorically.

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InternalmigrationinBrazilisimportant,particularlyinthemajorcitiesofSaoPauloandRiodeJaneiro,whereslumsserveaspoorandinexpensiveaccommodationformigrants.Thecriticaldecisionbythelocalgovernmenttoacceptslumsasalegitimatehabitatwheretheinhabitantscanlivewithoutfearingsuddeneviction impliesan indirectrecognitionoftherightsofmigrants.ThepositiveexperienceoftheFavelaBairrioprogrammehasinfluencedtheapproachtakentourbanplanning,makingitmorehumanrightsbased,whichhasledtodrasticchangesintermsofdealingwithslums.

A new regulatory framework applied nationally called the “Estatuto das cidades” (statute of cities)established new rules that all municipalities must follow for land management. These rules requireregularization insteadofeviction, therebyrecognizingtheright toadequatehousingasabasichumanright.Thisprogrammehasinfluenceddevelopmentinothercountries,particularlyinLatinAmerica,wherethe concept of the right to the city is understood to be a natural expansionof the right to adequatehousing. Small interventions in favelas, such as the constructionof green areasor proper, safepublicstairways,areexamplesof typical self-helpcommunityprojectssubsidizedthroughtheprogramme. Inparallel, new regulations focus on land value capturemechanisms and require a fairer distribution ofresources,includingmoreinvestmentindisadvantagedareas,therebysystematicallyreducingthetrendtowardssegregation.

Medellinisanothercitystronglyinfluencedbytheparadigmoftherighttothecity(figure6).MedellinadoptedthesameapproachusedintheFavelaBairroprogrammetodealwiththesignificantnumberofdisplacedpersonsflockingtothecity,whothenlivedpredominantlyinslums,givingrisetoabusivecirclesofpoverty,segregation,drugtrafficking,violence,humanrightsabusesandthelossofgovernance.Thelocalgovernmentdecidedtochangethesituationnotonlybyapplyingregularizationpolicies inslums,butalsoby taking itastep further throughthe fundingofmajormobilityprojects.Asaccess toslumsinmountainousareasofMedellinisdifficultandcostly,thegovernmentinvestedindevelopingapublictransportnetwork, includingacable railwayandseveral typesofbusesand trains. Improvingmobilityleadstoprogressivesocio-territorial improvementsthat,as inthecaseofFavelaBairrio,togetherwithlandvaluecapturemechanisms,helpstoreducesegregation.Segregationstronglyaffectsslumdwellers’possibilitiestoaccesspublicservicesandjobs,aswellastheirrecognitionascitizens.

Figure 6: Urban interventions in Medellin assisting displaced populations


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Urbaninterventionschemeshaveincludedbuildingpubliclibrariesandotherpublicbuildings,constructedbywell-known architectswith high standards of construction, as part of a policy of “the best for thepoorest”.RiodeJaneiroandMedellinhaveacquired international reputationsforbeingcitiesthatusegoodpractices in citywide slumupgrading, andhavedemonstratednot only the ability todo sowiththeirownvision,butalsothecapacitytounderstandthesocialandculturalcomplexitiesofcommunitieswithdifferentbackgrounds.CountriesinLatinAmericaandtheCaribbeanareverymuchinfluencedandinspiredbytheseexperiences,andgovernmentsareseekingtofollowthesamepathintermsofurbanplanningapproachesbasedonhumanrights.TheprovinceofBuenosAiresinArgentinarecentlymadeaninnovativelawfollowingthisdirection,inrecognitionoftherighttosecurelandtenure.Inresponsetothechallengespresentedbyslums,thislaw,called“accesojustoalhabitat”(fairaccesstohabitat),makesit legal formunicipalities to supply public land to settle these populations. In addition,municipalitiescan introduce changes in their urban regulatory frameworks in favour of disadvantaged groupswhenlandsubdivisionstandardsareanobstacleforthepoortoachievesecurelandtenure.This lawappliesto internationalmigrants,whichagainshowstheclear intentionofgovernments intheregiontoworktowardshumanrightsachievements.

Despitethepositivereactionstothisprocess,therearesomecriticisms;forexample,regularizationcanbeviewedasawaytoreintroduceinformalpopulationsintoformalmarkets,therebyincreasinglandvalue,butnotnecessarilyresultingindevelopmentforlow-incomegroups.Thisprocesscouldmeanevenfurthersegregation,andthosegroupsunabletoaffordtopaytaxesorthecostofformalhabitatcouldbeforcedout.Also,therehavebeenviolentincidentsinthesouthernpartofBuenosAiresasaresultofsuccessiveattemptsby low-incomegroups, includingboth internaland internationalmigrants, tooccupyapublicparkandtosettleinslumsonscarceland.

