Introduction – Beyond de Gaulle and Beyond London: The French External Resistance and its

international networks

Charlotte Faucher, Laure Humbert

University of Manchester

The aim of this special issue is to engage critically with the burgeoning scholarship on the

international networks that comprised the French external Resistance.1 The editors and contributors to

this special issue intend to shift attention away from the fairly well studied French National

Committee (and its successor, the French Committee of National Liberation) and its leader General de

Gaulle.2 Instead, we wish to identify a more diverse set of French actors who were involved in the

struggle against Nazi Germany outside the metropolitan soil and who, in many cases, championed

international contacts, networks and connections. The following articles consider the Resistance as an

international phenomenon, played out in a number of sites across the world, both within and beyond

the Free French capital cities of London, Brazzaville – which declared its adhesion to Free France on

28 August 1940 – and (later) Algiers. Although London, Brazzaville and Algiers feature in these

articles, a central assumption here is that we should integrate other regions into our account of the

French external Resistance. This outward-looking approach is enabled by our understanding of the

external Resistance as a broad and inclusive phenomenon, which encompasses the official members of

Free France,3 the French National Committee (September 1941–June 1943) and the French Committee

of National Liberation (June 1943–June 1944), as well as ‘unofficial’ members of the Resistance who

gravitated around the movement, such as members of the Free French committees scattered throughout

the world. These committees deserve to be given greater prominence in the historiography of the

external Resistance as they provide a fascinating lens through which to view the French international

networks afresh.

This collection of articles originated in a workshop organized at the University of London Institute in

Paris in June 2016, where speakers were encouraged to ‘de-centre’ the history of external Resistance

movements. Despite an increasing interest in the history of the French external Resistance, historians

have only begun to examine resistance activities which developed in the fringes of the Free French

movement, notably in the Levant, Indochina and in the numerous French communities abroad.4 The

scholarship on the external Resistance had, until recently, a strongly Eurocentric (i.e. Londonian) and,

to a lesser extent, North American and African orientation. In recent years, the ‘transnational’ and

‘global’ turns have invigorated the study of the European and international connections of Free

France.5 By moving the attention away from the high political circles of London and, later, Algiers,

historians have prompted fresh reflections on the role of the oubliés of the movement, women,

foreigners and colonial soldiers and the global networks that comprised France’s external Resistance. 6

1

In doing so, scholars have pointed to the complex and often contradictory dimensions of the

movement and the tensions between the various resistances, disentangling its political and military

actions.7 All together, these studies have debunked the myth of an ‘essentially’ Londonian (and

Gaullist) or metropolitan Resistance.8

In spite of these recent developments, the historiography of the Free French committees remains in

many respects in its infancy. First, the literature on Free French committees has tended to focus on

committees in the United States and, to a lesser extent, South and Central America. While scholars

have explored the tensions within the divided French circles in the United States, very little attention

has been paid to Free France’s committees in Asia or Africa. Yet by the summer of 1942, such

committees were present in 39 countries, including 17 in South and Central America, 6 in the

Caribbean and 10 in Africa.9 The vast literature on the external Resistance has similarly overlooked

the divisive issues of anti-Semitism, anti-Gaullism and Giraudism (i.e. the support provided by

resistant fighters and allied governments to de Gaulle’s rival General Giraud) within these

communities and the emergence of competing ‘Vichy’ networks. Although the concept and issues

around the ‘intellectual resistance’ have attracted the interest of historians of the French internal

Resistance,10 much remains to be said about the intellectual activities, which contributed to the

external Resistance. In this issue, Janet Horne coins the term ‘global Culture Front’ and adopts a

global lens through which to analyse the networks of the Alliance Française. Her contribution

illuminates, in particular, how representatives of Free France and the Vichy regime engaged in mutual

surveillance of cultural and political activity within Alliance networks. Second, the growing literature

on the international networks of the Free French movement often ignores gender issues.11 By

introducing the analytical category of gender into the historical study of Franco–Canadian committees,

the article by Patricia Prestwich and Kenneth Munro documents the various ways in which Elisabeth

de Miribel, the young, wealthy and well-educated grand-daughter of Marshal MacMahon, contributed

to the development of the committees of the Free French movement. Their study also prompts fresh

reflection on how power relations between men and women played out in Franco-Canadian

committees. Third, the contributions of this special issue intend to extend scholarly debate about what

