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RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 2 October 2020 What Matters for the Sarawak State Election Lee Poh Onn* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

• The Sarawak state election is expected to take place sometime in the coming months. Its timing is likely to be affected by the currently tenuous situation prevailing for the Perikatan Nasional (PN) which may soon call for a snap general election to consolidate power.

• Many factors are working in favour of the ruling coalition, the Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS). These include disunity among the opposition parties, its stronger position in the federal government, and its handling of race and religion issues.

• The continuing stance of disallowing United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) to enter the state also bodes well for GPS, as Sarawakians, in general, share a distrust towards federal politicians and Peninsular Malaysia.

• The protection of native customary rights, managing GPS succession of candidates to minimise in-fighting and the rise of Parti Sarawak Bersatu (PSB) are issues that the GPS will be carefully watching in the months ahead.

• As such, GPS is certain to gain more than a two-thirds majority, but perhaps less than the 72 of 82 seats won during the 11th Sarawak state election in 2016 (SSE 11).

* Lee Poh Onn is Senior Fellow and a member of the Malaysia Studies Programme at ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. He would like to thank Francis E. Hutchinson and Lee Hwok Aun for comments on an earlier draft, and Benjamin Hu for producing the map on Sarawak.

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INTRODUCTION Looming in the mind of Sarawakians is the forthcoming 12th Sarawak state election (SSE 12)1 that has to be held latest by 7 September 2021. However, with the present disarray in the Pakatan Harapan (PH) opposition coalition, holding the state election earlier is better for the ruling GPS. The promise made by the PH federal government when it was in power to pay Sabah and Sarawak 20% oil and gas royalties did not bear fruit, and the pledge to return 50% of tax revenue collected from Sarawak have remained unfulfilled. Presently, the Democratic Action Party (DAP) Sarawak is also not without its troubles.2 The recent resignation of Padungan DAP Assemblyperson Wong King Wei surprised many.3 Wong was “disillusioned with the direction and the way the party has been managed which has totally diverted from the aims, objectives and struggle in the earlier days...”.4 This Perspective examines factors that are likely to affect the timing and outcome of SSE 12. These include the currently tenuous situation prevailing for PN at the federal level, GPS support for PN, race and religion issues including Muafakat Nasional, lessons from GE 14 (in-fighting, native customary rights, politics of development), the Malaysia Agreement 1963, and the rise of Parti Sarawak Bersatu (PSB). GPS is likely to win more than a two-thirds majority, but less than the 72 of 82 seats won in 2016.5 GPS (formerly Sarawak Barisan Nasional) is a coalition of Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB), Sarawak United People’s Party (SUPP), Party Rakyat Sarawak (PRS) and the Progressive Democratic Party (PDP). The PBB more or less represents the Muslim community, SUPP the Chinese, and PDP and PRS the non-Muslim indigenous communities. GPS is now in a stronger position than it was in two years ago because it has “rejoined” the present federal government helmed by PN. GPS supports PN but is not a formal part of the coalition. Sarawak is unique. The Malay and Melanau make up about 30 per cent of the total population in Sarawak, the Dayak about 45 per cent and the ethnic Chinese about 24 per cent. Forty-four per cent of Sarawak’s population is Christian and only 30 per cent is Muslim. Since 1978, Sarawak is also the only state in Malaysia that holds its state elections separately from its parliamentary elections. The prerogative lies with each state to decide when to hold state elections. In SSE 12, 82 seats are to be contested (Map 1 below and Appendix 1). Of the constituencies, around 36 are Dayak majority (22 are Iban predominant), 23 Malay/Melanau majority, 13 Chinese-majority, and 10 are mixed-ethnicity seats. In the 2016 state election, 28 constituencies saw three-cornered fights, 12 saw four-cornered fights, and five saw five-cornered fights (drawn from Appendix 1, Column 5). Then, DAP Sarawak and Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) from the same coalition contested against each another in six constituencies (Column 5 Appendix 1).6 The multiple cornered fights and a disunited opposition are expected to continue to work in favour of the GPS.7 TENUOUS SUPPORT FOR THE FEDERAL PN COALITION Analysts have speculated that SSE 12 may take place in November 2020, a month after the national Malaysian budget has been tabled and goodies handed out to Sarawak. In fact, a

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snap General Election may also be called in November to consolidate the currently tenuous Perikatan Nasional (PN) coalition which holds 113 parliamentary seats. The opposition holds 109 seats. The recent results of the Sabah state election which went its way may encourage PN to call for a general election in conjunction with Sarawak’s state election.8 Map 1

Note: Please see Appendix 1 (Column 4) for the breakdown of specific GPS component party (PBB, SUPP, PDP, PRS), specific PH component party (DAP, PKR), and their respective state seats. In 2016, GPS (then Sarawak Barisan Nasional) won 72 of the 82 state seats contested. BN direct candidates were required to return to their parties or join any other Sarawak Barisan Nasional component party upon winning a seat. Abdul Karim Rahman Hamzah, Sarawak Minister for Tourism, Art, Culture, Youth and Sports has advised that should a snap general election take place, then Sarawak should also hold its state polls at the same time.9 Not all parties in Sarawak are in favour of holding both elections concurrently, however. DAP Sarawak Chairman, Chong Chieng Jen, has said that holding separate elections has provided for more accountability in the past, as a state election is held about 2 years after a general election.10 The Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) is already reaching out to its 82 branches with about 350,000 members throughout Sarawak through a series of conventions. The first began in Miri on 5 September 2020, followed by one in Betong.11 This will be followed by a convention in Sibu in October, and then one in Kuching. Such conventions seek to remind Sarawak constituents of what GPS has “delivered” in the past few years.

