Website Heritage Values and Issues Report PART 2

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Angkor: Living with HeritageHeritage Values and Issues ReportAugust 2008 39

4.0 The Scientif ic Value of Angkor

Prof Roland Fletcher

Overview

Angkor is of critical scientific significance for the

understanding of pre-industrial urbanism because it is the

most extensive pre-industrial low-density urban complex.

This critical significance extends into the understanding of

large-scale urban infrastructure, the economics and ecology

of land use and the relationship between anthropogenically

altered landscapes and global climate change. It is also

obvious that these issues are of some significance for

comparative analyses of the situation that confronts

present-day industrial urbanism.

More generally Angkor is relevant to debates about the

formation of complex societies, the archaeology of empires

and the demise of civilisations. Angkor is also significant as

a case study of the application of scientific research

methodologies.

It is important to note that the majority of the critical

scientific value of Angkor is located in the landscape

beyond the designated Zones 1 and 2 of the World Heritage

Site.

Scientific Significance

The scientific significance of Angkor falls into four main

categories and their global significance:

Methodology

Ancestry of Urban Society

Operation of Urban Society

Demise of Urban Society

The history of archaeology at Angkor is somewhat unusual

because it combined early use of technological innovations

by the EFEO, like aerial photography in the 1920s and 30s,

with an intense focus on epigraphy, the study of art and

architecture and also the restoration of monuments.

Because of the focus on history, art and architecture the

archaeology of Angkor was largely restricted to reports on

the excavation and/or restoration of monuments until the

1950s. Bernard-Phillipe Groslier, in the 1950s and 60s,


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Angkor: Living with HeritageHeritage Values and Issues ReportAugust 200840

who was the Director of the EFEO in Siem Reap and then

Director of the Angkor Conservancy was the real initiator of

a program of scientific and archaeological research on the

other aspects of Angkor, especially its domestic life, its

economy and its ecological impact. His program, whichincluded extensive surveying, the study of the water

management system and excavations on non-monumental

features such as the Sras Srang cremation cemetery was,

however, brought to a halt by the deteriorating security

situation in Cambodia. By the early 1970s most research

had ceased at Angkor and from 1975 to the early 1990s

political conditions were inimical to local scholarship and

Cambodia was largely cut off from the international world.

Only in the late 1980s and the early 1990s did the major

international teams begin to return along with Cambodian

scholars to re-establish the administrative and logistical

infrastructure to support research.

Methodology

The vast extent of Angkor requires remote sensing

methodologies including aerial and ground radar and

GIS/GPS to be used as a matter of course. Concurrently,

because the urban complex was so large and was part of a

larger anthropogenic landscape of rice fields and economic

trees there is a substantial environmental component to the

analysis of Angkor. This requires research down to the

level of microscopic entities such as pollen and the analysis

of hydrology, land-use patterns and ecology. As a

consequence, research at Angkor needs to be located in a

multi-disciplinary milieu in which the complementary

differences between different classes of evidence are

recognised. For example, Angkor will be critical for the

debate about the difference between historical textual

sources and archaeological sourcesthe key point being

that these two sources may lead to different conclusions

with the archaeological data being about what actually

happened and the texts providing information on what

people said and intended and wished to be the case.

Visualisation will play an increasing analytic role in the study

of Angkor. Because of its spectacular visual qualities

Angkor may well play a key role in the development and

promotion of new analytic visualisation approaches.

Ancestry of Urban Society

A fundamental problem in Cambodian archaeology is the

date of the early use of domesticated rice and the ancestry


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of the bunded field farming technology. As yet no trace of

the initial development has been found. It would

presumably have commenced at some time in the 4th3

rd

millennia BCE. We should also expect early rice farming to

have occurred around the edge of the Tonle Sap whereannual inundation was favourable to the production of rice

and may have been a natural environment for wild varieties

of rice. This is a priority area of research and depends

upon the preservation of lake edge sites as part of the

heritage site of Angkor.

Rice and the growth of agrarian villages is the platform for

the development of urbanism. The growth of Angkor

focuses attention on issues of the formation of urban

societies and the role of indigenous and exogenous

influences. It is clear that there was an Indianising influenceinto SE Asia concurrent with the initial formation of urban

settlements in the south, along the west coast of Vietnam.

But it is by no means clear that the influences involved more

than SE Asian traders and travellers bringing back

information from India. The central issue now is the role of

regional trade in SE Asia and the nature of the societies that

began to develop large urban centres. The key issue in the

Angkor area is that the ancestry of the Angkorian settlement

pattern seems to lie further south and east in Pre-Angkorian

period. In the Angkor area occupation is known from the 1

st

millennium BCE at Prei Khmeng and Koh Tah Meas. We

also know of the radial sites (Moores circular sites), such as

Lovea that clearly predate the more orthogonal Angkorian

landscape pattern. Understanding how the local settlement

pattern of the 4th to 1

st millennia BCE was transformed is

critical to the analysis of the way the Angkor urban complex

came into being from many separate settlement nodes.

This work requires detailed attention to the western portion

of the 3000 sq km catchment of the Angkor basin and to

locating the sites of radial settlements within the urban area

whose surface expression has been obliterated by later

construction and landscaping.

Operation of Urban Society

At a broad intellectual level the relationship between textual

and archaeological sources as complimentary but different

has yet to be fully explored at Angkor. There is still a

tendency to regard the historical texts as the primary and

best, though regrettably fragmentary, source, to which the

archaeological evidence is to be attached or related. The

insight from Historical Archaeology over the past twenty


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years that the archaeological record offers information that

the historical record cannot provide, can diverge from the

historical record and allows questions to be asked that are

not envisaged in a textual-based enquiry, has not yet

become a standard approach at Angkor.

The range of scientific research that needs to be carried out

at Angkor to understand its operation as an urban complex

is immense. Concurrently, an understanding of Angkor is

fundamental to the study of urbanism and even to provide a

perspective on modern low-density urbanism. The essential

issue with Angkor is the elementary question of how

extensive it was and how we are to develop indices for

defining its extentan issue that vexes the study of modern

low-density cities.

While the key topics of the operation of Angkor can be

summarised, to detail them would be to try to define a

myriad of different research projects! The first key class of

information that is required concerns the economic basis of

the city from how it produced its staple crops, through the

operation of the water management system to the impact on

the local environment. Then the domestic economy of

markets, the production of tools and ceramics and the role

of external trade need to be examined. These necessarily

require study of the key infrastructure, the canals and roads

of Angkor. Much of their history, their operation and their

effects are unknown.