Jay Winter has described as the ‘emotional history’ of the Free French exile community abroad.12

Emotional and sensory examinations of the lived environment of members of the Free French

movement are sparse. In this issue, the article of Guillaume Piketty weaves together the dynamic field

of the history of emotions with that of the French Resistance abroad and, in doing so, produce a

genuinely novel view of the emotional, bodily and sensory nature of the return of French resistants to

the motherland. Crucially, his study reveals that the immediate postwar period represented a moment

of profound disillusions for many Free French actors, in opposition to the dominant narrative of

triumph put forward by the Gaullist myth and by French popular memory.

2

Historians have tended to exclude most members of the Free French committees from their analysis of

the French external Resistance, as their actions did not correspond to those of active ‘resistant

fighters’. This collection aims, instead, to think about ‘resistances’ and ‘dissidences’ in the plural.

Much of the literature on the French Resistance has been preoccupied with the issue of definitions,

which has both shaped and been shaped by public understandings of the phenomenon.13 For historians,

who have identified the notions of action and intention as starting points for defining the phenomenon

of resistance, the members of the Free French committees might have contributed to the political

legitimation of the external Resistance, but they were not resistant per se. While we cannot completely

bypass the complex issue of definition, it is not our intention here to provide a new definition of the

‘external Resistance’. What we propose, instead, is to demonstrate that the activities of these

committees can be studied as part of the same history of French Resistance networks that were

organised outside France.

Our understanding of the ‘external resistance’ is deliberately inclusive. It encompasses both official

members of the Free France and resistant fighters whose names do not feature in databases of the

movement.14 While extremely fruitful for historians, nominative lists of the Free French exclude

individuals who joined the Resistance after July 1943, when the Free French Army fused with the

African and Giraudist Army.15 These lists often glide over the multiplicity of networks and institutions

of the external Resistance and downplay the number of resisters from the colonies.16 Indeed, they

frequently leave out French men and women living outside France who were not affiliated with the

Gaullist resistance during the war. By opening up the definition of Resistance and including French

individuals and foreigners who stayed at the periphery of Gaullist circles whilst rejecting the German

occupation and engaging in other forms of resistance (such as intellectual resistance), we provide a

more complex view of the external Resistance. Before considering the implications of this, we need to

return to the question of definitions.

A number of historians have insisted on a distinction between a narrow definition of ‘resistance-

organization’, which is limited to the activities of a small number of clandestine activists, and a

broader definition of ‘resistance-movement’, which encompasses the much larger grey area of direct

and indirect support provided to the ‘Resistance-organization’.17 In his ground-breaking historical

study of the Free French actors, Jean-François Murraciole draws on this dichotomy and argues that

most members of the Free French committees were not resistant for two reasons: first, their actions

were extremely important but not vital to the Free French movement. According to him, the Free

French troops (Forces Françaises Libres) could have existed and fought without the help of these

committees. On metropolitan soil, however, the ‘resistance-organization’ would not have been able to

develop without the support of the Resistance-movement. Put simply, the existence of the Forces

Françaises de l’Interieur depended on the support of this much broader ‘resistance movement’.

3

Secondly, the risks taken by those members of the resistance movement on metropolitan soil were

incomparable to those taken by the members of the Free French committees. According to Muracciole,

‘unlike the French peasants who provided food to the maquis, these men and women, living in neutral

or Allied countries, did not run any risk in helping the Free French movement’.18 François Marcot has

also contributed to conceptualizing this approach, arguing that one cannot be a resistant but rather one

engages in resistance activities.19 Therefore, for some historians and resistant fighters alike, a

significant difference between members of the Resistance hinges on the notion of risk. Along this line,

many have judged that a mere rejection of the defeat was not sufficient to define the act of resisting. 20

For Pierre Laborie, to be considered resistant one needed to demonstrate a ‘will to harm an identified

enemy; the awareness of resisting, that is to say of participating to a collective action of refusal and a

commitment to act and transgress’. 21 For all these reasons, many historians and resistance fighters

consider that the members of Free French committees who remained in Allied countries during the

war took fewer risks than those who helped resistance networks in France.