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SUPPORT FOR PN AT THE FEDERAL LEVEL – A STRONGER SARAWAK Benefits have already flowed back to the state, Petronas withdrew its legal challenge against the Sarawak state government over the State Sales Tax on petroleum products. In September, Petroliam Nasional Berhad (Petronas) and its subsidiaries handed over a cheque for RM2.96 billion to the Sarawak government as payment of arrears for the State Sales Tax (SST) on petroleum products. 12 Extra funding has also been promised for Sarawak’s dilapidated schools under the forthcoming 12th Malaysian Plan (2021 to 2025), with an additional 529 schools projected for redevelopment.13 GPS has been at pains to explain that it supports PN not because it backs the stance of UMNO and PAS who are the major component parties, but because it needs to strengthen its bargaining power and place Sarawakian concerns on a better foothold. Four MPs from GPS are now full ministers, and five others are deputy ministers in the federal government.14 Given the fragility of the ruling PN coalition, GPS is undoubtedly a kingmaker, providing 18 of the 113 parliamentary seats that PN commands. NO ENTRY FOR UMNO Another benefit of the current set-up is that Sarawak is ruled by a coalition of local parties, and the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) has no presence in the state. The fear of what happened to Sabah when UMNO entered that state has remained enough a deterrent to ensure that Sarawakians continue to vote for GPS. The non-entry of UMNO has been in place since the time of Taib Mahmud, based on an implicit agreement that as long as the coalition of parties supported the federal BN government, UMNO would not enter the state. Successive Sarawak leaders have kept to that stance. Abang Johari recently said that “[T]hey don’t know our culture. In Sarawak, we co-exist. We will not allow them (Umno) to come into Sarawak, they are extreme. We can take care of ourselves.15 UMNO parliamentarians would harp on religious issues which should be a personal matter between men and God, Abang Johari added.16 RACE AND RELIGION IN SARAWAK INCLUDING MUAFAKAT NASIONAL Because of Sarawak’s demographic make-up, the politics of Ketuanan Melayu and Ketuanan Islam are considered controversial there. The ethnic Malays in Sarawak do not see Peninsular Malays as their brethren as the version of Islam practised in East Malaysia is more tolerant, attributed in part to its demographic composition.17 The Sarawak government actively supports other religions through its Unit for Other Religions (UNIFOR) established on 27 April 2017.18 Sarawak is the only state in Malaysia to have a unit dedicated to helping the different houses of worship other than Islam. In August, it was announced that the Chief Minister Abang Johari has not only provided the 1.2-hectare site for the construction of a UNIFOR Complex but had also provided a grant of RM70 million to cover construction costs.19 Through UNIFOR, churches have received funding for their projects: for example, fourteen houses of worship and religious organisations in the Layar state constituency recently received grants:20 The St Basil’s Parish in Kuching received a total of RM 1.4 million for

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its expansion plans; the Sibu Nan Hai Buddhist Society received assistance worth RM700,000; St Edward’s Church of Kampung Skio in Serembu received RM100,000; the Liew Shan Pang Temple received RM50,000, and; the Tanjung Durian Buddhist Village received RM200,000 in 2019 to renovate existing premises. All in all, about RM 50 million have been disbursed to UNIFOR in 2020 to look after the needs of various religious organisations.21 Where the Muafakat Nasional partnership between UMNO and PAS is concerned, Abang Johari has stated that GPS does not interfere with politics in the Peninsula and wishes to focus on Sarawak and its people. “That is their politics. We are not in BN anymore”.22 Minister of Works Fadillah Yusof has also hit out at Pasir Puteh MP Nik Muhammad Zawawi Nik Salleh over his recent disparaging remarks about the Bible. He reiterated that GPS was part of the PN-led federal government under “PN Plus GPS” but it did not mean that GPS supported individuals from the PN pact. GPS is a separate entity, prioritizing religious freedom for peace and harmony of all Sarawakians.23 Thus far, Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) has failed to make in-roads in the state. LESSONS FROM GE 14 Going into the state election, there are lessons that GPS may draw from the 14th General Election (GE 14) held in May 2018. Three factors are of special significance. In-fighting of Candidates Chief Minister Abang Johari has mentioned that GPS will be fielding several new candidates in the coming election. Though this statement may seem innocuous, one has to consider the grave consequences that followed the announcement of an inappropriate candidate during GE 14 when potential and popular candidates felt sidelined, leading to serious in-fighting. 24 This accounted for the loss of six of Sarawak BN’s Dayak parliamentary seats—Selangau, Saratok, Julau, Lubok Antu, Puncak Borneo and Mas Gading.25 For the coming election, some in-fighting may be expected, given the anger brewing among Dayak politicians who have joined Parti Sarawak Bersatu (PSB) and who are now vocally critical of members in the Dayak components of GPS. For example, Joseph Belaun Entulu formerly from PRS joined PSB in March 2020. Entulu himself was sacked from PRS by James Masing when he was President.26 Erosion of Native Customary Rights Baru Bian, Member of Parliament for Selangau, State Assemblyperson for Ba’ Kelalan, and a lawyer by profession, has asserted that the Land Code (Amendment) Bill 2018 has failed to recognise the fundamental characteristics of pemakai menua (territorial domain) and pulau galau (communal forest reserve). Land rights of indigenous people have to include more than usufructuary rights as such rights exclude full ownership,27 and must include rights in the land for ownership of ancestral land, and the “extent of the territorial domain should be in accordance with the area that the natives had continuously occupied since the time of their forefathers to this day”.28 Second, he said, the restrictive size of an area given to a native community under the Land Code (Amendment) Bill 2018 of 500 hectares is questionable as native communities have traditionally owned much larger tracts of land.29