A reportonadequatehousinghighlightshuman rights abuses inArgentina.Although the countryhaschangeditsmigrantlawstofacilitatecitizenship,itfailstopreventconflictsandrivalriesbetweenmigrantsandnativesintheirsearchtoaccesshousingintheverycompetitivesocialhousingmarket(Rolnik,2011).ThedisturbingsituationinwhichnativecommunitiesarelivingintheareassurroundingthecapitalcitiesofthenorthernprovincesofArgentinaisadirectconsequenceofthelossoftheirancestralrurallandtotheexpansionofagriculturallands.Throughtherapidprocessofdeforestation,nativecommunitiesbecomemigrantsfromruralareas,whichisaclearcaseofhumanrightsdeprivation.Becausenativecommunitieshavelosttheirnaturalhabitatintheseprovinces,newrulesrelatedto“environmentaljustice”areunderdiscussionsotheycanbecompensated.Thesenewruleswouldacknowledgethattheirhumanrightshadbeenviolated,andwouldrequireanurgentsolutionintroducingmeasurestoprotecttheirnaturalhabitatandtoensuretheirrighttoliveontheirancestrallands.

6.2. PROMOTING THE INTEGRATION OF MIGRANTS

Thecontributionofmigrantstobuildinginterculturalcitieshas,forthemostpart,notbeenrecognizeddue todiscriminationandmisperceptionsaboutmigrants. Sometimes, the fact thatmigrantsorganizethemselvesinanefforttoperformbetterandprogressintheirhostcitiescreatesthewrongperceptionamongnativepopulationsthatmigrantsworksas“gangs”.Therearemanystoriesabouttheillegalactivitiesofmigrantassociationsandtheirsuddenwealth,whichhidetherealstoriesofmigrants’sacrificesandloyaltytotheirnewcountries.Theircontributionstobuildinginterculturalcitiesshouldnotbedisregardedastheyarearesourceforurbansustainability.Migrantsbringwiththemnewtechniquesandknowledgethatcontributetotheirnewhomes.Theycontributetotheprotectionoftheenvironmentthroughdifferentusesofnaturalresources(suchaswater,energyandland),anddifferentwaysoforganizingtheiruse(forexample, throughcooperatives).Theskillsandcapabilities thatmigrants introducetotheirdestinationcitiesandareasareimportantforsurvival.

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There isasignificantdifferencebetween internaland internationalmigration inLatinAmericaandtheCaribbean.Internalmigrationtakesplacewithinthesamecountryand,toacertainextent,thesemigrantsaremorelikelytobeacceptedaspartofthecountry’sculture.However,thereisdiscriminationagainstinternal migrants who have a different ethnic background from the inhabitants of the capital cities.InternalmigrantswhoarrivedinBuenosAiresfromthecountrysidewereoncereferredtoas“blackheads”(cabecitas negras),which impliesthattheywereseenassecond-classcitizensbecausetheyoriginatedfromotherareasofthecountry.

Akeycontributionofmigrantsisthat,throughtheirownefforts,theyestablishrural–urbanlinkagesthatdidnotexistbeforetheirarrival.ThecaseofLujan,acitylocatedontheoutskirtsofBuenosAires,providesavaluableexampleofarural–urbanlinkage.InLujan,migrantsfromBoliviahavefilledthegapleftwhenfruitandvegetablegrowersabandonedtheirbusinessesas,manyyearsbefore,theareabegantofocuson agro-industrial activities. Themigrants’ role as vegetable and fruit producers for the city of Lujanandothermunicipalitieswaswelcomedby themunicipalitybecause themigrants’activitieshelped todevelopadepressedlocalmarket,whereproductswerebeingimportedwhentheycouldhaveeasilybeenproducedinthesurroundingfertileareas.Themunicipalityprovidedthemigrantswithlandtosupporttheiractivities.Inaddition,thefactthatthemigrantsprefertoliveinthecountrysideinsteadofthecityallowsthemunicipalitytorevitalizetheeconomicactivitiesinsmalltowns,bringinginnewinhabitantswhoperformprofitableeconomicactivities.Inaddition,mostofthesetownsstartedtodeveloptourism,asnewculinaryandculturalactivitieswereintroducedintheseareas.TheyareeasilyreachableforpeoplelivinginthemetropolitanareaofBuenosAireswhoareseekingaweekendinthecountryside.