The second key set of information concerns the domestic

settlement pattern of Angkorwhere people lived, how to

identify domestic housing and what rubbish disposal

patterns are associated with them. This requires intensive

research along the banks of canals, on the occupation

mounds, within the walled enclosure of Angkor Thom and in

the temple enclosures.

These two sets of information need then to be combined

with the palaeo-environmental data for the Angkor region to

develop analyses of the population of Angkor and to

understand the relationship between the histories of the

economy, the water management system, the occupation

sites and the environment.

The analysis of how Angkor functioned is interesting in its

own right and allows the development of a new

understanding of the Angkorian world. It is also critical for

the third major issue in the study of Angkor, the analysis of

its demise as a massive urban complex.

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Demise of Urban Society

In many ways the paradoxical, yet fundamental significance

of Angkor lies in its demise. This is paradoxical because

the magnitude of Angkor is the obvious and affirmative

focus of attention. But the demise of civilisations and the

breakdown of states has long been a fascination of cultural

and dynastic histories. Angkor is critical precisely because

it is so large. The site is fundamental to the debates about

the magnitude, form and extent of pre-industrial urbanism

and hence for the significance of magnitude and extent in

the demise of cities.

As with all the other general investigations into the nature

and history of Angkor the analysis of the demise of Angkor

requires a multi-scalar approach and the avoidance of theassumption that all causal factors operate at the same rate

or scale. An assessment of the demise of Angkor has to

consider factors ranging from the effects of changes in

religion, through the political relationships with adjacent

states, the role of changes in international trade, the impact

of economic activity, in particular the development of

extensive anthropogenic landscapes, and also the role of

climate change on a planetary scale.

A key focus at present needs to be on climate change in the

period 1300 to 1700 CE as much new information isbecoming available in adjacent regions. Proxy data for

climate change in that period is urgently needed in the

vicinity of Angkor and the Tonle Sap.

Angkor in its Global Context

Angkor is critical to several great debates about cultural

processes. As such the site is of profound scientific

importance world-wide. The critical issues to which it

relates currently are:

Formation and expansion of the state.

South and SE Asian empiresas cases of empires

worldwide.

South and SE Asian medieval low-density urbanism

as cases of low-density cities worldwide.

The role of massive infrastructure in limiting the growth

and persistence of cities.


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The size of Angkor as an indicator of the limits of the

size of pre-industrial urban settlements world-wide.

Global significance of its potential environmental

impact and the relationship to the demise of

civilisations.

The significance of regional urban decline as a

consequence of low density urban collapse.

Conclusions

There are numerous research projects and theses yet to be

undertaken on Angkor, steadily increasing in number as

more discoveries are made and new interconnections and

differences between them are recognised. With the Bam

Penh Reach site, for example, there was no obvious

research to carry out at the site until the laterite blocks in

the Khmer Rouge channel were pointed out to Sary Van of

the EFEO. Following excavations and the discovery of a

large masonry-built spillway numerous new questions have

arisen. The spillway was damaged and then buried. The

issues that now need to be pursued are obvioushow and

when was it destroyed/dismantled, why was it buried, what

else was done to the landscape, what replaced it, what

effects did its demise and burial have, how did it relate to

the dynastic history of Angkor?

The second crucial point is also illustrated by Ban Penh

Reach. First it was completely buried, in places 2.5 m

below the modern ground surface, suggesting that more

such buried features are likely to be discovered as survey

work and excavation increases in Angkor. In addition the

site lies far outside Zones 1 and 2 and strongly indicates

both that crucial sites are yet to be found and will be well

beyond the control that is exerted in Zones 1 and 2. A high

percentage of the scientific significance of Angkor lies

outside the Angkor World Heritage Park and indeed the

majority of it may do so because the majority of Angkor lies

outside the designated Zones 1 and 2. Critically, the

Angkor urban complex is one of the largest, integral and still

well preserved archaeological-geoscientific landscapes of

the pre-industrial world. The region around the centre of

Angkor should be treated as a single, integral cultural

heritage landscape of profound significance for the world

and for understanding the history and the culture of the

people of Cambodia.


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Illustrations that appear in this chapter were provided by Dr Martin Polkinghorne and Cecilie

Knowles.


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5.0 Social Values and Community Context

Im Sokrithy

Introduction

The APSARA Authority has for some years understood the

importance of working with communities and that heritage is

much more than the temples and other tangible features of

the Angkor region. This is an important approach and one

that is being recognised throughout the world. Heritage can

thus include language, myth, ritual, customs, dance, arts

and crafts, oral traditions, food festivals and day to day

practices. It also includes beliefs and values, and the way

people live and how all of these are passed on to the next

generation and to other community members.

At the national level, the Cambodian government is working

to record aspects of this intangible heritage, in projects that

will allow for the safeguarding of this valuable legacy. In

2004, together with UNESCO, the government produced a

report Inventory of Intangible Cultural Heritage of

Cambodia, which has catalogued cultural forms such as

performing arts, ethnic minority languages, oral literature

and folklore, and artisan skills.

The work we are doing at Angkor builds on these initiatives

and provides an opportunity to work closely with the

villagers of the region, and to involve them in the

identification, recording, and safeguarding of this significant

part of the heritage of the Angkor World Heritage Area.

This reinforces that Angkor is a place of living heritage,

where communities provide an essential lived and enduring

component of the broader heritage values of the region.

The Project

In early 2000, following the success of the first intensive Ta

Nei training course1, the APSARA Authority created a new

Social Research Unit. The Unit was initially made up of

three young cultural anthropologists, with the number of

staff growing to five in the following two years. The

researchers primarily worked with villagers within the world

heritage site, engaging with an in-depth study of their way of

life, their traditions and customsall of which are significant

components of the intangible heritage of Angkor. The

importance of this research can not be overstated. The

project so far has involved collecting cultural informationfrom the villages within the Angkor Park. While we know it


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is an ambitious project, there is an imperative to document

this living heritageparticularly as it is fragile and seriously

threatened today by many factors.

The research project was postponed for two years over

2004 and 2005, due to an internal restructure of APSARA.

In 2006, the newly created APSARA Department of

Demography and Development launched a new small

project entitled Traditional craft of Angkors villages. The

project aimed to study socio-economic parameters of

communities within the heritage area. The research is a

component of the community development section of the

APSARA Authoritys project.

In late 2005, the Living with Heritage Projectwas proposed

as a collaborative venture between APSARA, the Universityof Sydney, UNESCO, EFEO and other partners involved in

the study of cultural values and issues involved with the

villages in the Angkor Park. The Steering Committee

constituted not only representatives of the projects

partnership, but also representatives of the lay and religious

communities, private sector and NGOs. A Technical

Committee was created in conjunction with the Steering

Committee to support, facilitate and undertake tasks

needed for this collaborative work. The Technical

Committee draws its membership from different APSARA

departments and carries out the research project under the

guidance of the Steering Committee.