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In retort, the GPS government stated that provisions are now present in the new legislation to ensure that native ownership is protected.30 The contention that the state was only giving usufructuary or limited rights to native customary land was ‘totally misleading and mischievous’ as the landmark outcome of the proposed legislation had allowed native communal titles to be issued in perpetuity over areas now defined as ‘Native Territorial Domain’. The debate is on-going and is expected to become heated. Segments of the indigenous communities are still confused about land leases and the security of their native customary rights, and this will certainly be a hot button issue31 and may sway votes to the opposition if mishandled by GPS. Politics of Development As a sign that the election period is nigh, there has been a raft of “publicity” showcasing the state government’s role in promoting development in rural areas and in building infrastructure in urban areas. A survey of Facebook pages indicates how these highlight many of the development projects completed by the PBB and SUPP in various rural and also urban state constituencies. The Borneo Post reported that Sarawak Alternative Electricity Supply (Sares) has provided electricity (solar powered) to 142 longhouses, benefitting 3,100 families between 2016 and 2019. Rural electricity coverage has grown to about 93 percent in 2019, up from 56 percent in 2009.32 In the Batu Kawah constituency in Kuching, a project to upgrade roads worth RM 3.3 million was recently announced.33 In Serian, a riverfront project has been proposed as a landmark and tourist attraction for the town. Minister Michael Manyin Jawong reminded the Bidayuh community to deliver all seats to GPS from Opar to Bukit Semuja.34 GPS has planned to contribute RM 16 million to the Dayak Bidayuh National Association (DBNA) Community Hostel, of which RM 6.75 million was contributed already during the launching ceremony. There is again the “subtle threat” spreading that a constituency not being with GPS would make it harder to bring in infrastructure development projects to that area.35 The Northern Coastal Highway project linking Limbang to Lawas was announced to begin in 2021 and will complete in 4 years. MALAYSIA AGREEMENT 1963 (MA 63) Sarawakians tend to feel that their rights as enshrined in the MA 63 have been eroded over time. Their representatives, therefore, tend to seek an increase in the state’s share of oil revenues—specifically from the present 5 per cent to 20 per cent; greater religious freedom, more state control over finances and taxes, and the right for Sarawak to determine its educational paths. Wan Junaidi Tuanku Jaafar’s36 announcement that a new special committee will be set up by Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin to examine the Cobbold Commission’s findings on the formation of Malaysia more systematically and holistically 37 , has been met with scepticism. Batu Lintang assemblyperson See Chee How saw the move as a stalling measure, a step backwards since the previous PH government had already reached an agreement with the Sabah and Sarawak government over 17 of the 21 subject matters.38 See wanted the GPS government to fight for the restoration of the wordings of MA 63 back to its pre-1976 position,39 with full commitment to realise Sarawak’s future.40

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Abang Johari has stressed that GPS will fight for an increase to one-third parliamentary representation for Sabah and Sarawak, up from the present 25 percent.41 Mooting the idea on 16 July 2020, Abang Johari said it was imperative to restore the status of Sabah and Sarawak as regional partners after the departure of Singapore in 1965 from the Federation of Malaysia.42 In handling COVID-19, Sarawak upheld its independence by not indiscriminately following the Federal Government’s directive of implementing the conditional movement control order. Instead, it chose to study the implications of reopening before deciding which sector to open.43 Sarawak even went so far as to use its own system of listing, and led the other states in terms of adopting tracing technology, notably from Singapore. 44 Sarawak government has also mooted the building of international schools which will begin in 2023. These English-medium schools are run like other private international schools, are in line with MA 63 and with Sarawak’s rights to safeguard its educational policies.45 THE RISE OF PSB After the split between UPP (United People’s Party) and SUPP occurred in 2014, the UPP was however allowed to stay in the then Sarawak BN coalition and even to use BN’s symbol in the 2016 state election. The hope was that the two factions would continue to work together for the good of the Chinese community.46 Abang Johari even attended the launch of the UPP in 2015 and the rebranding of the party to Parti Sarawak Bersatu (PSB) in 2017. However, when PSB began roping in members from other GPS component parties, prospects for continued collaboration with GPS disappeared. The recent move by Baru Bian and other native leaders to PSB is unlikely to threaten GPS but it may cause tremors. Disassociating from PKR favours Baru Bian in the eyes of Sarawakians. Much were promised by the Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Harapan federal governments but little concrete delivery to East Malaysia took place. Sri Aman MP, Masir Kujat, and several native ex-MPs and leaders of other parties have also joined PSB. It is now a local independent party with no affiliation to other parties in Sarawak. More native seats may fall to the opposition in the forthcoming state election if native leaders together with Baru Bian in PSB can mount a cohesive campaign to garner Dayak support, especially in rural areas. There are 58 rural state constituencies in Sarawak that PSB could viably contest in (see Column 1 in Appendix 1). PSB already has six state seats in Sarawak arising from the movement of members away from other parties. This is illustrated in Table 1.

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Table 1: Members of PSB

Source: Appendix 1. Table 2 also shows that there are nine marginal non-Muslim Bumiputera seats in GPS that could be attractive for PSB.

Table 2: Marginal Seats Belonging to GPS and Opposition (55 percent and below)

Coalition State Seat Incumbent Ethnic Composition GPS 1. Batu Kitang

2. Batu Kawah 3. Serembu 4. Mambong 5. Simanggang 6. Repok 7. Pakan 8. Meluan 9. Ngemah 10. Tellian 11. Tamin 12. Murum 13. Telang Usang

1. SUPP 2. SUPP 3. BN Direct Candidate 4. BN Direct Candidate 5. SUPP 6. SUPP 7. BN Direct Candidate 8. SPDP 9. PRS 10. PBB

11. PRS 12. PRS 13. PBB

1. Chinese 2. Chinese 3. Non-Muslim Bumiputra 4. Non-Muslim Bumiputra 5. Non-Muslim Bumiputra 6. Chinese 7. Non-Muslim Bumiputra 8. Non-Muslim Bumiputra 9. Non-Muslim Bumiputra 10. Mixed: Muslim and

Non-Muslim Bumiputra 11. Non-Muslim Bumiputra 12. Non-Muslim Bumiputra 13. Non-Muslim Bumiputra

Opposition 1. Opar 2. Dudong

3. Pujut 4. Ba’Kelalan

1. PSB 2. PSB

3. PH – DAP 4. PSB

1. Non-Muslim Bumiputera 2. Mixed: Chinese and

Non-Muslim Bumiputera 3. Chinese 4. Non-Muslim Bumiputera

Source: Derived from Appendix 1. For explanation of BN Direct Candidates, see note in Map 1 CONCLUSION This paper has attempted to identify factors that can influence the outcome of the approaching Sarawak state election. Sarawak is now a kingmaker in federal politics and this has worked in favour of the GPS. GPS should therefore win the coming state election quite easily. Already working in GPS favour are the disunity among the opposition parties including DAP and PKR, its stronger position in the federal government, and its handling of race and religion issues. However, it has to keep an eye on not repeating the mistakes of GE 14 (succession and in-fighting and protection of native rights), strongly fight for the return of rights stated in MA 63, and watch the rise of PSB and its potential to erode native support away from the ruling coalition.