Moreover,thepresenceofthefamiliesfromBoliviahas introducednewreligiouscelebrationsandhasrenewedinterestinthetraditionalpilgrimagetothecathedral,whichhasresultedinincreasednumbersofattendeeseachyear.Lujanisanexampleofacitywheredifferentculturescoexist,sharingpublicspacesandtheurbanfabric.Althoughsegregationexistsinslumsandshantytowns,itisnotrelatedtomigrantgroups,butgeneralsocialgaps.Onthecontrary,migrantshavemovedtoLujanbecausetheycanpracticetheirreligiousceremoniesinatolerantandharmoniousatmosphere.

Asecondexampleofapositivecontributionofmigrantstobuildinginterculturalcitiesandrural–urbanlinkagesisthecaseofElAltoinBolivia.Whenitwasfoundedin1988,theideawasforElAltotobea“newtown”forreceivingruralmigrantsfromparticularareas,withtheintentionthattheynotgotoLaPazuntiltheyunderstoodwhatitmeanttoliveinacity.However,ElAltoquicklyattractedlargenumbersofinternalmigrantsfromalloverthecountry.Ithasexperiencedexplosivedemographicgrowthofupto9percentperdecade,resultingmainlyfromtheexpansionofLaPazandcontinuousrural–urbanmigrationfromtherestofthecountry.However,inrecentyearstherehasbeenamoremoderateincreaseinyouthmobility,lowerthaninpreviousdecades,whichindicatesastabilizationinurbangrowth.Asstatedpreviously,ElAlto,withitsdeepAndeanroots, isaculturalcentrefortheregion.ItwasbuilttoreflectAndeanspatialmodels,whicharebasedonsocio-territorialcellsoccupiedbyfamiliesthatarelinkedthroughtribalrelationships.Suchurbanpatternsshowtheinfluenceofruralsettingsthatareverydeeplyrootedinancestralcustoms,habitsandbeliefs.Accordingtothe1992nationalcensus,58.7percentofthepopulationspeaksSpanish,whichincreasedto61.0percentin2001.Thesecond-mostspokenlanguageisAymara(36.4%in1992and34.5%in2001).InthirdplaceisQuechoa(just4.5%in1992and5.6%in2001).However,thisinformationmustbeinterpretedwhiletakingintoconsiderationthedataontheself-identificationofthepopulation.Atotalof74.3percentofthepopulationself-identifiedwiththeAymaraculture,followedby6.4percentwiththeQuechoaculture.Thismeansthat,whilemostofthepopulationspeaksSpanishastheirmainlanguage,andthereisaneedtointeractwiththeinhabitantsofLaPazandintheirnewurbanenvironment,themigrantsmaintaintheirculturalroots.Thisisalsoreflectedintheirfolklore,whichisexpressedintheirdances,clothingandlifestyleingeneral.Theircultureispresentinthedesignoftheirhouses,thelayoutofthecity,andtheirlocaleconomicdevelopmentstrategies(marketsandtradeactivities).

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TheexperienceofElAlto,inwhichancientcultureswereadaptedtoanewurbanenvironmentwithouttheinhabitantslosinglinkageswiththeirruralcommunities,isagoodexamplenotonlyofinterculturalexchangebutalsoofhowacommunitycanmoveforwardintermsoflocaleconomicdevelopment.

Theintroductionofhightechnologyinmobilityreducesthecostandtimeoftransportinaverychallengingtopography.AgoodexampleistheconstructionofthecablecarconnectingLaPazwithElAlto,whichis4,150metersabovesealevel(figure7).Therehasbeenapositivereactiontotheinnovation,eventhoughthismeansthereisacompletelynewandsophisticatedwayofreachingthemountains.

Figure 7: Cable car connecting La Paz with El Alto, Bolivia


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7. CHALLENGES AND RESPONSES: A COMPARISON BETWEEN LATIN AMERICA

AND THE CARIBBEAN AND SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA

7.1. URBANIZATION, MIGRATION AND SLUM FORMATION

AcomparisonofslumupgradingstrategiesappliedinLatinAmericaandtheCaribbeantothoseusedinsub-SaharanAfricaprovidesinsightintohowslumformationischallenginggovernanceandtheruleoflawindifferentcontexts.Ithelpstoidentifyspecificresponsesintermsofpolicyapproachesandwhetherornottheyresultinthelocalintegrationofmigrantsanddisplacedpopulations.Consideringtheinternationaldefinitionofaslum,itisclearthatbothLatinAmericaandtheCaribbeanandsub-SaharanAfricahavealarge percentage of their populations living in poor conditions,which shapes particular urban growthpatterns that affect the socioeconomic development of the regions. According to the United NationsCentreforHumanSettlements(1996),inhabitantsofslumslackoneormoreofthefollowing:(a)securelandtenure;(b)sufficientareatolive(notovercrowded);(c)permanentbuildingmaterials;(d)accesstodrinkablewaterandtosanitation;and(e)accesstoservices.Thedefinitionhasevolved,shiftingfromtheconceptof“decenthousing”to“adequatehousing”,whichencompassesamorecompleteviewofhabitat.Adefinitionofadequatehousingincludesotherkeyfactors,suchasthelocationofthehouseinthecityorarea,accesstoemploymentandincomes,environmentalthreatsandsecurity.