Methodology/Research Approach

The current study is primarily based on a data-collection

form that was developed out of earlier studies conducted by

the former Social Research Unit. The Technical Committee

has developed this survey form and trained its members in

its use to collect cultural data from the local community.

Four local people from each village are selected for

interviewing: the village chief or his deputy, a senior citizen,

a monk or a spiritual leader of the village, and a government

staff member.

The survey form consists of four main points:

1. Geography and statistics: the location of the village,

its UTM, heritage protected zone number, data

collection date and a brief description.

2. Village boundary: generally this will be four markers,

which can be defined by man-made structurespoles,canals, roads, fences, etc; natural featureswater


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ways, hills, forests, water features, rice fields, etc; built

structuresBuddhist monasteries, schools, health

centres, temples, etc; and miscellaneous or other

features.

3. Values: This is the main focus of the study and is given

the greatest attention on the data form. The data is set

out under seven headings:

Village location and its structure: for example,

whether on an ancient man-made structure, a dike

of a water reservoir, a road or an ancient site.

Some villages preserve a traditional layout,

concentrated around a central point.

Village history: the village may be characterised

by its own local history; tales (both personal and

collective stories); beliefs; a village emblem or

symbol, such as represented by an ancient

structure or natural feature; or legends told about

ancient features within the village.

Architecture: Angkors villages have applied

different traditional approaches to temple

architecture and Buddhist monastery construction,

and to traditional household structures and

infrastructure.

Natural landscape: this considers the diversities of

environmental aspects, taking into account (for

example) the landscape differences between a

location within a historic precinct and one that is

within an agricultural region.

Cultural landscape: This gives focus to the

traditional landscape of the village and household

settlement, and the broader relationship with

tangible featuressuch as ancient temples,

Buddhist monasteries and infrastructureas well

as intangible aspects such as daily life, events and

ceremonies, and traditional methods of greeting.

Customs and beliefs: This is a significant

component of the data form and aims to collect

comprehensive information about the traditions

associated with each of the Angkor villages. We

are studying two main aspects: the first is

concerned with rites of passage, and with rituals

associated with a fixed annual calendar or withspecial occasions (which can occur at any time).


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Rites of passage are special events in an

individuals life and are an ancient tradition of the

region. Rituals that are associated with particular

set dates encompass a series of ceremonies that

occur throughout the traditional yearly calendar.These are complemented by rituals that can be

performed at any time of the yearthey are

usually held to coincide with an auspicious time,

as identified by the officiant. The second aspect is

concerned with customs and performing arts,

which are also considered to have a ritual

component, and which contribute as part of

collective events such as shadow plays, dances

and theatre. These are all discussed in greater

detail below.

Socio-economic: this is concerned with aspects

such as traditional crafts and handicraft

production; agricultural production; basket, mat

and broom dressing; weaving; alcohol production

from rice or sugar palm, and foods.

4. Issues: Currently the threats to Angkor heritage are

immense, so this part of the study is crucial. The

survey has already identified a range of threatening

processes, including tourism impact, the problem of

ongoing illegal construction activities, and the impacts

on social, natural and cultural environments.

The survey form contains four pages on which the research

team records the data collected during each interview. In

addition, the interview is recorded using audio tapes and

photographs.

The Extent o f the Survey

The Technical Committee currently has seventeen

members, including the chair and one deputy. Theresearch team has been divided into three groups of five

people, each including a coordinator. The field survey is

being undertaken in Zones 1 and 2 of the Angkor World

Heritage Site. This incorporates a study area of around 400

square kilometres, and includes 112 villages situated within

the Rolous area, Central Park and the Banteay Srei area.

The existing schedule encompasses a ten-month work

program, with each group timetabled for field work once a

week. Despite considerable effort and departmental


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support during the last few months, only twenty villages

have been surveyed so far.

Findings of the Survey

As suggested above, this report relates to the current stage

of work and provides an update on the results of our

ongoing field survey activities. This has been assessed in

the context of data collected during previous fieldwork

(undertaken during 20002004), allowing for a preliminary

but valuable presentation and discussion of results.

The Angkor plain stretches from the great lake of Tonle Sap

on the south toward the Kulen Range on the north, which

covers an area of several thousand square kilometres.

Based on geographical and environmental factors in the

context of a long history of human occupancy, the region

can be distinguished by three major types of village

community. Each type occupies one of the main ecological

sub-zones of the region and is differentiated by socio-

cultural characteristics. The population of the Angkor region

is known to be conservative with respect to ancestral

traditions and retains a great number of traditional cultural

practices that have disappeared elsewhere, but continue to

be performed here as a part of daily life.

Community TypesCommunity Type One is found within the floodplain

stretching from the shore of Tonle Sap, up to the level of the

southern area of Siem Reap city; and the area lying along

the riverbank of the Pouk, Siem Reap and Rolous rivers.

The people in this area live in concentrated clusters and

have a mixed economy characterised by cultivation of rice,

fishing activities, supplying their own subsistence needs and

selling their surplus catch in order to purchase other

essential foodstuffs and tools. One of our target studies is

situated within the area, in that part called the Rolous zone.

The Type Two communities include the villages scattered

from the level of Siem Reap city to the north, and

particularly incorporate the main area of the Angkor Park.

As a whole, these villages are very old agglomerations.

Some of the villages are located on the prehistoric site,

some are settled on pre-Angkorian and/or Angkorian sites,

or at least in proximity to sites dating back several

centuries. These communities consist basically of

traditional subsistence rice farmers whose livelihood

principally depends on one crop a year of rain-fed or


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irrigated rice paddy. The main study zone of the Living with

Heritage project primarily encompasses this community

type.

The Type Three community area covers the upper plains,

lying to the north of Angkor Thom up to the Kulen foothills.

The density of population is less than that of Type Two.

Site occupation is also very old, similar to that found in the

Type Two area. The main economic activity is generally

similar to the Type Two community in that their livelihood is

based on the cultivation of rain-fed or irrigated rice paddy.

In addition to the paddy, the population cultivates fields

prepared by slash and burn techniques where they grow

rice and other vegetables. Our study also encompasses

this third type of community with the research being

undertaken in the Banteay Srei area.