Others scholars, however, have insisted on the importance of shared values rather than notions of

risks, and military and political fights. Alya Aglan has, for instance, argued that ‘[t]he faith in the

worthiness of the defended principles transformed itself in an act, because saying became doing’.22 In

most instances their endeavours to fight against Vichy and Nazi authorities were less perilous than that

of maquisards or soldiers in the Free French forces. A number of Free French committee members

were nonetheless arrested. In China, for instance, the salesmen Georges Egal, a member of France

Quand même, was taken into custody by the Vichy authorities of Shanghai and detained for four

months in Indochina.23 Vichy considered the existence of these committees with great concern: in

Egypt, the ‘dissidents’ saw their passports taken; in Brazil, Vichy authorities tried to revoke their work

permits.24 Perhaps more importantly, the exiles working in ‘offices’ in London, North America, Africa

or Russia often thought about their actions in terms of a ‘fight’.25 Moreover, a number of them, as

Guillaume Piketty notes, left the ‘civilian’ life to join military units.26

Putting these members of Free France’s committees back into the study of the external Resistance

helps us to think about the significant diversity, which existed within the external Resistance. In fact,

the French resistant networks cannot be reduced to debates between Gaullists and Vichyists, and

Gaullists and Giraudists, or to tensions between Gaullists and communists. We therefore take the view

that historians need to acknowledge that not all French individuals outside France engaged in military

and high political activities. Some instead participated in circulating ideas about the Resistance and

about France and, in brief, were informal agents of soft power.27 In total, 412 Free French committees

were created by French exiles or members of French diasporic civil society around the globe. These

committees disseminated news about France along with Free French propaganda documents and

served as bases for training young French recruits.28 They also brought an important financial, material

4

and intellectual contribution to the movement while helping it gain political legitimacy. 29 Finally, they

were forums from which new ideas about France’s economic, social and political reconstruction and

its place in the post-war order emerged. The most important of these committees was France Forever,

created in September 1940 in New York by the lawyer Henry Torrès and the industrialist Emile

Houdry, and directed by Henri Laugier from 1942 until its liquidation in late 1943.30 Other committees

became active in Latin America following the lecture series in support of Free France, which the

French anthropologist Jacques Soustelle undertook in the region during the summer of 1941.31 In

Egypt, the French colony of the Suez Canal, under the initiative of Madame Catroux, organized a

guesthouse for the soldiers of the Free French forces who were recovering from wounds or on leave. 32

Regardless of their status, these men and women were cemented by one idea that Henri Laugier

famously articulated: remaining in France during the war was not an act of bravery; it was outside

France that one could best serve the motherland.33

Thus the proposed issue takes stock of and outlines future directions for the history of the French

Resistance and transnational networks in the mid-twentieth century. Contributors do so by addressing

four key themes. The first is geography. The essays in this collection draw on recent attempts to

describe the French Resistance as a global phenomenon, which saw the involvement of both French

individuals and foreigners, including colonial men and women. This special issue presents nine case

studies, two adopting a global perspective, three focusing on the French Empire, one on Canada, and

three on Franco-British connections. A global approach to the French external Resistance allows us to

uncover the multiplicity of political sensitivities within it. It also exposes the intricacies of Vichy

repression faced with diverse and numerous acts of dissidence in metropolitan France and in the

Empire. The issue of repression (and how it has impacted on the development of the Resistance) has

gained considerable attention from historians of metropolitan France.34 And yet, there is little

interrogation of how Vichy hunted resisters in the Empire. Géraud Létang fills this frustrating gap in

the existing literature, by tracing the initial hesitations of Vichy authorities to use military force when

trying to curb the rebellion of ‘white’ Frenchmen in Chad. Crucially, his work demonstrates that the

threat that Vichy posed to the Free French in Chad reinforced combatting solidarities amongst them.