IndicatorsthatareusedtocompareLatinAmericaandtheCaribbeanwithsub-SaharanAfricaandtheaccompanyingdataarepresentedintable3.Thetablelistsfactorsthatinfluenceslumformation,showingthesimilaritiesandthedifferencesbetweentheregions.

Table 3: Comparison of the urbanization and migration processes in Latin America and the Caribbean with those in sub-Saharan Africa

Indicator LatinAmericaandtheCaribbean Sub-SaharanAfrica

1) Averageurbanizationpercentage 75.8 34.6

2) Averagepercentageofinternationalmigrantspercity

1.5 4.5

3) Averagepercentageofinternalmigrantspercity

20.0 65.0*

4) Percentageofslumdwellersofthetotalurbanpopulation

31.9 71.9

5) Averageslumgrowthrate 2.2 4.5

6) Proportionofslumsinaveragecities

Low-middle High

7) Evictionrate Low High

8) Socialprofileofslums Economicmigrants(internalandinternational),poor;semi-transitorysettlements

Displacedpopulationspluspoorandmiddleclass,civilservants;transitorysettlements

9) Majorlandtenuresysteminslums Informalsettlementsonpublicandprivateland

Settlementsoncommunalland

10) Majorsocialorganizationsinslums

Slumassociationsandcooperatives,community-basedorganizationsandsocialnetworks

Tribalandextendedfamilialrelationships

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11) Localeconomicdevelopmentopportunitiesavailableinslums

Employmentandmicro-businesses Subsistenceeconomythroughcultivationoutoftownandmicro-businesses

12) Majorinfrastructurechallenges Lackofsanitation Lackofwater,sanitation,transportandhousing

13) Politicalmeaningofslums Resistancetomarketforces;extendedpoliticalmovementstodefendslumdwellersunderthreatofeviction,ascoveredbytherighttoadequatehousing

Activitiestoleratedonlywheninhabitantsbelongtothesametribalgroup

14) Environmentalconditionsinslums Verypoor Verypoor

15) Culturalvaluesinslums Seenas“popular”culture Reflectsculturaldiversityofcountries

16) Segregationtrendsinslums Veryhigh Medium

17) Majorinterventionmodalities Slumupgrading,micro-planning Evictionandhousingconstruction

Source: Elaboratedbytheauthor,basedonUN-Habitat,2012aand2014b.

Note: *CalculationsbasedonstatisticsavailablefromcensusesinCameroon,EthiopiaandKenya,usingtheindicator“previousresidenceinthelastfiveyears”.Beginningwiththedifferencesintheurbanizationrateforthetworegions,thevariationinslumprevalencemustbenoted.Comparingtheurbanizationrate, thestatisticsshowthatLatinAmericaandtheCaribbeanandsub-SaharanAfricaareactuallyinverydifferentpositions.WhileLatinAmericaandtheCaribbeanhasalreadyreachedahighpercentageofurbanization,at76percentin2000,sub-SaharanAfricahasbarelyreached35percent,althoughitisexpectedtoreach54percentby2030,reflectingaveryrapidurbanizationtrend.Thisfactcreatesverydifferentchallengesfortheregionsintermsofurbanandregionalplanning.InhighlyurbanizedLatinAmericaandtheCaribbean,thechallengeofurbanpovertyisexpressedinthemanydifferentcategoriesofslumsandsegregatedneighbourhoodsthatfacedeprivationanddiscrimination.Instead,sub-SaharanAfricaisstillfacingthechallengesofruralpovertyandgrowingurbanslumsinmajorcitiesacrossthecontinent.

Thecreationoflargeconurbationsthateventuallyshape“city-regions”1isfrequentinbothLatinAmericaand theCaribbeanand in sub-SaharanAfrica.There isalsoa lackofeffectivemechanisms toproduceadequatehousingandtocontrolinformaloccupancyinplacesinadequateforhumansettlements,whichexplains theproliferationof slums. InLatinAmericaand theCaribbean,examplesofcitieswithahighrateofslumproliferationareSaoPaulo,RiodeJaneiro,BuenosAiresandMexicoCity,allofwhichhavemorethan10millioninhabitantsandhostasignificantpercentageofslumdwellers.However,insmallermetropoliseswithbetween5millionand8millioninhabitants,suchasBogota,LimaandSantiago,slumproliferation is associatedwith internalmigration and forced displacement,which contribute to rapidurbanization characterized by the lack of basic services such aswater and sanitation. In sub-SaharanAfrica,therearetwometropolises:Lagos(Nigeria)withbetween8millionand10millioninhabitants,andKinshasa(DemocraticRepublicoftheCongo)withbetween5millionand8millioninhabitants.