State Constituency Ethnicity State Assemblyperson

Party/Coalition

Opar Non-Muslim Bumiputra Ranum Mina From Sarawak BN/GPS

Batu Lintang Chinese See Chee How From PKR Engkili Non-Muslim Bumiputra Johnical Rayong

Ngipa From Sarawak BN/GPS

Dudong Mixed: Chinese/Non-Muslim Bumiputra

Tiong Thai King From Sarawak BN/GPS

Bawang Assan Mixed: Chinese/Non-Muslim Bumiputra

Wong Soon Koh From Sarawak BN/GPS

Ba’Kelalan Non-Muslim Bumiputra Baru Bian From PKR

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1 Pilihanraya negeri Sarawak ke-12 (PRN 12). 2 In 2016, PH won only 10 of the 82 seats. These seats include Padungan, Pending, Batu Lintang, Kota Sentosa, Krian, Bukit Assek, Pelawan, Tanjong Batu, Pujut and Ba’kelalan. 3 “Dr Sim: Padungan rep’s disappointment with DAP should serve as food for thought for local community”, The Borneo Post Online, 27 July 2020, < https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/07/27/dr-sim-padungan-reps-disappointment-with-dap-should-serve-as-food-for-thought-for-local-community/>, accessed 16 September 2020. 4 “Padungan rep Wong King Wei announces resignation from DAP”, The Borneo Post Online, 27 July 2020, < https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/07/27/padungan-rep-wong-king-wei-announces-resignation-from-dap/>, accessed 16 September 2020. Wong also mentioned that DAP’s credibility was at stake: “[D]uring the 22-month rule under Pakatan Harapan (PH), what we said in front of the people and what we promised the people seemed to have gone down the drain. If we were to bring up our ideas and dreams as well as promises, the credibility of DAP would be in question.” 5 Currently GPS holds on to 68 seats as some assemblypersons have moved to support PSB. 6 Appendix 1 provides information on parliamentary seats and its breakdown into state constituencies grouped by ethnicity, party and winner including margin of victory, and the extent of multiple cornered fights. In this instance, a majority ethnic seat consists of 55% or more of a particular ethnicity. 7 In contrast to Peninsular Malaysia, multi-cornered fights are more common in Sabah and Sarawak. 8 “Polls round the corner”, The Borneo Post Online, 5 September 2020, <https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/09/05/polls-round-the-corner/>, accessed 6 September 2020. 9 “Polls round the corner”, op. cit.. 10 “Chong: Holding state, general elections concurrently ‘not good’ for Sarawakians”, The Borneo Post Online, 10 September 2020, <https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/09/10/chong-holding-state-general-elections-concurrently-not-good-for-sarawakians/>, accessed 10 September 2020. 11 “Betong venue of PBB second mini convention”, The Borneo Post Online, 11 September 2020, < https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/09/11/betong-venue-of-pbb-second-mini-convention/>, accessed 12 September 2020. 12 “Finally, Petronas pays up RM2.95 bln to Sarawak for 2019 SST”, 17 September 2020, <https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/09/17/finally-petronas-pays-rm2-95-bln-to-sarawak-for-2019-sst/> , accessed 18 September 2020. 13 “Sarawak to get extra allocation under 12MP for repair of dilapidated schools – Muslimin”, The Borneo Post Online”, 6 August 2020, < https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/08/06/sarawak-to-get-extra-allocation-under-12mp-for-repair-of-dilapidated-schools-muslimin/>, accessed 23 September 2020. 14 Francis E. Hutchinson, “Malaysia’s New Cabinet: Squaring the Power of the Ruling Parties”, 30 March 2020, ISEAS Perspective Issue 2020 No. 22., < https://www.iseas.edu.sg/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/ISEAS_Perspective_2020_22.pdf>, p. 4, accessed 12 September 2020. 15 “Masing: Abang Johari did the right thing by stopping UMNO from coming to S’wak”, The Borneo Post Online”, 5 September 2020, < https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/09/05/masing-abang-johari-did-the-right-thing-by-stopping-umno-from-coming-to-swak/>, accessed 5 September 2020. See also “’Extreme’ Umno not welcome in Sarawak, says Abang Johari”, The Borneo Post Online”, 5 September 2020, < https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/09/03/extreme-umno-not-welcome-in-sarawak-says-abang-johari/>, accessed 5 September 2020. 16 “’Extreme’ Umno not welcome in Sarawak, says Abang Johari”, The Borneo Post Online”, 5 September 2020, < https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/09/03/extreme-umno-not-welcome-in-sarawak-says-abang-johari/>, accessed 5 September 2020. 17 James Chin, “Sabah and Sarawak in the 14th General Election 2018 (GE 14): Local Factors and State Nationalism”, Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 37, no, 3 (2018), p. 175.