The second is the role of artistic and cultural propaganda amongst resistance practices. Building on the

growing interest in the intellectual emigration during the Second World War, which has been at the

core of several academic gatherings recently35 as well as monographs and edited collections,36 the two

contributions by Janet Horne, Patricia Prestwich and Kenneth Munro show that the external Resistance

relied on the arts, literature and French language to promote the ideals of Free France. The Free

French movement engaged in a direct assault on Vichy propaganda in the hope of restoring French

international prestige. Not all of these agents of soft power were, however, part of official Free French

groups; many also belong to independent intellectual networks or were simply members of local civil

5

societies. This important insight complicates our understanding of the role of cultural agents in French

political communication abroad. Paying close attention to discourses, Rachel Chin uses rhetoric as a

primary means of teasing out the complex power negotiations and representations that were being

played out between the French Provisional Government, local nationalist groups in the Levant and the

British leadership both in the Levant and London in the summer of 1945. Her article connects Free

French practices in the field of soft power with that of the provisional government in the Levant.

Indeed, French officials in 1945 sought to emphasise and capitalise on the continuity between the war

and post-war periods in order to further ascertain the Gaullist legitimacy. A linguistic approach to

French and British official statements about the position of France in the Levant reveals how rhetoric

supported ‘hard power’ and accompanied political and military decisions, including the bombardments

carried out by the Provisional Government over Damascus on 29-30 May 1945. Although soft power

had severe limitations, French officials, many of whom had been involved in the Resistance,

considered it central to the rebuilding of French imperial power in the aftermath of the war. 37 Thus the

special issue also opens up the chronological scope of the analysis of the Resistance and contributes to

ongoing debates about the aftermath of World War Two or what French historians call ‘sortie de

guerre’.

The third theme of this volume is that of tensions and antagonisms within the context of Franco-

British cooperation, anti-Gaullism and anti-Semitism. The encounters between French exiles abroad

were not consistently progressive and cooperative in nature. Renée Poznanski has explicitly identified

different forms of anti-Semitism in her work on the French internal and external Resistance.38 In this

issue, she prompts fresh reflection on the attitudes of the (London-based) National Committee towards

the persecution of Jews in France, notably by closely examining Free French propaganda broadcasts.

While Free France’s political leaders condemned anti-Semitism, they emphatically sought to stress the

‘Frenchness’ of the members of the Committee and dissociated themselves from any sort of Jewish

influence. Janet Horne also tackles the issue of anti-Semitism within French networks in Brazil, where

fears coalesced around the Sao Paolo Alliance run by, in the words of the French consul, ‘Jews and

Freemasons’.

Finally, the topic of the multiplicity of exiles’ identities runs throughout the articles. Nicholas Atkin

has highlighted the diversity of the French communities in London aside from the Gaullists. These

‘forgotten French’ (including refugees, fugitive French sailors, ex-French servicemen and members of

the settled French community who were often well integrated in Britain) intermixed with one another

but nonetheless retained distinctive identities.39 Guillaume Piketty has shown the multifaceted

meaning of exiles and the motivations for leaving France.40 Contributors to this issue similarly

investigate the concept of identity but take a global and transnational approach, beyond the case of

Britain. They engage with questions such as that of the experience of exile and refuge and its impact

6

on individuals during and after the war. They also consider hierarchies of identities through gender

and politics but also between those individuals who remained civilians throughout the war or those

who chose to join an army immediately after the Armistice or later during the war. 41 The concept of

identity also allows some of our contributors to revisit the well-worn narrative of a fundamental

difference between the identities of Allied soldiers, members of the external and internal Resistant

networks.

Section I - Decentring the History of the External Resistance

Although the scholarship on the French in exile has grown considerably in recent years, the

historiography of the French external Resistance remains considerably less developed than that of the

internal Resistance.42 Since the pioneering political history of La France Libre by former resistant

fighter and historian Jean-Louis Crémieux Brilhac, much attention has been devoted to the movement

and its activities outside London, notably in Africa.43 Important studies have also explored the history

of the Bureau Central de Renseignement et d’Action (BCRA), de Gaulle’s intelligence service, and the

diplomacy of the French National Committee and its radio policies.44 Recent scholarship has also put

emphasis on individuals and their circumstances, social backgrounds and cultural environment.

Murraciole has, for instance, demonstrated that the popular classes were underrepresented in Free

France, whereas members of the Parisian middle class, colonial soldiers and young men from the

Brittany region made up most of the military forces.45 As the Vichy state built part of its politics

around denouncing the decline of the Republican elites, Muracciole’s study emphasizes the upper-

class origin of the majority of the Free French. This Free French movement did not, however,

represent all the French in exile.

