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Pope Innocent III as Crusader and Canonist: His Relations with the Greeks of
Constantinople, 1198-1216
Alfred J. Andrea
Church History, Vol. 39, No. 1. (Mar., 1970), pp. 133-134.
Stable URL:
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DISSERTATION ABSTRACT
Pope Infiocent III
as
Crusader Ca nm ist : H is Relations w ith the Greeks of Colz-
stantinople 1198-1216. By ALFRED AND REA.Cornell University, 1969
Advisor RI NTIERNEY.
T hi s dissertation attem pts to evaluate the importance of Po pe Innocent
I11
in the development of the ecclesiastical schism between Rome and Constantinople.
T h e essay begins by tracing the history of t he schism from 330 t o 1198 T h e
argument is developed that the estrangement had three major aspects and causes:
the temporal (i.e. the political and cultural) ; he ecclesiastical (i.e. the doctrinal,
liturgical and disciplinary)
;
and the ecclesiological. Of these the ecclesiological
was the most basic.
Th ese different ecclesiologies developed ou t of basically different canonical
traditions. T he re was, it is true, room for a great d iversity of opinion within
these tw o canonical traditions. Still, each perm itted t he evolution of a g eneral
ecclesiology tha t was antithetical towar d the o ther. By th e late eleventh cen-
tur y the difference was so great t hat it constituted a n actual state of schism. T hi s
schism, however, did not become appa rent to the va st ma jority of Christendom
until the twelfth century. I n this same century the schism became even mo re
serious. Th is was due to the flurry of canonical activity in both E ast and W est
which defined more closely and hardened these different ecclesiologies. It was
also due to the economic, cultural, and political clashes which occurred with ever
increasing frequency and bitterness.
W hen Innocent ascended the papal thron e in
1198
the schism was quite
real and very deep.
Ho we ver, it was not beyond repair. I t was possible tha t a
pope, especially one who was such a gifted canon lawyer, could begin to heal
the breach.
By Innocent s death in 1216
the schism had become virtually final. The
political and ecclesiological differences had become quite unmendable. Ironica lly,
the ecclesiastical ar ea of controv ersy had become partially resolved.
T he arm y of the F ou rth Crusade, which captured and pillaged C onstantinople,
created an insurmountable barrier of hatred between Greeks and Latins. In-
nocent had not originally planned th e Latin c apture of Constantinople. H e tried
unsuccessfully to stop the diversions of th e arm y to Z ara a nd Constantinople.
His major reason for opposing any attack on Byzantium was that he feared
greatly the Greeks military might. H is firs t concern was and remained always
the successful prosecution of a crusade. H e was frustrated in his attem pt to
stop the army s diversions largely by two factors. H e misjudged his own control
over the consciences of the Fr enc h crusade rs. H e had been convinced by a num -
ber of the leading nobles within the army that the French crusaders would not
act without explicit papal command. Therefore, he was not willing to abort the
crusad e lest it go to Co nstantinople. T he re was also a definite conspiracy by
certain crusade leaders such as Enrico Dandalo, Boniface de Montferrat, and
Nevelon, B ishop of Soissons, to diver t the arm y despite the pope s clear verbal
prohibitions.
Although Innocent had strenuously opposed the primary diversion of the
arm y t o Constantinople he did not oppose the second assault upon th at city. Afte r
he learned of the basic inability of the G reeks to oppose the L atin arm y he w as
more than ready to allow the Latin crusaders to use force against the Greeks
again. T his time they were to use their ar ms not for a young G reek prince s
benefit but for the everlasting benefit of Christ s church. W e can actually say
that Innocent countenanced, before the fact, further Latin action against the
Greeks in order to insure that the Latins original actions prove fruitful.
W he n the crusaders established the La tin em pire of Constantinople the pope
received the news with joy. H e was convinced tha t this god-sent miracle had
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HUR H HISTORY
brought the Greek church back into the fold of the Roman church and would
also insure the success of a future crusade. He became and remained until his
death the empire's staunchest patron and defender.
Such action in support of a
hated oppressor caused the Greek populace to mistrust and hate the papacy more
than ever before.
Innocent's ultrapapal ecclesiology also became an insurmountable barrier be-
tween the two churches. He took the strong papalist teachings of the Western
canonical tradition and derived from them a totally absolutist papalism. So far
as Innocent was concerned the Roman church was the church universal. The
bishop of Rome held all power within his hands. All authority exercised within
the church was derived from his plenitude of power. No legitimate ecclesiastical
or temporal authority could be exercised outside of the Roman church. Indeed,
outside of this church there was no salvation.
To a very real degree Innocent set Latin canon law of the thirteenth century
into this ultrapapalist framework.
This ecclesiology became the predominant ec-
clesiology of the lawyers of the Roman church. These lawyers dominated the
thirteenth century chair of St . Peter.
This ultrapapalist ecclesiology was totally antithetical to the general collegial
ecclesiology of Constantinople. Even their Latin overlords could not force the
Greeks to abandon their pentarchic view of a mystical, collegial church and ac-
cept this alien view of a monarchically directed church.
Because of his ultrapapalism Innocent was willing to compromise on secondary
issues. To his mind the only absolute prerequisite for reunion of the two chuches
was that the Greeks render total obedience to the papacy. When, following the
establishment of the Latin empire at Constantinople, he was faced with almost
total Greek opposition to his papalism he began a policy of compromise in order
to win over their hearts. Very slowly and reluctantly he abandoned an earlier
program of Latinizing all rites and customs which were in opposition to Western
canon law. It was probably not until 1214 that he finally decided to grant the
Greeks full license to follow their non-Latin rites and customs. This policy was
clearly formulated at the Fourth Lateran Council of 1215. The concession ap-
plied only to ecclesiastical ritual and custom. In no way did Innocent concede
anything in regard to doctrine or ecclesiology.
This concession proved to be ineffectual. The vast majority of Greeks still
refused to accept Innocent's definition of papal primacy. They continued to despise
the Roman pontiff as not only a heretic but also as a man who had destroyed
their empire.
The dissertation contains eight appendices. Appendix I studies Innocent's
policy toward the Greek rite among the Greek uniate Catholics of the West.
Special emphasis is placed upon his relations with the Greeks of southern Italy
and Sicily. Appendix I1 is devoted to an investigation of the role of Gratian's
Decretunz in changing the papacy's age old attitude toward Constantinople's
claim to patriarchal honor and a position of dignity second only to Rome. p
pendix I11 is involved with the problem of when John X Camaterus became
patriarch of Constantinople. Appendix IV studies the problem, When did Alexius
I11 write his letter concerning Cyprus to Innocent 111' Appendix V treats of the
question, Were the Crusaders excommunicated for their attack on Zara? Ap-
pendix V I attempts to make clear a point of confused chronology in the Gesta
Innocentii III
Appendix V I I contains the Greek text of the first letter of
1206/07 from the Greek clergy of Constantinople to the pope. Appendix VIII
contains the Greek text of the second letter of this period from the Greek clergy
to
Innocent.