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18 The establishment of UNIFOR was the brainchild of former Sarawak Chief Minister Adenan Satem. Through UNIFOR, an inclusive approach is adopted for all religions. UNIFOR was established to safeguard religious harmony and look after for the needs of other religions besides Islam in multiracial Sarawak. UNIFOR runs as a unit in the Chief Minister’s Department under the portfolio of Sarawak’s Deputy Chief Minister Douglas Uggah Embas. 19 “Uggah: Proposed Unifor complex another reflection of CM’s inclusive policy”, The Borneo Post Online, 12 September 2020,< https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/08/05/uggah-proposed-unifor-complex-another-reflection-of-cms-inclusive-policy/>, accessed 12 September 2020. 20 “Layar religious organisations receive grants”, The Borneo Post Online, 12 September 2020, <https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/09/12/layar-religious-organisations-receive-grants/>, accessed 12 September 2020. 21 “Three bodies in Serembu receive RM350,000 Unifor fund”, The Borneo Post Online, 1 February 2020, <https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/02/01/three-bodies-in-serembu-receive-rm350000-unifor-fund/>, accessed 12 September 2020. 22 “Umno-PAS pact: GPS prefers to move on its own, says Abang Jo”, The Star Online, 14 September 2019, < https://www.thestar.com.my/news/nation/2019/09/14/umno-pas-pact-gps-prefers-to-move-on-its-own-says-abang-jo>, accessed 14 September 2020. 23 “GPS does not condone PAS MP’s Bible slur — Fadillah”, The Borneo Post Online, 7 September 2020, < https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/09/07/gps-does-not-condone-pas-mps-bible-slur-fadillah/>, accessed 8 September 2020. 24 Neilson Ilan Mersat, “The Sarawak Dayaks’ Shift in Malaysia’s 2018 Election”, The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs 107, no. 6 (2018), p. 732. 25 In the Puncak Borneo and Saratok parliamentary constituency seats, Sarawak BN (now GPS) did not appear to have a proper succession plan. At least ten candidates lobbied GPS for the Puncak Borneo seat; candidates who lost then threw their support to the opposition. Likewise, in the parliamentary constituency of Saratok, where the incumbent was not selected because of intra-party strife. Four aspirants then offered to run, and those who were sidelined refused to support the chosen candidate. Internal disputes also reportedly caused the seats of Selangau and Lubok Antu to be lost to the opposition. Likewise in the Mas Gading seat, Anthony Nogeh suffered from old factionalism and lost to DAP candidate Mordi Bimol. Ibid., pp. 732-733. 26 “Entulu questions Masing’s right to speak of unity after PRS chief slammed PSB”, The Borneo Post Online, 9 September 2020, < https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/09/09/entulu-questions-masings-right-to-speak-of-unity-after-prs-chief-slammed-psb/>, accessed 9 September 2020. 27 Rights or privileges exercised or enjoyed by a native community over a native territorial domain to forage for food, including fishing and hunting. 28 “Don't erode Sarawak natives' rights to land, Pakatan tells ex-BN reps”, The Star Online, 10 July 2018, < https://www.thestar.com.my/news/nation/2018/07/10/sarawak-pakatan-says-proposed-changes-to-land-laws-will-erode-traditional-natives-rights-to-land>, accessed 8 September 2020. See Mersat, op. cit., p. 733. 29 “Land Code amendment unfair and morally questionable, says Baru Bian”, The New Straits Times, 10 July 2018, < https://www.nst.com.my/news/nation/2018/07/389454/land-code-amendment-unfair-and-morally-questionable-says-baru-bian>, accessed 8 September 2020. 30 “GPS backbencher disagrees with PH reps’ suggestions”, The Borneo Post Online, 12 July 2018, <https://www.theborneopost.com/2018/07/12/gps-backbencher-disagrees-with-ph-reps-suggestions/>, accessed 22 April 2019. 31 ‘NCR land disputes a never-ending situation’, The Borneo Post Online, 21 December 2019, < https://www.theborneopost.com/2019/12/21/ncr-land-disputes-a-never-ending-situation/ > accessed 12 September 2020. 32 “Sares powering up some 8,000 rural households in Sarawak since 2016”, The Borneo Post Online, 12 September 2020, https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/09/12/sares-powering-up-some-8000-rural-households-in-sarawak-since-2016/, accessed 12 September 2020.