The French men and women in exile during the Second World War formed a heterogeneous and, to

some extent, very divided group.46 After the defeat of June 1940, an estimated 12,000 French people

reached London.47 A minority joined the Free French Gaullist movement. In addition, around 3000 to

4000 French citizens, the majority of whom belonged to France’s interwar political, scientific and

cultural elite, found refuge in the United States between 1939 and 1942.48 These included the historian

Henri Focillon, scientists such as Henri Laugier, Jacques Hadamard, Jean-Baptiste and Francis Perrin,

as well as politicians, including Pierre Cot, Henri Torrès and Henri Bonnet. Finally, a third group of

French people travelled to North Africa, and in particular Algiers, during the war. 49 As Jean-François

Muracciole has shown, these French in exile were divided by age, religious affiliation, gender, pre-war

political affiliation and by the political conflict between the Vichy regime in metropolitan France and

the Gaullist movement based in London. Their motivations for leaving France and engaging in

resistance activities were extremely varied. Most French exiles expressed little interest in the politics

7

of the nascent movement either because they were not politicized or because they were posted too far

away from the centres of political decision, namely London, Brazzaville and, later, Algiers.50

The recent scholarship on the external Resistance has insisted on the vital role Africa played for the

Free French.51 Moving the focus of attention from London to Equatorial Africa and Cameroon, Eric

Jennings has forced a reconsideration of chronology and geography, arguing that Free France was first

and foremost African and that it was (in part) from Brazzaville that Free France contested Vichy,

defended the empire with the Allies and led the struggle.52 Tensions between de Gaulle’s National

Committee and the Allies over France’s empire have been well studied, but the reactions of the Vichy

regime to these ‘sovereignty bases’ have been overlooked in this rich literature. 53 Building on

Jennings’ work and drawing on the newly opened archives of the Depot Central des Archives de la

Justice Militaire, Géraud Létang highlights in this issue the ways in which Vichy authorities

attempted to reorient French imperial machinery in Chad to fight against Europeans who had decided

to break away from Vichy. The case of Chad is all the more interesting as it was the first French

colony to rally to Free France following Félix Eboué’s declaration on 26 August 1940. In this article,

Géraud Létang challenges Jean-Louis Crémieux Brilhac’s view that these territories, which rallied

Free France, were solely ‘sovereignty bases’. For him, these were also ‘laboratories’ from which new

actors emerged. They progressively became spaces where unique military, political and cultural

cultures were born out of war experience. This aspect of the war in the empire has been overlooked in

military studies essentially because it does not fit within the traditional narratives of colonial

suppression, which tend to consider power relations between Europeans and the native population.

Such understanding of a French civil war in Chad, between Vichy officials and resistant Europeans,

helps us to rethink France’s divisions outside the metropole, as well as beyond London and Algiers.

In this issue, Guillaume Pollack also engages with the notion of global war (guerre-monde) by shifting

his focus towards eight military and civilian resistance networks in Indochina, an area with which the

Resistance capital cities struggled to communicate owing to its geographical location. Indochina was

in a unique position: it was the only European colonial arena where the Japanese (allied to the Vichy

Regime) left the French colonial system in place.54 Vichy personnel (in particular the governor

General Decoux) remained in power even after the fall of the Vichy government in metropolitan

France in August 1944. The contribution of Guillaume Pollack investigates resistance activities

against an enemy rarely discussed alongside Free France: Japan. Recently, Namba Chizuru has shed

new light upon the rival Vichy and Japanese cultural propaganda in Indochina.55 In focusing on the

cultural and military influence of the Free French movement, Guillaume Pollack re-evaluates the

debate about anti-Japanese resistance in the region. Furthermore, his temporal framework reminds us

that the war did not finish after the liberation of metropolitan France but continued in Indochina until

March 1945. Still, social historians will need to carry out further research to account for the effort de

8

guerre of colonial troops, notably in Asia,56 and analyse how the war impacted on the everyday life of

the local populations of European colonies. As Driss Maghraoui suggests when discussing the case of

the Resistance in Africa, such study will offer a fuller picture of both the history of the French

Resistance and the history of African nations.57

With the growing interest in memory, cultural historians have begun to examine how different

historical memories of the war have emerged, paying closer attention to those who found themselves

on the margins of dominant currents of memory, including the many thousands of soldiers recruited in