Village Boundary

The boundary of a village is delimited by the local

government, based on a decision-making process that

involves the village chiefs, commune heads and the district

governor. The boundary is generally defined using natural

and cultural landscape features. There are very few cases

of boundaries that are defined by some kind of

administrative marker, such as poles, a small road or

channel. Natural boundary markers include features suchas a rice field, farm, large trees, stream, mounds, water

ponds, forests and hills. Cultural boundary markers are

commonly ancient structural featuressuch as a road,

water reservoir, dike, temple, ancient site or stone bridge.

The following examples are taken from the first three

villages studied: Banteay Srei 2, Kok Thnot 3and Kok Srok 4,

representing each of the three community types. Banteay

Srei is bounded on the eastern side by the local road, built

in the 1960s. The villages other sides are delimited by

streams and ancient water structures. The boundary of Kok

Thnot is defined by the northern dike of western Baray on

the south, by ancient dikes on the northern and western

sides, and by an ancient road on the eastern side. The Kok

Srok boundary is defined by an ancient road on the eastern

side, rice fields and a mound on the south, an ancient

temple on the north, and another temple on the west.

Village Structure

The Angkor village settlements are often associated with

ancient occupancies that date back to different periods ofAngkorian history. As a result, the structure of each Angkor


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village has accrued its own character and value. Some

villages reflect the discernible ancient landscape along the

historic road, and continue to use the road as a central

feature and communication arterial. Kravan, Trach Chum

Kiri Meanon, and Trach villages are all situated along theRoyal Road from Angkor to Vat Phu, Laos. Some villages

exist harmoniously with nearby ancient temples or Buddhist

monasteries, for example Rohal, Sra Srang and Banteay

Srei villages. Several villages are significant for their

relationship with ancient water structures or irrigation

systems. These include Kok Thnot, Pradak, and O Toteong

village. Others are distinguished as a result of their

settlement within Angkorian industry nodes, such as the

ceramics production centre: for example Bakong and Tani

villages.

These villages have gradually developed in a cluster around

a central Buddhist monastery, most of them built on an

ancient temple or ancient structure. The villages are

surrounded by rice fields, vegetation or the protected forest

of the Park. Some villages are isolated from each other by

rice fields. The seasonal changes reflected in the

surrounding landscape also act to create a changing

environment.

Village History

The settlement histories and stories of the Angkor villages

are often reflected in their names. Kok Thnot village can

provide us with an excellent example. At an earlier time, a

group of the ethnic minority Kuy had migrated down from

Surin (today a province of Thailand) searching for fertile

land for agriculture. After arriving at Western Baray, they

settled their home on a Kok, or plain mound, where sugar

palm trees grew. They fished inside this reservoir and

cultivated rice in the surrounding area. In the early 1950s,

during the rehabilitation of the Baray, the villagers were

relocated to live on the northern dike of the reservoir, which

is where their village is today.

Several villages share a popular tale, which they consider to

be a common history that creates a linkage between their

communities. The legend relates to a princess named Keo

Prampil Poar (crystal of seven colours) who lived at Angkor

Thom.5 The princess raised a crocodile that she had

hatched from an egg found in the forest surrounding Angkor

Thom. She raised the baby crocodile in a basin within the

Royal Palace and when it became bigger she brought it tolive in the Western Baray. She played with the crocodile


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every day, watching it grow from a baby to become a giant

creature. The crocodile liked its mistress very much.

However, one day, an accident occurred to the princess

while she was visiting the crocodile it swallowed her up.

The King ordered his army to chase the crocodile to savethe princess. However, the crocodile escaped from the

Baray and swam down to the Tonle Sap. Finally, during the

chase, the princess very sadly died. The route of the chase

is marked with different stages of the story of the pursuit.

Today, the names of different villages in the region reflect

the pursuit of the crocodile as it moved on from one place to

another. This story is common to villages situated on the

south of the Western Baray down to the Tonle Sap.

Another historical theme relates to the first man who came

and cleared land for developing that community (eg DaunTeav, Daun Nom, Ta Prak at Rolous area). Other villages

have histories relating to natural, cultural or historical events

of the region. Most stories of this type relate to nature and

are concerned with a specific plant grown in the area. The

plants that are found in these stories include:

Thnot, Sugar palm treeBorassus Flabellifer

ChambakIrvingia malayana

MomeanhCleome Gynandra

TrachDipterocarpus Intricatus

BengAfzelia Xylocarpa

Svay, Mango treeMangifera Indica

TreangCarypha Umbraculifera

SamrongSterculia parviflora

There are a number of examples of names relating to

cultural or historical events: Thnal Trang, straight road, is

the village settled along the ancient main road of Bakong

temple linked to the east region; Thnal Bak, a cut road, is a

village situated along the ancient road located to the east of

Angkor Wat. The ancient road was cut at the place where a

community was founded. Pradak village is situated inside

the dry Eastern Baray. Pradakis derived from the Sanskrit

word, tadaka, meaning water. Sra Srang,royal swimming

pool, is the name of the village situated along both sides of

the water structure called Sra Srang. Kravan, a kind of

flower, is the name of a village located near to a temple

where the Kravanflower is found.


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Most of these histories can probably be dated to after the

fall of Angkor. They have been told from one generation to

the next and exist primarily as oral traditions, although a few

stories have been published.

Household Structures

Although there is rapid and illegal growth of new modern

buildings, traditional structures are still preserved within the

Park. All are wooden structures. The traditional house is

built on stilts, where people live upstairs and animals (such

as a cow) are stabled underneath with an ox-cart. This is

common for the central and upper plain, in contrast to the

flooding plain region where a boat is more usually kept

under the house. Generally, for the central and upper plain,

houses are surrounded by a natural fence of small trees(sometimes fruit trees or medicinal trees) or different kinds

of flowering plants. The roof is covered by traditional

ceramic tiles, usually in a brown colour. Some households

have a small garden around the house; a water pond is

often found in front of the house. In some places, rice fields

are situated next to or in front of the house. For the areas in

the flooding plain, there are no gardens or vegetation found

around the house, with the exception of some small hanging

gardens installed behind or in front of some houses.

Fishing materials are stored near the houses.

Natural Landscape

The village landscape reflects the different seasonal

changes. The rainy season in particular can give much

beauty to villages surrounded by rice paddies and seasonal

vegetation. At this time of year the villagers are all busy

with agricultural work, and their activities can be observed

from dawn until night during half the year. Typically, a

number of traditional varieties of rice are grown. Each

variety is adapted to different soil types and, particularly, to

differing water conditions. Traditional farming techniques

are used, such as the swing plow pulled by oxen or buffalo.

In the north region, each family generally cultivates a field

prepared by slash and burn techniques, where rice and

many vegetables are grown.