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33 “RM3.3 million roads upgrading project in Batu Kawah awarded”, The Borneo Post Online”, 5 September 2020, < https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/09/05/rm3-3-million-roads-upgrading-project-in-batu-kawah-awarded/>, accessed 5 September 2020. 34 Reciprocate, vote GPS, Manyin urges Bidayuh community, The Borneo Post Online, 4 September 2020, < https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/09/04/reciprocate-vote-gps-manyin-urges-bidayuh-community/>, accessed 15 September 2020. The seats identified were Opar, Tasik biru, Srembu, Mambong, Tarat, Tebedu, Kedup and Bukit Semuja. 35 “Jinep confident GPS will win in all eight Bidayuh-majority seats during next state election”, The Borneo Post Online, 19 September 2020, <https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/09/19/jinep-confident-gps-will-win-in-all-eight-bidayuh-majority-seats-during-next-state-election/>, accessed 20 September 2020. 36 Federal Minister for Entrepreneur Development and Cooperatives, and Member of Parliament, Santubong. 37 “Putrajaya forms new MA63 committee for way forward, Wan Junaidi reveals”, The Borneo Post Online, 11 September 2020, <https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/09/10/putrajaya-forms-new-ma63-committee-in-way-forward-wan-junaidi-reveals/>, accessed 10 September 2020. 38 “See urges Wan Junaidi to not fall for fed govt’s ‘delay tactics’ to stall restoration of Sabah, Sarawak rights”, The Borneo Post Online, 11 September 2020, < https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/09/11/see-urges-wan-junaidi-to-not-fall-for-fed-govts-delay-tactics-to-stall-restoration-of-sabah-sarawak-rights/>, accessed 12 September 2020. 39 Ibid.. 40 See has pledged that PSB will establish a Sarawak National Archive to keep and publicise all reports, agreements, correspondences and papers entailing and regarding the Malaysia Agreement 1963; and set up a “full ministry to hold charge of matters relating to restoration of Sarawak’s special rights, interests and position in conformity with MA63; immediate restoration and devolution of powers over the 17 subject matters that had been agreed last year” in “See urges S’wakians to vote for Sarawak’s future in next state polls”, The Borneo Post Online, 16 September 2020, < https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/09/16/see-urges-swakians-to-vote-for-sarawaks-future-in-next-state-polls/>, accessed 16 September 2020. 41 S’wak should steer clear of ‘problematic’ parties and leaders or risk falling behind, says Abang Johari”, The Borneo Post Online, 5 September 2020, < https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/09/05/swak-should-steer-clear-of-problematic-parties-and-leaders-or-risk-falling-behind-says-abang-johari/>, accessed 15 September 2020. 42 “Kalabakan MP calls for motion to debate on S’wak, Sabah one-third representation in Parliament”, 27 July 2020, The Borneo Post Online, 27 July 2020, < https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/07/27/kalabakan-mp-calls-for-motion-to-debate-on-swak-sabah-one-third-representation-in-parliament/>, accessed 9 September 2020. Originally, Sabah, Sarawak, Singapore, and (the Federation of) Malaya came together to form Malaysia in 1963 as equal partners. 43 “Sarawak will not implement Conditional MCO on May 4”, The Borneo Post Online, 8 September 2020, < https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/05/02/sarawak-will-not-implement-conditional-mco-on-may-4/>, accessed 22 September 2020. 44 Bridget Welsh, “The unsung role of state gov’ts in battling Covid”, 3 July 2020, MalaysiaKini.Com, accessed 22 September 2020. 45 In Peninsular Malaysia, state owned international schools would have to use Bahasa Malaysia as the medium of instruction. See “Sarawak’s international schools comply with Education Ministry’s requirements, assures Manyin”, The Borneo Post Online, 28 September 2020, <https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/09/28/sarawaks-international-schools-comply-with-education-ministrys-requirements-assures-manyin/>, accessed 28 September 2020. 46 “Abg Jo says he pursued SUPP, PSB reconciliation for good of Chinese community”, The Borneo Post Online, 8 September 2020, < https://www.theborneopost.com/2020/09/08/abg-jo-says-he-pursued-supp-psb-reconciliation-for-good-of-chinese-community/>, accessed 9 September 2020.

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Appendix 1: Parliamentary and State Constituency Grouped by Ethnicity, Party and Winner

Parliamentary Constituency (1)

State Constituency (2)

Ethnic Majority (%) (3)

Party (4) Winner (5)

Mas Gading RURAL

N.01 Opar Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Bidayuh): 89, Chinese: 7, Malay/Melanau: 4

GPS – BN (Now PSB)

Ranum Anak Mina (50%) 4 Cornered Marginal

N.02 Tasik Biru Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Bidayuh): 68, Chinese: 25, Malay/Melanau : 6

GPS – SPDP Harry Jinep (55%)

Santubong RURAL

N.03 Tanjong Datu

Malay/Melanau: 54, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 29, Chinese: 17

GPS – PBB Adenan Satem (93%)

N.04 Pantai Damai Malay/Melanau: 93, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 5, Chinese: 3

GPS – PBB Abdul Rahman Junaidi (87%)

N.05 Demak Laut Malay/Melanau: 90, Chinese: 7, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 4

GPS – PBB Hazlan Abang Hipni (88%)

Petra Jaya URBAN

N.06 Tupong Malay/Melanau: 68, Chinese: 19, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 12

GPS - PBB Fazzrudin Abdul Rahman (79%)

N.07 Samariang Malay/Melanau: 91, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 9, Chinese: 2

GPS – PBB Sharifah Hasidah Sayeed Aman Ghazali (80%) 3 Cornered

N.08 Satok Malay/Melanau: 70, Chinese: 22, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 7

GPS – PBB Amar Abang Abdul Rahman Zohari Tun Abang Haji Openg (79%)

Bandar Kuching URBAN

N.09 Padungan Chinese: 93, Malay/Melanau: 4, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 3

PH – DAP Wong King Wei (64%) 3 Cornered

N.10 Pending Chinese: 90, Muslim Bumiputra: 5, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 5

PH – DAP Violet Yong Wui Wui (63%)

N.11 Batu Lintang Chinese: 86, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 10, Muslim Bumiputra: 3

PH – PKR (Now PSB)

See Chee How (62%) 3 Cornered

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Stampin URBAN

N.12 Kota Sentosa Chinese: 73, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 14, Malay/Melanau: 13

PH – DAP Chong Chieng Jen (57%)

N.13 Batu Kitang* Chinese: 59, Malay/Melanau: 22, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 19

GPS - SUPP Lo Khere Chiang (53%) 5 Cornered (PKR and DAP Fielded Candidates) Marginal

N.14 Batu Kawah Chinese: 60, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 21, Malay/Melanau: 19

GPS - SUPP Sim Kui Hian (54%) 3 Cornered Marginal

Kota Samarahan RURAL

N.15 Asajaya Malay/Melanau: 80, Chinese: 11, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 10

GPS – PBB Abdul Karim Rahman Hamzah (74%)

N.16 Muara Tuang Malay/Melanau: 69, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 25, Chinese: 6

GPS - PBB Idris Buang (81%) 3 Cornered

N.17 Stakan Malay/Melanau: 44, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 39, Chinese: 17

GPS - PBB Mohamad Ali Mahmud (83%)

Puncak Borneo Renamed from Mambong RURAL

N.18 Serembu Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Bidayuh): 73, Chinese: 22, Malay/Melanau: 5

GPS - BN Miro Simuh (50%) 4 Cornered Marginal

N.19 Mambong* Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Bidayuh): 68, Chinese: 26, Malay/Melanau: 6

GPS - BN Jerip Anak Susil (52%) 3 Cornered (PKR and DAP Fielded Candidates) Marginal

N.20 Tarat Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Bidayuh): 64, Chinese: 31, Malay/Melanau: 5