France’s overseas colonies.58 At the Paris workshop, Nina Wardleworth presented a paper on the

considerable memorial issues coalescing around little-known colonial resistance groups, through a

comparative analysis of a group of dissidents in the Antilles and of Jewish resistance fighters’

participation in Operation Torch in Algiers. She paid particular attention to the representation of these

two movements in two documentaries: Parcours de dissidents (Palcy, 2006) and La nuit des dupes

(Kimchi, 2014). Like many post-war documentaries, these films used archival footage as well as other

documentary techniques, including the recreation of events in a docu-fiction format.59 By comparing

these two documentary films, she traced how some French, Algerian and Israeli groups mobilized

particular memories to stabilize their national identities in the present. In so doing, she reminded us

that it was not just the memory of (metropolitan) Vichy France that formed a ‘past that does not

pass’.60

Section II – New Approaches to Free French Cultural Propaganda and Diplomacy

The ‘cultural turn’ has also led historians to pay greater attention to ‘cultural transfers’ and examine

the role and activities of cultural elites in exile.61 Scholars have taken a number of different

approaches: drawing on the numerous memoirs and autobiographies published by resistant fighters

after the end of the war, some have favoured a biographical lens, focusing on the British wartime exile

of the jurist René Cassin or American wartime exile of scholars such as Henri Laugier62 and the

anthropologist Claude Levi-Strauss.63 Others such as Laurent Jeanpierre have forwarded a

prosopographical approach to the French political and cultural elite, some of whom were hostile to de

Gaulle. Among these were René de Chambrun, Camille Chautemps, Alexis Léger and Henri de

Kérillis.64 These studies have enabled us to gain a better understanding of the role played by these

intellectuals and the influence of a number of Free French committees in North, South and Central

America, as well as in Asia.65 Overall, these scholars have demonstrated that Southern and Central

American committees were more ‘successful’ in promoting French interests than their North American

counterparts, which were hampered by personal rivalries and divided along Gaullist/Giraudist lines at

least until the end of 1942.66 Yet historians remain divided in their assessment of the ‘international

outlook’ of these committees and their influence in shaping French post-war diplomacy.

9

The burgeoning scholarship on wartime international organizations and transnational cultural

institutions has prompted a fruitful discussion about the ways in which some French intellectuals

attempted to use international organizations as international platforms to restore France’s prestige. 67

Historians have notably documented the activities of former diplomats such as Henri Bonnet, the

French ambassador to the United States from 1944 who was an influential figure within the Chicago-

based World Citizens Association for defeating fascism and restoring the intellectual foundations of

future world Cooperation.68 The relatively recent reassessing of the periodization of the European

integration has led scholars to investigate how Allied and Axis governments, but also resistant groups

in France, Algiers and London, thought about post-war Europe during the Second World War. 69 The

competing visions for Europe and for the international order that scholars such as Veronika Heide and

Gérard Bossuat have analysed show the porosity between discussions which took place in North

America, Vichy, London and Algiers, thanks to the circulation of individuals and ideas from one

region to the other.70

Cultural and educational topics were also on the agenda of these international gatherings and

historians have started investigating the tensions that existed between ‘Anglo-Saxon’ and French

considerations for a permanent post-war organization of intellectual collaboration.71 This scholarship

has notably shown that the Conference of Allied Ministers of Education (created in 1942) served as a

platform to reorient intellectual cooperation in a way more befitting the ideas and interests of the

Anglo-American world owing to the political and financial weight of the United States. 72 All in all,

scholars often consider that exile and migration provided a space where experts, academics and

diplomats came together to reflect on the policies and strategies to be implemented in the post-war

period.73 Especially interesting were the discussions around the redefinition of post-war cultural

diplomacy, which took place around Henri Laugier, the physiologist and the president of the French

National Centre for Scientific Research (1939–1940), firstly in America and subsequently in Algiers,

where he became recteur of the university. In 1945, Laugier prolonged his reflections from during the

war and became an influential figure in the provisional government.74 He would notably redefine the

strategies of France’s cultural diplomacy within the newly created Direction Générale des Relations