The beginning of the harvesting season sees yet another

change, with new seasonal agriculture and the annual

feasts of agrarian rituals and festivals. In the central and

upper plain activities turn to the production of sugar made

from the juice of the sugar palm (3 months per year),

handicraft, weaving, charcoal and blacksmith work. It is


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also the time to collect medicinal plants and other natural

forest products for the fabrication of nets used by fishermen

on the lake of Tonle Sap, and for souvenirs. In addition,

during the non-agricultural season, many farmers from the

plain migrate to the lakeshore where they seek wage-labourin fishing activities and in processing the traditional

fermented fish paste. For communities in the flooding area,

this season is very busy. On one hand, it is a fishing

season on the lake of Tonle Sap; fishing is the main

economic activity of the area. On the other, just after the

fishing season, the villagers cultivate traditional dry season

rice and vegetables on the plain of the lakeshore.

Cultural Landscape

A variety of village landscapes have been identified on thebasis of their settlement structure and environment. Many

villages are situated on ancient infrastructure (for example,

dikes, water structures, ancient roads), and reflect one set

of changing environments. Other villages are found close to

ancient temples or clustered around a temple, which gives a

different character to the village landscape.

During the period of our study, many collective ceremonies

continue to be practised within the Angkor villages (see

below). Some examples of collective community events

include: the Festival of Death, Agrarian Rituals, and Rites ofPassage. These events are jointly organised within the

community, and participation in the various activities is

considered a significant part of the cultural practice and

landscape of an Angkor village.

The daily life of the Angkor villages has not changed

considerably. Traditional crafts, such as weaving, are still

practised in the village. Other activities include basket, mat

and natural broom dressing; weaving silk or cotton; ox-cart

production, and alcohol making. These tasks are performed

under or near to the house. These ongoing practices and

their contribution to the village landscape are an important

component of the cultural value of Angkor villages.

Tradition and Belief

The study of this aspect of village life has been given

attention over several years since 2000. Most of the main

traditional and ceremonial events have been identified. As

discussed above, there are two main categories of

ceremony. The first is concerned with rites of passage, and

with rituals associated with either the fixed ceremonialcalendar or with special occasions (which can occur at any


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time). The second aspect is concerned with customs and

performing arts, which are also considered to have a ritual

component, and which contribute as part of collective

events such as shadow plays, dances and theatre.

Rites of passage encompass a series of ritual practices

performed through a circle of an individuals life, from the

stage of new birth to death: they are manifest in eight

different rituals. This series of rituals can be summarised

and literally translated into English as the following:

Ritual Concerning BirthKat Sak Bankok Chmob is

performed a few days after delivery, and aims for the

recognition by the community of the newborn, to pass

on the familys gratitude to the midwife, and to drive

away any misfortunes in the future that may becaused by the mothers blood during delivery, which

is considered to be unclean. The midwife has ritually

shaped the newborn to make the baby into a new

human being of our world. This ritual is performed

throughout all the Angkor villages.

Keeping and Cutting of the Topknot Kor Chuk

marks the human age of pre-adolescence.

Traditionally a child in a family is made to grow a long

central tuft of hair, often from birth. Around the age of

13, and always at an odd-numbered age, a ceremonyis performed symbolising the passage into puberty

and rivalling the marriage ceremony in importance

during which the tuft is removed. The ritual is still

practised in a large number of Angkor villages.

Buddhist Monk Ordination Bous Neak for a male

celebrates a new step of life to the study age. Young

adult men prepare for ordination as novices in the

Buddhist order. These events are also observed

commonly in the Angkor region, but not for all young

men. For a girl of this life stage, there is a ritual

called Mlob (literally meaning entering to shadow).

The girl stays inside her room for a period of time and

is banned from talking with strangers or with a man.

She learns from an old woman sage how to be a

good housewife. This ceremony is no longer

practised in the villages inside Angkor Park, but it still

survives in a few villages of the Siem Reap region.

MarriageReap Karis a conjugal step between a man

and a girl who has passed through the adolescencestep of life. There is a diversity of ritual during


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marriage events noted in the Angkor villages. While

the concept and objective of the ceremony is the

same from one village to another, the form of the

ritual is usually slightly different.

Ritual Concerning Delivery which marks the

transition from a housewife to being a mother. The

ritual is practised across the whole Angkor region.

The Ceremony of Prolongation of L ifehas several

names: Chansok Kiri Sout, Chhark Toch, Chhark

Thom or Chhark Maha Bangsakol, and Tor Ayuk.

The ritual practices are associated with elderly

people. The ceremony aims to prolong the life of the

person concerned, by simulating a cycle of death

gestationrebirth. Meditation is practised by theelderly, notably older women, to assist the mediator

to envisage his or her own self as a corpse,

presumably in preparation for death. The ritual is

widely practised in the Siem Reap and Angkor

regions.

Funerary Rite Bochea Sap is composed of three

major ceremonial components: First burial,

Exhumation and Definitive burial. The two major

ritual components are exhumation followed by

cremation of the remains. The rite is still practised in

many Angkor villages.

Burying of the Ashes from Incineration Banchus

Theat is the final stage of the human life circle. This

is a testimony to the continuation of an ancient

tradition in the Angkor region.

The ceremonies of the fixed annual calendar can be

observed as the following: traditional ceremonies over

twelve months as written in the traditional calendar; agrarian

rites, and practices of animisma homage to Neak Ta, an

important spiritual village protector.

The traditional ceremonies over the calendar period are

performed similarly elsewhere in the kingdom. The

difference lies in the way the ceremony is practised from

one place to another.

The ceremony of homage to Neak Tais widely performed in

every village of the region. The most famous ceremony for

the Siem ReapAngkor region is the homage to Ta Reach

at Angkor Wat. Ta Reach is one of the most prominent


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guardian spirits of the Angkor Site. The local population

believes he is a royal spirit.

Agrarian rites are the most practised in the Angkor region.

This reflects the importance of agriculture as the main

economic activity of the region. A series of rituals

concerning rice paddies celebrates the beginning of the

agriculture season through to the time the rice is stored.

The agriculture season commences after the royal

ploughing ceremony, which is conducted by the king or his

representative.

Ceremonies that are not tied into specific calendar events

include those that are observed in the ritual of inauguration

of a vihara, Buddhist monastery, or any public building;

rituals relating to the asking for rain; rituals to divertmisfortune in a family or village or community; rituals at the

beginning of house construction and house warming. This

series of ceremonies is also widely performed throughout

the region. Any ritual of this type can be performed on an

auspicious date, determined by the officiant.