Anotherindicatorwasusedtoanalysetheproportionof“slumcities”(citiesinwhichthemajorityoftheurbandevelopmentcorrespondstoaslum,withsmallpiecesofthecity’sterritoryworkingunderformalrules),anditwasindicatedthattheregionhasahighproportionofslumcities.Differentsourcespointtoahighevictionrateinsub-SaharanAfricancountriesrelatedtoslumproliferation,withZimbabwehavingthehighestrateintheworld(COHRE,2010).

Migrant influence on urbanization and slum formation processes is paramount. The percentage ofinternationalmigrantspercityvaries significantly inbothcases. InLatinAmericaand theCaribbean it

1 A“city-region”isdefinedbyUN-Habitat(2012b)asbeing“largerscalethanlargecities,expandingbeyondformaladministrativeboundariestoengulfsmalleronesaswellassemi-urbanandruralhinterlands,andevenmergewithotherintermediatecities,creatinglargeconurbationsthateventuallyformcity-regions.”

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is estimated to be 1.5 per cent, and in sub-SaharanAfrica it is about 4.5 per cent. Thepercentage ismuchhigherforsub-SaharanAfricabecauseitincludesrefugeesandforceddisplacedpopulations,whosenumbersaremarginalinLatinAmericaandtheCaribbean,exceptinColombia.Anotherindicatoristheaverageslumgrowthrate,asthisreflectsthetrendstowardsdifferentcategoriesof“slumcities”andtheadequacyofongoingpublicpolicies.Consideringthattheslumgrowthrateinsub-SaharanAfricaishigh(4.5%)andthatslumdwellersmakeup71.9percentofthetotalurbanpopulation, it is likelythattheproblemsrelatedtoslumswillpersistinthenearfutureandthattheycouldevenescalate.ThesituationinLatinAmericaandtheCaribbeanisbetter,intermsofboththepercentageofslumdwellersandtheslumgrowthrate,at31.9and2.1percent,respectively.However,onceagain,whendifferentareasareanalysed,itisclearthattheregion,especiallytheCaribbean,alreadyhas“slumcities”.ThisisthecaseinHaiti,forwhichthereislittlehopeofpositivechangeinthenearfutureasitisfacingaserioushumanitariancrisis.

Beyondthelargedifferencesbetweentheregionsintermsofpercentagesofthepopulationlivinginurbanandruralareasandslumproliferation,thereisanongoingdiscussioninbothregionsrelatedtotheneedforbetterapproachestopromotinglow-incomegroups’accesstorural landfordevelopment.Throughtheuseofvariousincentivesandmechanisms,countriesinbothregionsareattemptingtopreventruralpopulationsfrommigrating.Inspiredbytheconceptoftherighttothecity,LatinAmericahasstartedtoapplyamoreflexibleapproachtohelpslumdwellerstosettleinplaceswithbetterconditions.Inbothregions, governmentalpoliciespromote thenetworkingof citiesand rural–urban linkagesasaway tofosterlocaleconomies,attemptingtocreatejobsandincomeopportunitiesforlow-incomecommunitiesinruralareas,therebyencouragingthemtoremainwheretheylive.Encouragingpoorcommunitiestoremainintheirplacesoforiginwhileassistingthosethathavealreadymigratedtocitiesinrecognitionoftherightoffreechoiceisconsideredinbothregionstobeawayforwardinsustainabledevelopment.In thisway,governmentshaveattempted to support thedevelopmentofdisadvantaged rural regions.They have established basic social services such as schools and health centres, aswell as investmentopportunities fordevelopment,especially inpublic transport,whichenablesthepopulationstoaccessemploymentopportunitiesmoreeasily. Insub-SaharanAfrica,suchstrategiesarestillnot inplace,butmostgovernmentspromoteruraldevelopmentstrategiesasawaytoensuringtheavailabilityoffoodforthepoor,evenifthisimpliesthattheyremaininsurvivaleconomies.

Inbothregions,governmentsareusingmechanismstoencouragepeople,especiallytheyoungpopulation,toresideinsmallandintermediarycities.Somecountriesinsub-SaharanAfricaarealsoseekingamodelinwhichruralactivitiesaresupportedbylinkageswithmarketsinthecities.