Culturelles (DGRC).75

By exploring the connections between Allied intellectuals, journalists and scientists, scholars have

demonstrated that the Second World War, which was truly global in scope, was a period of intense

internationalism and transnational exchanges and not just military cooperation.76 The Allied capitals of

London and New York served as international centres and ‘cosmopolitan crossroads’, where ideas

about the new international war order were discussed and debated.77 Rather than simply focusing on

the (supposed) failures of international organizations and cultural institutions, many of these studies

10

showcase the important successes achieved by Allied ‘agents of internationalism’.78 As Sandrine Kott

has shown, these men and women provided ‘human and technical resources to national governments

during the war’ and strove to ‘keep alive the international spirit they used to promote’. 79 Histories of

international organizations, however, have tended to confirm the conventional wisdom of a shift in the

balance of power from Europe to North America during the Second World War. Along this line,

historians have identified the acceleration of the Americanisation of cultural gatherings.80

Specialists in the field of French cultural policies have pointed to a paradox during the period: the

Second World War was both a period of accelerated ‘cultural globalisation’, marked by an

intensification of intellectual exchanges, and one of ‘inward looking nationalism’, characterized by a

reaffirmation of national identity. Put simply, some ‘internationalist’ projects were domesticated not as

expressions of newly globalized enterprises but rather as forms of nationalism. As Laurent Jeanpierre

has shown, French wartime emigration did not enhance French metropolitan culture in the colonies or

abroad; on the contrary, it was a reactionary movement marked by an ‘introverted assertion of French

patriotism’.81 In the case of Free French cultural politics in America, however, he argues that that the

period between 1942 and 1947 witnessed a shift in the conceptualization of cultural diplomacy from a

nation-centred policy relying on universalism, to that of an outward-looking phenomenon within

which the notion of ‘reciprocity’ became crucial.82 All in all, we know far more about the transatlantic

circulation and the American exile of French intellectuals than about other forms of circulation within

Europe and North Africa or outside London and New York.83

By adopting a global lens through which to study French Alliance Française networks, Janet Horne paves the way for a reflection on the role of French culture in the complex and shifting political terrain

of countries such as the United States, Egypt, Indonesia, Haiti, Guatemala, Brazil, Paraguay and

Uruguay. What role, if any, did culture play outside France during the war? The case of the Alliance,

like that of France Forever, connects a wealth of ‘agents of internationalism’, ranging from the local

French and Francophile communities settled abroad before the Fall of France to diplomats, Free

French officials and intellectuals. Drawing on these networks and entanglements at various levels,

Janet Horne queries the role of the Alliance Française at a time when the notion of France was

challenged, to say the least. The Second World War was a crucial time of rebranding ‘France’ on the

international sphere, but this created tensions with Vichy officials who were equally keen to maintain

a strong propaganda apparatus abroad.84 Janet Horne, in line with new studies on the French

Empire, demonstrates that the war was an important transformative process and facilitated the opening

of what she calls ‘cultural fronts’.85 Very little attention has been paid to the wartime role of pre-

existing networks such as that of Anciens Combattants or the Alliance Française.86 The conflict

between Vichy and Free France that took place outside France created a need for an intensive network

of French propaganda which, as a result, intensified debates around the concept of soft power.

11

Historians and actors themselves have, however, reflected on the limits of the effectiveness of soft

power. Raymond Aron, for instance, shared his doubts about his wartime decision to engage in

intellectual production rather than serve in the armed forces, as he had originally planned. Whilst it is

impossible to measure the reach and influence of ‘intellectual resistance’, Aron’s incertitude also

reflected a common belief amongst exiles in the greater power of the sword over the pen.87

Methodologically, scholars have shunned the careful assessment of the impact of soft power in favour

of an analysis of the production of ideas and soft-power policies.88 In this issue, Rachel Chin theorises that studies of soft power need to integrate a reflection on hard power too in order to reveal

the multi layered international discussions that took place in wartime and post-war contexts. By

comparing the rhetoric of local administrators and nationalist groups in the Levant, French political

figures in Paris and representatives at the San Francisco Conference (the forum which gave birth to the

United Nations) she illuminates how different groups used persuasive words and imagery as a means

to construct soft power on a global scale during and after the war. Her contribution connects the

Resistance’s ideas on soft power with that of the provisional government, thus reminding us that the