GPS – PBB Roland Sagah Wee Inn (73%)

Serian RURAL

N.21 Tebedu Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Bidayuh): 97, Malay/Melanau: 2, Chinese: 1

GPS – PBB Michael Manyin Jawong (86%)

N.22 Kedup Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Bidayuh): 92, Chinese: 7, Malay/Melanau: 1

GPS – PBB Maclaine Ben @ Martin Ben (73%) 3 Cornered

N.23 Bukit Semuja Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Bidayuh): 62,

GPS – BN John Ilus (60%) 5 Cornered

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Chinese: 21 Malay/Muslim: 18

Batang Sadong RURAL

N.24 Sadong Jaya Malay/Melanau: 91, Chinese: 8, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 2

GPS – PBB Aidel Lariwoo (82%) 4 Cornered

N.25 Simunjan Malay/Melanau: 63, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 31, Chinese: 6

GPS – PBB Awla Idris (71%) 3 Cornered

N.26 Gedong Malay/Melanau: 62, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 37, Chinese: 1

GPS – PBB Mohd Naroden Majais (79%) 3 Cornered

Batang Lupar RURAL

N.27 Sebuyau Malay/Melanau: 66, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 32, Chinese: 3

GPS – PBB Julaihi Narawi (70%) 3 Cornered

N.28 Lingga Malay/Melanau: 65, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 31, Chinese: 5

GPS – PBB Hajjah Simoi Peri (67%) 3 Cornered

N.29 Beting Maro Malay/Melanau: 91, Non-Muslim Bumiputera: 8, Chinese: 2

GPS – PBB Razaili Gapor (60%) 3 Cornered

Sri Aman RURAL

N.30 Balai Ringin Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Iban): 88, Chinese: 7, Malay/Melanau: 5

GPS – PRS Snowdan Lawan (58%) 4 Cornered

N.31 Bukit Begunan

Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Iban): 77, Malay/Melanau: 18, Chinese: 5

GPS – PRS Mong Dagang (87%)

N.32 Simanggang* Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Iban): 56, Chinese: 34, Malay/Melanau: 10

GPS – SUPP Francis Harden Hollis (51%) 4 Cornered (PKR and DAP Fielded Candidates) Marginal

Lubok Antu RURAL

N.33 Engkilili Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Iban): 86, Chinese: 12, Malay/Melanau: 2

GPS – BN (Now PSB)

Johnical Rayong Ngipa (71%) 4 Cornered

N.34 Batang Ai Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Iban): 95, Chinese: 2, Malay/Melanau: 2

GPS – PRN Malcom Mussen Lamoh (74%)

Betong RURAL

N.35 Saribas Malay/Melanau: 82, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 15, Chinese: 2

GPS – PBB Ricky@Mohamad Razi Sitam (80%)

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N.36 Layar Non-Muslim

Bumiputra (Iban): 73, Malay/Melanau: 14, Chinese: 13

GPS – PBB Gerald Rentap Jabu (61%)

N.37 Bukit Saban Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Iban): 68, Malay/Melanau: 28, Chinese: 4

GPS – PBB Douglas Uggah Embas (86%)

Saratok RURAL

N.38 Kalaka Malay/Melanau: 59, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 29, Chinese: 12

GPS – PBB Abdul Wahab Aziz (78%)

N.39 Krian Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Iban): 96, Chinese: 4, Malay/Melanau: 1

PH – PKR Ali Anak Biju (59%)

N.40 Kabong Malay/Melanau: 66, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 29, Chinese: 6

GPS – PBB Mohd Chee Kadir (77%)

Tanjung Manis RURAL

N.41 Kuala Rajang Malay/Melanau: 60, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 35, Chinese: 6

GPS – PBB Len Talif Salleh (89%) 3 Cornered

N.42 Semop Malay/Melanau: 70, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 25, Chinese: 5

GPS – PBB Abdullah Saidol (86%)

Igan RURAL

N.43 Daro Malay/Melanau: 58, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 39, Chinese: 3

GPS – PBB Safiee Ahmad (90%)

N.44 Jemoreng Malay/Melanau: 80, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 17, Chinese: 4

GPS – PBB Juanda Jaya (77%) 3 Cornered

Sarikei SEMI-URBAN

N.45 Repok Chinese: 75, Non-Muslim Bumiputra; 19, Malay/Melanau: 7

GPS – SUPP Huang Tiong Sii (52%) 3 Cornered Marginal

N.46 Meradong Chinese: 54, Non-Muslim Bumiputra; 43, Malay/Melanau: 3

GPS – SUPP Ding Kuong Hiing (56%)

Julau RURAL

N.47 Pakan Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Iban): 93, Chinese: 6, Malay/Melanau: 1

GPS – BN William Mawan Ikom (51%) 3 Cornered Marginal

N.48 Meluan Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Iban): 96, Chinese: 4, Malay/Melanau: 1

GPS – SPDP Rolland Duat Jubin (37%) 4 Cornered Marginal

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Kanowit RURAL

N.49 Ngemah* Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Iban): 93, Chinese: 7, Malay/Melanau: 1

GPS – PRS Alexander Vincent (46%) 4 Cornered (PKR and DAP Fielded Candidates) Marginal

N.50 Machan Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Iban): 79, Chinese: 17, Malay/Melanau: 5

GPS – PBB Allan Siden Gramong (60%) 3 Cornered

Lanang RURAL

N.51 Bukit Assek Chinese: 90, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 7, Malay/Melanau: 4

PH – DAP Irene Mary Chang Oi Ling (61%) 3 Cornered

N.52 Dudong Chinese: 53, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 39, Malay/Melanau: 8

GPS – BN (Now PSB)

Tiong Thai King (46%) 5 Cornered Marginal

Sibu SEMI-RURAL

N.53 Bawang Assan

Chinese: 54, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 42, Malay/Melanau: 6

GPS – BN (Now PSB)

Wong Soon Koh (62%) 5 Cornered

N.54 Pelawan Chinese: 91, Malay/Melanau: 5, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 4