Customs

Performing arts that are considered to be of a ritual nature

have contributed to shadow plays, dances and theatre. The

stories represented in shadow plays, some dance

performances and theatre are related to the Indian epic

Ramayana, or Reamker in Khmer. Popular dances are

indigenous forms relating to the chasing of evil, bad spirits

and wild animals that can provoke misfortune over the

communities. Trot is performed only during the New Year

celebration for chasing away bad luck and misfortune. Tug-

of-war is also played during the New Year Day celebrations.

The aim of the latter is to ensure rain for the coming

agriculture season.

IssuesThe study has found that there is a multiplicity of threats to

the heritage site and its values. As the objective of our

study to date has focused only on the cultural values of

Angkors villages, the discussion of issues will be reported

at a later date.

Conclusion

The exceptional wealth of the Angkor region is not limited to

its singular archaeological and artistic remains, but includes

a living cultural heritage of inestimable importance in


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anthropological and linguistic terms. The rural populations

of the Siem ReapAngkor region are known to be

particularly conservative with respect to ancestral traditions,

and a great number of archaic cultural practices that have

disappeared elsewhere continue to be performed in itsvillages. What is more, many of these maintained traditions

are only found here, reflecting the specificity of the Angkor

regions rich historical legacy.

The richness of the community and social values of the

villagers includes daily and traditional practices, and

encompasses aspects such as festivals and rituals to the

way in which the villagers continue to live in the broader

landscape. It is this layer of meaning, and the memories,

stories and histories of these communities that must be

considered to fully identify and understand the heritagevalues that make Angkor important.

Within Angkor lies much of Cambodia's future. The

Angkorian heritage offers incomparable potential for

economic prosperity, which can in turn provide opportunities

and the means necessary for effective protection of the

Khmer heritage for the generations to come. However, the

situation remains extremely delicate. Under the present

conditions of persistent national poverty in economic as well

as administrative terms, and confronted with the opening of

Cambodia to a rapidly expanding regional market, the

potential wealth of the region lies exposed to exploitation on

an unprecedented scale. It is only in a context of well-

regulated economic dynamism that the cultural heritage of

the area can be protected and can further prosper; in turn, a

protected and prospering cultural heritage will make an

essential contribution to permanent economic stabilisation,

sustainable development, and to ensuring durable

international and national interest in Angkor.


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Illustrations that appear in this chapter were provided by Im Sokrithy and Cecilie Knowles.

Endnotes

1 This training program aimed to create a solid core of national technicians and managers to provide the APSARA Authority with

further expertise and human resources to plan and apply conservation and research projects, as well as tourism and urbandevelopment projects in the context of a global plan for the Angkor Park Management.

2 The former name of this village was Rohal, situated close to two ancient water structures, Boeng Khnar and Sanday, to the west

of Banteay Srei temple. It was a small village with about twenty households. In 1967, when the current road (national road 67) was

built, the villagers were relocated to live along the new road. They renamed their village to reflect the name of Banteay Srei

temple. The majority of the current population of Banteay Srei has hence migrated to this place.3 Kokliterally translates as a plain mound or elevated area arisen from flood. Thnotis sugar palm tree.4 Srokliterally means inhabited area or district. Kok Srokis an inhabited area on an elevated plain.5 Marui, M et al 2000, Princess Keo Prampil Poar: Khmer LegendHistory, Monuments and Life, in Khmer, Shinnyo-En, Tokyo.


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6.0 Continuing Community Values in the Greater Angkor Region

Dr Jane Harrington

A significant outcome of the ongoing work with Angkorcommunities being undertaken by the APSARA community

project is that it reinforces the research from a number of

other projects supporting a historical continuity in various

community traditions and practices. This is important in

understanding the wider heritage significance of Greater

Angkor. While contemporary practices and ways of life are

themselves an important component of the heritage of the

region, it is equally significant that these maintain a

connectivity with the past and with the Khmer civilisation.

Angkor is not only a living heritage site because it is thehome of multiple village communities, it is also living

heritage in the sense that the village way of life itself

although constantly evolving and changingreflects a

continuation of practices, beliefs, memories and traditions.

It is important to remind ourselves that when Angkor

entered into the Western consciousness in the 19thcentury,

it existed as a dynamic and living landscape. At the time of

its discovery, the supposedly forgotten ruins were well

known to the local community, and identified with Khmer

language names. It was not merely a set of ruins, nor alost civilisation, waiting to be found by European explorers.

While written accounts from this time are important

historical documents, as are the small number of earlier

texts that record life in Angkorthe most cited being the

writings of Chou Ta-Kuan, a Chinese traveller who spent

some time in Angkor in 1296these are complemented by

other methods of recording, such as folklore, oral history

and myths, and traditional practices. These all play a

significant role in reinforcing the connectivity of the lives of

the present day Angkor population with the past and with

the lives of their ancestors, and which are themselves an

integral and important component of the heritage values of

Angkor today.

Sharon Sullivan1 has elsewhere reinforced this continuity,

particularly noting that knowledge about and concern for

conservation of the Khmer heritage has been a continuing

process since the Angkor period:

400 years ago, and more than 400 years after the construction of

Angkor Wat [that is during the period when the Spanish were claiming

to have found a deserted city] [the Cambodian] Queen Mother, whose


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son undertook the restoration of the temple, inscribed these lines on its

already ancient stones:

I was struck by the work of my royal child who, full of devotion restored

this Preah Pisnulok [Angkor Wat] of the old Cambodia to its true

ancient form. At this sight I was overcome with joy.2

The city was gradually abandoned after the fifteenth century but as this

quotation indicates never entirely so. The domestic buildings of the

city itself including the housing for the numerous court officials, monks,

scribes and food producers were made largely of wood and quickly

disappeared into the jungle. However, the temples, in particular

Angkor Wat remain places of pilgrimage to this day

The Khmer continued their attachments to the site. Claude

Jacques, the great contemporary scholar of Angkor relates

that Queen Ang Mei, who was taken prisoner by theVietnamese in about 1840, during a particularly dark period

in Khmer history, had used the outline of the three famous

towers of Angkor Wat on her personal seal.3 This is the

same symbol that became and has always been the

centrepiece of the modern Cambodian National Flag.

However, it has taken a long time for the strength and

importance of the Khmer peoples continuity of knowledge

of and regard for Angkor to be recognised.

The devastating impacts of the Khmer Rouge takeover in

the 1970s included dislocation and lossthe lives andmemories of an entire generation being almost obliterated.