ThecaseofZambiaisimportanttoconsider.Sinceitsindependencein1964,ithasbeenahostcountrytoasignificantnumberofdisplacedpopulations fromneighbouringcountriesatwar. Ithaswelcomedrefugees,whohavebecomeintegratedintothehostcommunities.Thekeytolocalintegrationhasbeentribal linkages (United States Department of State, 2014). The Government of Zambia, togetherwiththeUnitedNationsHighCommissionerforRefugeesandtheWorldBank,isaimingtofacilitatelinkagesbetweentherefugeesettlements,whicharelocatedpredominantlyinremoteruralareas,withmarkets,whicharemostlyinurbanareas.However,thismoveiscontroversialbecauseitmeansthattheformerrefugeesandtheeconomicmigrantswouldbecompetingwithZambiancitizens,whichexpertsagreemaytriggergreatertensionsbetweenthesegroups.Astrategycurrentlybeingdiscussedinvolvesintegratingtheformerrefugeesthroughaspecificresettlementscheme.2Theschemeinvolvesprovidinghouseholdswithbetween5and10hectaressotheycancarryoutfarmingactivitieswithadviceandsupportfromtheMinistryofAgriculture.However,thisplanhasbeencriticizedbydifferentacademicsbecause,duetothescatterpatternsandremotenessofpoorfamilies,aswellasthelackofspecificlinkageswithmarketsinurbanareas,it isdifficultforthesefamiliestoaccessbasicsocialservicesandtomovebeyondsurvival

2 Currently,onlyAngolansandRwandansareincludedinthescheme,butitisexpectedthatBurundians,CongoleseandSomaliswillalsobeincluded.

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economies (Taylor and Thole, 2015). TheGovernment’s fear is that the local integration strategymayendupencouragingslumformation inmajorcities,as hasalreadyhappened inmostAfricancapitals.The experience of Latin America and the Caribbean in encouraging linkages between rural areas andintermediaryandsmallcitiesisongoingandthereforethereisnotyetenoughevidencetodemonstratetheregion’scapacitytominimizeslumformation.

Althoughtherearesomesimilaritiesinthesocialprofileofslumsinthetworegions(forexample,bothhaveinhabitantswhoareeconomicmigrants),insub-SaharanAfricancountriesslumdwellersarepredominantlydisplacedpersons,aswellas thepoor,middleclassandcivil servants.Semi-transitorysettlementsarethetypicalslumpatterninLatinAmericaandtheCaribbean;peopleerecttheirsheltersusingbricksandthenprogressivelycompletethemwithplasterandbasicinfrastructure.Slumsincountriesinsub-SaharanAfrica,however,aredominatedbytransitorysettlements,asseenintheuseofnon-durablematerials,whichrequireconstantmaintenance.MajorlandtenuresystemsinLatinAmericaaredominatedbytheinformal occupancy of land that is progressively secured through different regularization schemes. Insub-SaharanAfrica,slumsare locatedmostlyoncommunalandcustomary land. Inthisway,displacedpopulationsareprovidedwithhousingbasedonsolidarityamongethnicgroups,buttheyareundertheconstantthreatofeviction.

Socialorganizations inslumsalsodifferbetweentheregions. InLatinAmerica, theyoperatemostlyasanetworkofNGOalliancesof political parties andhuman right activists,while in sub-SaharanAfrica,traditionalstructuresrelatedtotribespredominate.Localeconomicdevelopmentopportunitiesinslumsaresimilarinthetworegionsinthattheyofferlow-incomecommunitiesachanceforsurvival.However,inLatinAmericaandtheCaribbean,economicmigrantsinparticulararemotivatedtolookfordevelopmentopportunitiesintermsofbetterjobsandincomegenerationinitiatives.

Inbothcases,therearemajorchallengesrelatedtoinfrastructureforlandtenure,water,sanitationandhousing. However, while in Latin America and the Caribbean basic infrastructure has been provided,especially in the areas of water and sanitation, in sub-Saharan Africa, slums are considered to betemporaryandthereforenoinfrastructureisbuilt.Asaresult,nohousingorsocialservicesareprovided,makingslumssimilar to former refugeecamps,where fooddistribution, schoolingandhealthserviceshadattractedmigrants,butwheretheseservicesarenolongerprovided.Whentheemergencysituationendedand these services stopped, those living in the former refugee camps sought to create incomegenerationactivities(forexample,byopeningsmallshopsorofferingbasicservices)sotheycouldavoidreturningtotheirplacesoforigin.Undersuchcircumstances,however,governmentstendstohaveharshpoliciestowardsthesepopulations,carryingoutevictioncampaignsandsystematicallydemolishingtheslumsinanattempttocontrolurbanization,especiallyincapitalcities.