PH – DAP David Wong Kee Woan (58%) 3 Cornered

N.55 Nangka Malay/Melanau: 49, Chinese: 26, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 25

GPS – PBB Annuar Rapaee (78%) 3 Cornered

Mukah RURAL

N.56 Dalat Malay/Melanau: 77, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 16, Chinese: 8

GPS – PBB Hajjah Fatimah Abdullah (91%)

N.57 Tellian Malay/Melanau: 49, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 38, Chinese: 14

GPS – PBB Yussibnosh Balo (54%) Marginal

N.58 Balingian Malay/Melanau: 53, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 41, Chinese: 6

GPS – PBB Abdul Yakub Arbi (77%)

Selangau RURAL

N.59 Tamin Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Iban): 97, Chinese: 3, Malay/Melanau: 1

GPS – PRS Christopher Gira Sambang (55%) 3 Cornered

N.60 Kakus Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Iban): 91, Malay/Melanau: 4, Chinese: 4

GPS – PRS John Sikie Tayai (75%) 3 Cornered

Kapit RURAL

N.61 Pelagus Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Iban): 99,

GPS – PRS Wilsong Nyabong Ijang (82%) 3 Cornered

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Malay/Melananu: 1, Chinese: 1

N.62 Katibas Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Iban): 92, Chinese: 5, Malay/Melanau: 4

GPS – PBB Ambrose Blikau Enturan (74%)

N.63 Bukit Goram Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Iban):75, Chinese: 19, Malay/Melanau: 6

GPS – PBB Jefferson Jamit Unyat (70%)

Hulu Rajang RURAL

N.64 Baleh Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Iban): 100

GPS – PRS James Jemut Masing (92%)

N.65 Belaga Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Orang Ulu): 92, Malay/Melanau: 4, Chinese: 3

GPS – PRS Liwan Lagang (90%)

N.66 Murum* Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Orang Ulu): 97, Chinese: 2, Malay/Melanau: 1

GPS – PRS Chukpai Ugon (54%) 4 Cornered (PKR and DAP Fielded Candidates) Marginal

Bintulu SEMI-URBAN

N.67 Jepak Malay/Melanau: 57, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 36, Chinese: 7

GPS – PBB Talip Zulpilip (69%) 5 Cornered

N.68 Tanjong Batu Chinese: 72, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 17, Malay/Melanau: 11

PH – DAP Chiew Chiu Sing (59%) 3 Cornered

N.69 Kemena Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Iban): 90, Malay/Melanau: 7, Chinese: 4

GPS – PBB Stephen Rundi Utom (76%)

N.70 Samalaju Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Iban): 65, Malay/Melanau: 20, Chinese: 15

GPS – PRS Majang Renggi (61%) 3 Cornered

Sibuti RURAL

N.71 Bekenu Malay/Melanau: 46, Non-Musim Bumiputra: 41, Chinese: 13

GPS – BN Rosey Yunus (72%) 4 Cornered

N.72 Lambir Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Kedayan): 39, Malay/Melanau: 34, Chinese: 27

GPS – PBB Ripin Lamat (69%) 3 Cornered

Miri SEMI-URBAN

N.73 Piasau Chinese: 59, Malay/Melanau:

BN – SUPP Sebastian Ting Chiew Yew (58%)

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22, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 19

N.74 Pujut Chinese: 68, Malay/Melanau: 19, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 13

PH – DAP Ting Tiong Choon (53%) 4 Cornered Marginal

N.75 Senadin Chinese: 44, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 35, Others: 22

BN – SUPP Lee Kim Shin (59%) 3 Cornered

Baram URBAN

N.76 Marudi Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Iban): 75, Chinese: 14, Malay/Melanau: 11

GPS – SPDP Penguang Manggil (57%) 3 Cornered

N.77 Telang Usan Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Orang Ulu): 96, Chinese: 4, Mala/Melanau: 1

GPS – PBB Dennis Ngau (51%) Marginal

N.78 Mulu* Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Orang Ulu): 95, Chinese: 4, Malay/Melanau: 2

GPS - BN Gerawat Jala (61%) 4 Cornered (PKR and DAP Fielded Candidates)

Limbang RURAL

N.79 Bukit Kota Malay/Melanau: GPS – PBB (Uncontested)

Abdul Rahman Ismail

N.80 Batu Danau Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Orang Ulu): 67, Malay/Melanau: 30, Chinese: 3

GPS – BN Paulus Gumbang (75%)

Lawas RURAL

N.81 Ba'kelalan Non-Muslim Bumiputra (Orang Ulu): 90, Chinese: 5, Malay/Melanau: 5

PH – PKR (Now PSB)

Baru Bian (55%)

N.82 Bukit Sari Malay/Melanau: 75, Non-Muslim Bumiputra: 13, Chinese: 13

GPS – PBB (Uncontested)

Amar Hj. Awang Tengah Ali Hassan

Source: Information adapted from Undi.Info, https://undi.info/; and “Sarawak State Election”, Wikipedia, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2016_Sarawak_state_election#Results. Both accessed on 1 September 2020.

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*************************** To read earlier issues of ISEAS Perspective please click here: https://www.iseas.edu.sg/articles-commentaries/iseas-perspective Preceding three issues of ISEAS Perspective: 2020/108 “China’s Southeast Asian Charm Offensive:Is It Working?” by Lye Liang Fook https://www.iseas.edu.sg/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/ISEAS_Perspective_2020_108.pdf 2020/107 “Covid-19’s Economic Reckoning in Southeast Asia” Cassey Lee, Siwage Dharma Negara and Maxensius Tri Sambodo https://www.iseas.edu.sg/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/ISEAS_Perspective_2020_107.pdf 2020/106 “Sabah Elections 2020: Sentiments Trending on Social Media” Benjamin Y.H. Loh and Kevin Zhang https://www.iseas.edu.sg/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/ISEAS_Perspective_2020_106.pdf

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