Although in no way lessening the tragedy of this period, to

some extent recovery from the impacts of war, political

upheaval and dispossession has been an ongoing theme in

Khmer history. However, despite the disruptions of the

Khmer Rouge period and its aftermath, the local community

has retained links with Angkor and can establish cultural

continuity with the Khmer period. For example, traditional

land and forest use in the area is still very important. There

continues to be an active religious life at the ancient

monuments, with numerous shrines, centres of national

pilgrimage, and ongoing Buddhist worship. Many of the

local population have stories and traditions associated with

the monuments, including descent lines from the ancient

rulers of Angkor. Angkor is for many Khmer a symbol of

modern Cambodia and a source of pride and identity for its

citizens.4

Respect for the Angkorian landscape, and its features, is

itself an enduring practice: the philosophy of protecting and

conserving important aspects of the past is not a singularlymodern phenomenon. This includes understanding that


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rural communities have survived across centuries through

the application of sustainable water and land-use

management practices and techniques and traditional

knowledge, often involving a relationship with the land that

is inseparable from spiritual concerns. The naturalenvironment of the Angkor region, particularly the

hydrology, has been hugely influential and presented a

challenging environment for people to survive and work

within.5 Wetland environments have challenged the

creativity and talents of people for centuries, and have

dictated the need to develop special modes of transport for

fishing, tools, nets, housing and commerce.

The cultivation of rice has created its own characteristic

landscape, the continuation of which reflects an ongoing

community relationship with the land, and the application oflong established land practices. Even mundane activities

such as tending the family garden are passed on as

enduring practices which transmit knowledge and

memorythey are places where the older generation

passes down practical and emotional knowledge,

behaviours and attitudes that allow a continuation of living

on the land. In this way features of the landscape retain

ecological understandings and become places of learning.6

It is through such continuities with the past (recognising that

they have changed over time) that a sense of history andconnection is maintained and transmitted, and this is an

important process in reinforcing identity, belonging and a

sense of place and community.

Recent research on environmental parameters undertaken

for the Greater Angkor Project has addressed historical

patterns of land use and management and reports (among

other matters) on the patterns of channels and

embankments:

The dispersed residence pattern allows that a

significant proportion of the population of Angkor lived

off rice production in fields around their houses and at

more remote plots of land, in a dispersed

arrangement of landholdings. That families and

institutions in the medieval period had landholdings

dispersed into different ecological zones across the

region is apparent in the inscriptions, just as they do

today


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The linear features appear to be a network superimposed

on a landscape of traditional landownership. These

features would have had several crucial functions

whatever the other functions of the embankmentswhether

they were actual roads or the embankments of barays orthe banks of canals, [they] would have served as routeways

across the landscape of bunded rice fields these routes

tied together the urban complex by facilitating relatively

rapid interconnections compared to those available over

equivalent distances across the paddy fields. Even today

many of these embankments still serve as long distance

links across the region.7

Keiko Miuras PhD research8is a particularly valuable body

of work reinforcing the results that are being reported in

current projects. Her research with Angkor villagecommunities has illustrated a number of ways in which

todays practices represent cultural continuation. Her

results that are important for our study are summarised in

the sections below.

Veneration of Patron Spirits andContinuing Sacred Landscapes

Angkor has always been a spiritual landscape, inhabited by

patron spirits who live in temples and villages. Of course, at

the same time it has been and continues to be a place of

everyday life. The veneration of a god, the king, Buddha or

neak ta is a central element in the retention of village

identity and memory of the Angkor people. Hindu gods, the

naga, and bang bat all also have spiritual power. Natural

stones and Hindu icons have been appropriated as the

embodiment of certain neakta. Trees have some degree of

sacredness as they have been inherited from the villagers

ancestors and their safeguarding is a passed-on

responsibility.

Praying to the Buddha and the neak ta, and organising

ceremonies and rituals is a continuing practice that

reinforces both the sacred landscape and community

identity. Within the landscape, certain special places are

commemorated through ritual, and their importance

remembered and passed on within and between village

communities. Rituals have acted to reinforce and pass on

both knowledge and values, and to reinforce spiritual and

social boundaries. This includes an ongoing and popular

deference to royalty and the sacerdotal class.


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For centuries, pilgrims have been visiting the Angkor

temples to either gain spiritual fulfilment or to pay homage

to ancestors. This remains the case today and, together

with the ongoing homage by the local community, reinforces

that the sacredness of the Angkor landscape is perpetuatedthrough ongoing practices of belief and veneration.9

Myths and Legends

Myths and legends and oral histories commonly reflect

collective knowledge and can be derived from historical

memory, myth, legends, folktales and beliefs. Within

Angkor there are a number of myths that serve to reinforce

values and elaborate local understandings of the

sacredness of certain sites, linking elements in the stories to

local practices. For example, the Myth of the Naga, NeangNeak and Preah Thaong (the Leper King) explains the

circumstances under with the Bayon was built to include the

faces in the towers. The myth also tells us the meanings of

certain names, wedding traditions, history, geography,

architecture, causal relationships and social rules. In

addition, it links local understandings of the beginning and

decline of the Angkor civilisation to the construction of the

Bayon, and to actions of mythical characters who violate

both moral codes and the sacred. The continuing popularity

of this particular myth (which appears in various versions)

has lead to its inclusion in the performance repertoire of

twentieth-century classical dance drama.

Another myththe Legend of the Union of the King and the

Naga Queenhas institutionalised the Kings obligations

and homage to the naga in all rites of passage and

occasions when land is used, such as at the time of house

construction. The beginning of the ritual incorporates a

supplication to the king of the nagaswho is considered by

local people to be the owner of landto request his

permission to use the land, through the offerings of food.

Miuras work with a collection of stories from Angkor

villagers substantiates claims from other researchers that

the folk memories of Angkor are both more persistent and

more accurate than many previous assessments have

allowed for. It is suggested that Khmer people have taken

inspiration and learning from the rise and fall of Angkor, and

in a process of interpretation have transformed it into coded

rules and texts that continue to provide a set of guidelines

for moral practice, wisdom and tradition.10


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Struggle and Power Relations

Cambodian people have a shared history in overcoming

adversaries and hardship, which is reinforced in popular

beliefs in the sacred and magical power of Angkor. This

continues to provide people with themes for legends,

folktales and beliefs in spirits and immortal protagonists,

complemented by historical memory which provides mortal

protagonists (the king, Buddhist monks and so on). This

reinforces a collective sense of ownership and place in

which the supreme owner is of the immortal world,

necessitating that placation and offerings become an

important part of ritual life.

Modern day Cambodian communities share a perpetual

theme of waiting for the time to take action and foraccepting there are times to accept passively and times to

rebel: to sense the wind. In Angkor in particular this

follows a long history of discontinuity and displacement, and

of returning to places that people identify as their homes.