ConsideringthatslumsareplacesthatrequireparticularsupportfromtheStateandthatpoliticianscanbenefitfromthesupportofslumdwellers,slumsareastrategicdemographicandterritorialtoolusedforsocialcontrol.Differentapproachestourbanplanningwithregardtosocialcontrolcanbefoundinthetworegions.InLatinAmericaandtheCaribbean,slumsplayanimportantroleasaplacewherepoliticalmovementsareformed.Inthe1970s, leftist ideologiescallingforrevolutionaryapproachestoequalityweredevelopedintheslumsandspreadthroughtheregion.Atthetimeofthemilitarydictatorships,whichwerefoundinmostLatinAmericancountries,theresponsestothechallengesofslumproliferationwereevictionandtheconstructionofmassive,high-densitypublichousing.Oncedemocracieswererestored,however,far-reachingchangesintheapproachestoslumswereintroduced,andthepolicychangedfromoneofevictiontooneofregularization. Insub-SaharanAfrica,whereStatestructuresarenotyetfullydeveloped,imposinggovernmentalauthorityismoreimportantthanpromotingnegotiatedagreements.Inaddition,becausedifferenttribescompetetoholdpoliticalpower,particularethnicgroupsareoftenevictedfromtheslumsinademonstrationofpoliticalorsocialpower.

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7.2. MAJOR SHIFTS IN POLICY APPROACHES TO DEALING WITH SLUMS

In terms of urbanization and slum formation in sub-Saharan Africa, policy approaches seek to stoprapidurbanization.Consideringthefactthatdisplacement inAfrica followsethnicandtribalties,poormigrantswill likelymovetothosecitiesandmetropolitanareaswith largepopulationsfromtheirownethnicbackground. In this sense,slumupgradingandpreventionaimedatcreating intertribal linkagesandpeacefulcoexistencethrough,forinstancesharedpublicareasandpubliceducation,iskeytobuildingpeaceandprosperity.Thehighrateofmigrationinpost-conflictcountrieswherelargenumbersofdisplacedpopulationsmoveacrossregionsundercomplexpoliticalconditions(ashasoccurredinAngola,SudanandSouthSudanduring20yearsofcivilwar)leadstoslumformation.ThishasbeenthecaseinSudan,whichhadanincreaseinthepercentageofslumdwellers(ofthetotalurbanpopulation)from4percentin1990to8percentin2005.TheslumpopulationintheDemocraticRepublicoftheCongoisevenhigher,anditgrewby25percentinthesameperiod,increasingfrom52percentin1990to76percentin2005.

InLatinAmericaandtheCaribbean, thesituation isslightlymoreencouraging.Today,urbangrowth issignificantlyhigherthatslumgrowth(2.2%and1.3%,respectively).Thisisduetotheshiftintheapproachofmanygovernments.Insteadofevictinginhabitants,governmentsareurbanizingtheslums,asamoreprogressiveandhumanrightsapproachtourbanplanninghasbeentaken.Therehavebeenimprovementsinslumdwellers’accesstobasicservices,suchaswaterandsanitation,whichhadbeendeniedtoinformalsettlementsinthepast.Colombia,asapost-conflictcountry,hasarelativelylowconcentrationofslumdwellers. In 2005, just over 1millionpeople lived in slums,whichwas equivalent to 17.9per centofthetotalurbanpopulation.Thisfiguredroppedto14.3percentby2009.Althoughthesenumbersareencouraging,thesituationisverydifferentinCaribbeancountries,wherethepercentageofpeoplelivinginslumsremainshigh.Forexample,in2005inHaitithefigurewas70.1percent,andinJamaicaitwas60.7percent.InthesameyearintheCentralAmericancountriesofGuatemalaandNicaragua,thefigureswere42.9percentand45.5percent,respectively.ThesepercentagesreflecttheparticularconditionsthatCaribbeanandCentralAmericancountriesfaceintermsofslumproliferation.

Takingintoaccounturbanizationandslumformationrates,acomparisonofslumformationtrendsandresponsesinLatinAmericaandtheCaribbeantothoseinsub-SaharanAfricapointstothefactthat,whileinLatinAmericathedebateisfocusedonhowtoensuretherighttothecityforpoorpeoplewhoalreadyliveincitiesbutfearevictionfromstrategiclocations,insub-SaharanAfrica,thediscussionisonhowtopreventpeoplefrommovingtocities.AlthoughsomeoftheapproachestodealingwithslumsusedinLatinAmericaandtheCaribbeanarestartingtobeappliedinsub-SaharanAfrica,therearestillenormousdifferencesbetweentheregionalapproaches.