Angkor has been a site of struggle, or a symbol of

domination, throughout its history. Uprootedness has been

juxtaposed with the enduring presence of Angkor Thom and

Angkor Wat which provide a centrality for cultural and socio-

economic life. The power of Angkor is not just in it being a

sacred place, but it is also one replete with antagonists who

battle, negotiate and change from one element to another

this makes people more deeply aware of their vulnerability

and impermanence, and of the necessity to negotiate and

survive through the various obstacles thrown up by life. The

Angkor landscape hence represents a stage of continuing

human struggles that engages with natural forces and other

mortals, and it is this understanding that is embedded in the

cultural and socio-economic knowledge that links people of

the past to the present and the future, and that is passed on

to ensuing generations, often through oral and unofficial

stories.11

Land Management and Lived Experiences

Descriptions of Khmer society, culture and people reflect a

shared way of life with villagers today, much of which has

been discussed by Im Sokrithy12: forest management,

collecting firewood and other forest products; rice

cultivation, fishing, grazing cows, bathing water buffaloes,

resin tapping, and distilling palm sugar. Villagers retain

knowledge of the ownership of land and trees. There is a

continuity of living in the same spaces, within which there


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are inherited memories of ancestors experiences and

beliefs, overlain with the new generations memories and

experiencesand these all remain closely associated with

particular places and localities within the wider landscape.

Continuing practices also include story-telling, playing NewYear games, watching dance, music and theatre, and arts

and crafts.13 These are complemented by continuing modes

of transport, cooking utensils and village cooking styles and

tastes, clothing, the games children play and lullabies that

are used to sing children to sleep.

Monuments, forests, and the rice fields, lakes and ponds,

have the names of ancestors attached to them or are

surrounded by legends that remain as important landmarks

for local people. The names of villages are similarly

reflective of local and natural elements and markers, or ofshared history with other villages. The markers that

delineate village boundaries are often reliant on natural

features (such as mountains, and rice fields) that have not

changed over time.

The local population also depends to a very significant

extent on the revenue generated by the visitors to Angkor.

One of the challenges with heritage management practices

is addressing economic considerations, however for many

local communities, and certainly for the Angkorian villagers,

their lived landscape is the place in which they have

subsisted and earned a living for generations, so to some

extent the imperative to continue to do so cannot be

separated from cultural practice and heritage

considerations.

Conclusion

Continuity of practices and traditions is closely related to

communal memory and often through life-long familiarity

with people and the surrounding environment. Both

memories and meanings are stored through cultural

practicessuch as language, songs and ceremonies,

rituals and stories and other oral traditionsand also

associated with objects, places and monuments. This is

clearly the case with Angkor communities. Memories

continue to be passed on in a variety of ways, one of which

is through performances, and can be found in religious

traditions, songs, rites of passage, ceremonies, and even

everyday practices such as preparing food.14

Traditional practices are important for providing both a

senseof historical continuity and for their capacity to reflect


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earlier and ongoing practices and ways of life. They

reinforce a common belonging and identity with Angkor and

with Khmer people, and rely on a transmission of

knowledge, skills, beliefs and practices that have been

acquired over a long period of time. Living in the world ofAngkor is a process of reinforcing beliefs in power and

sacredness, and reinforcing memories of happiness, pain,

sorrow and fear, all of which are embedded in certain

places within Angkor. Myths and legends intricately link the

lives of both past and present communities, and have the

same ongoing importance for modern day Angkor

communities as do the physical features of the landscape.

There is little separation between the physical world

(including the natural environment) and the cultural world.

Knowing and passing on this knowledge to the next

generation is reliant on activities that are informed by the

past but reflect a changing history of practices. This

ongoing transmission of knowledge, beliefs and practices is

a significant component of both the lived existence of

Angkor villagers, and of the heritage of the Greater Angkor

region. The end result is in fact a co-ordination of places

and landscapes with the enduring practices that give life to

both present and past communities.


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Illustrations that appear in this chapter were provided by Dr Jane Harrington, Im Sokrithy and Cecilie Knowles.

Endnotes

1 Sullivan, S 2002, The Expert and the Community, paper delivered at the US ICOMOS Conference.

2 Citedin Ang, Ch, Thompson, A, and Eric, P 1995,Angkor: A Manual for the Past, Present and Future, APSARA/UNESCO, PhnomPenh.

3 Jacques, C 1999,Angkor, Konemann, Cologne.4 Sullivan, op cit.5 Hang, P 2008, Water Resources Management for Angkor Park and the Siem Reap Region, report prepared forthe Living with

Heritage project; see Annexure B in this volume.6 Cattell, M and Climo, J 2002, Meaning in Social Memory and History, Social Memory and History: Anthropological Perspectives,

Cattell, M and Climo, J (Eds), Altamira Press.7 Fletcher, RJ, Barbetti, M, Evans, D, Than, H, Im, S, Chan, K, Penny, D, Pottier, C and Somaneath, T 2003, Redefining Angkor:

Structure and environment in the largest, low density urban complex of the pre-industrial world, Udaya4, pp 107121.8 Miura, K 2004, Contested Heritage: People of Angkor, PhD Thesis, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London,

London.

9 Miura, K, op cit; see also Ang, Ch 2000, People and Earth, Reyum Publishing & Kasumisou Foundation, Phnom Penh; Ang, Chand Lim, S 2001, A study on communities living in Siem Reap-Angkor region, Udaya, Journal of Khmer Studies, n2, APSARA,

Phnom Penh, pp 7180; Warrack, S 2007, Involving the Local Community in the Decision-Making Process: the German APSARA

Project at Angkor Wat, in Rosalia Varoli-Piazza (ed), Sharing Conservation Decisions: Lessons Learnt from an ICCROM Course,

ICCROM, Rome, pp 9296.10 Miura, K, op cit.11 ibid; see also Luco, F 2005, The People of Angkor: Between Tradition and Development, Phnom Bakheng Workshop on Public

Interpretation,Center for Khmer Studies, Siem Reap.12 Im, S 2007, Social Values and Community Context, Living with Heritage: Report of the Technical Committee, APSARA Authority,

see chapter 5 in this volume.13 see Daravuth, L and Muan, I (eds) 2001, Tools and Practices: Change and Continuity in the Cambodian Countryside, Reyum

Publishing, Phnom Phen; and Peycam, P, Ogawa, N, Nishikawa, J (eds) 2004, Hol The Art of Cambodian Textiles: Seminar

Proceedings, Institute for Khmer Traditional Textiles & Center for Khmer Studies, Siem Reap, for reports on the continuity of textiletraditions and rural tools and practices respectively.

14 Cattell, M and Climo, J 2002, op cit.


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