AsD´Cruzetal.(2014)explain,theprogressmadetowardstherighttothecityinLatinAmericancountriescanbeexplainedintermsofthepoliticalwilltorespecthumanrights.Theauthorsstate:“Althoughthereare no statistics available on the contribution of informal settlement upgrading to improved serviceprovisioninLatinAmericaoverthelastcoupleofdecades,itislikelythatthiscontributedsignificantlytotheincreasingproportionoftheurbanpopulationwithpipedwatertotheirhomes,toiletsintheirhomesthatareconnectedtosewersandsolidwastecollection,whichisevidentincensusesandhouseholdsurveys.” Intheirpaper, theauthorsexplainthatsub-SaharanAfricancountries lacksuchpoliticalwill.However,NGOssuchastheFederationofSlumDwellershavedevelopedmechanismstoengagecitizenstolobbyforslumdwellersandtheirneeds.Theiractionsgofarbeyondthetraditionalpublicparticipationschemes,inwhichslumdwellersarejustpassiverecipientsofaid.Thecommunitiesbecomeempoweredthroughself-organizinginitiativestoimprovetheirhabitat.ThemajorgoaloftheseNGOsinsub-SaharanAfricaistoopendialogueswithnationalandlocalgovernmentsonpracticalactionthatcanbetakentoimproveconditions in slums.Acioly (2007) compares LatinAmericaand theCaribbeanwith sub-SaharanAfrica

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fromtheperspectiveof thechallengeofslumproliferation.Heexplains thatsub-SaharanAfricaneedsbettercustomarylandmanagement,andstatesthatlocalgovernmentsintheregionareill-equippedintermsofwell-trainedpersonnelandspecificurbanplanningtoolsandmechanismstodealwithslums.Hepointstothelowtaxbase,poorpropertytaxcollectionandcorruptlandmanagementsystemsasmajorobstacles torespondingeffectively toslumchallenges. Inhisview,Statebureaucracy,with its intricatesystemofadministrationatnationalandlocallevels,isamajorreasonforslumformation.Thecoexistenceofpost-colonialadministrationwithcustomarymanagement,aswellascustomarychiefs,kingsandotherstructuressellinglandas“pirates”withoutfollowinganyrulesorformalcontrolmechanisms,resultsinthecreationofslums.Amajordifferencebetweentheregionsisthefactthat,whileinLatinAmericaandtheCaribbeanlocaladministrationshavethecapacity–providedthroughtheirnationalconstitutionsandthebaseoftaxrevenue–tocarryouturbanpoliciestargetingslums,thisassetisabsentorverylimitedinsub-SaharanAfrica.However,itmustbenotedthatLatinAmericaandtheCaribbeanisfacingthechallengeofslumdensificationandgrowingillegallandsubdivision,whichriskssomecountriesintheregionhavinganincreasedprevalenceofslumsandevenslumcities.Accordingtothestatistics,theslumgrowthrateisrelativelylowinthisregion,butthepercentageishigherforcertaincitiesthatattractlargenumbersofinternationalandinternalmigrants.Theadditionalcomplexitythatarisesfromdifferentnationalitieslivingtogetherinthesameareashouldnotbeunderestimatedindevelopingurbanplanningmechanisms.Akeyfactorinachievingsocialinclusionistotakeintoconsiderationtheoriginandcultureofthepopulations.Inthisregard,thedynamicsofmigrantcorridorsandnewurbanpatternsthatresultfrommigration,aspresentedinsection1,revealtheroleofmigrationinurbanizationandslumformation.Inbothregions,itisessentialthatpolicymakershavethetrainingandresearchtoolsnecessarytoensurethatlandpoliciescanpreventtheformationofslums.

To conclude this brief comparison, it can be noted that there have already been positive outcomesresulting from thepolicies identified in LatinAmericaand theCaribbean,particularly thoseapplied inrecentdecades,intermsofupgradingslums.However,therehavealsobeennegativeresultsintermsofrisingsegregationandthevariousexternalitiesoftheprocess(suchascrime,discriminationandexposuretodisasters). In termsof avoiding theproliferationof slums, countries in sub-SaharanAfricahave theadvantageofsocialcohesion,whichisfacilitatedthroughtribalandextendedfamilylinks,helpingpeoplenetworkandbuilddevelopmentopportunities.Themajorweaknessistheuseofthewrongpublicpolicies,whicharebasedontheevictionandpersistentforcedrelocationofslumdwellers,damagingtheirsurvivalanddevelopmentperspectives.Inthisregard,itisimportanttoemphasizetheroleplayedbyinternationalorganizationsininfluencinggovernmentstocarryoutmorepro-poorpoliciesforthebenefitofsocietiesasawhole.

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