Levant was an important symbol of French greatness. On the other hand, coercive power, was only

actionable by the French when combined with the acquiescence of the more powerful British forces in

the region. Rachel Chin illuminates the role of other external pressures such as the United States,

the Soviet Union and the opinion of international sentiment represented in the fledgling United

Nations, which acted as a brake on French power. Ultimately, she argues, the Provisional

Government was long on ambitions, but short on the resources needed to carry through (or perhaps

force) its plans for imperial reform and the renegotiation of the mandate relationship. Thus, her article

offers important contribution to the field of soft power not least because she focuses on a geographical

area, which has so far attracted little attention on the part of scholars of French cultural diplomacy who

have favoured regions such as America and to a lesser extent North Africa.89

North America occupied a central position for Free French cultural diplomacy owing to the high

number of exiles and the large French settled community in the United States which meant that it was

strategically important for Free France to set up a solid United States cultural network in order to

improve its image. Similarly, Canada was a tactical place due to its large French community and the

important number of refugees Montreal welcomed.90 As in the United States, the Free French cultural

front in Canada relied on popular support and grass-roots organizations in the small towns and cities of

the West. As Patricia Prestwich and Kenneth Munro theorise, the driving force was western Canadian

Francophones who, in response to General de Gaulle’s radio broadcast of June 18, 1940, began to

organize support for the Free French very early on. In addition, Free France established a propaganda

office in Ottawa in June 1941, under the direction of Elisabeth de Miribel, who toured the country,

meeting local Canadian groups and lecturing about the Free French war effort. The success of this

Free French cultural movement was not an appendage of the French external Resistance but a

12

mutually beneficial partnership within the context of a world war and the particularities of Canada’s

war effort. Furthermore, wartime cultural ventures in Canada and within the Alliance laid the

foundations for post-war relations, particularly during the crucial period of reconstruction.

Section III: Anti-Gaullism and Anti-Semitism Revisited

The special issue also encourages us to think about the enmity between Free France, members of the

Axis countries (with an emphasis on Germany) and collaborationist governments, especially that of

Vichy. On a larger scale, tensions suffused the (internal and external) Resistance, but also its

relationships with the Allies. Finally, French external resistant fighters had many disagreements with

one another. These divergences mostly focused on the politics of Free France, its relations with the

Allies, and the figure of de Gaulle. Many French in London and New York shared the fear that de

Gaulle was to become the new General Boulanger, the Third Republic general who pursued an

aggressive policy of nationalism and revanchism in the wake of the Franco-Prussian war, and that his

aim was to create a single political party in France.91 As a result small groups of anti-Gaullist resistant

fighters developed across the globe, but historians have predominantly focused their attention on these

anti-Gaullist groups in London and New York.92 Anti-Gaullism during the war is often approached

through biographical studies.93 Despite mentions in Second World War and Resistance

encyclopaedias, figures of anti-Gaullism such as the physicist and reputed Soviet agent André

Labarthe or Roger Cambon the former minister-counsellor at the French Embassy in London and son

of Jules Cambon, remain understudied and their views and influence in London and on the American

and British governments have not been analysed.94 The socialist Jean Jaurès group, which was the only

anti-Gaullist institution in London, has similarly attracted little attention.95

The role and influence of anti-Gaullist networks around the French cultural institute in London and its

director Denis Saurat have recently been re-assessed.96 At the workshop in Paris in June 2016, Iain

Stewart presented what promises to be a fruitful project on anti-Gaullism. He has set to re-examine

French newspapers published in London namely France and La Marseillaise and the review La

France Libre, which, despite its name and place of publication (London), was not formally part of de

Gaulle’s movement. La France Libre provided a platform for international intellectuals – most of

whom were exiled in London – to circulate information and ideas about France and express criticism

about Charles de Gaulle. Stewart’s research project draws not only on biographical elements about the

directors of France, La Marseillaise and La France Libre but also on their relationship with the

British Ministry of Information (MI) and the forms of censorship it tried to exercise over these

publications.97 By examining the development of a strand of left-leaning anti-Gaullism around La

France Libre, Stewart has opened up a fascinating discussion on de Gaulle’s principal rivals outside

13

France, Admiral Emile Muselier and General Henri Giraud, with whom André Labarthe had allied

himself and about whom historians still have much to say.98

The issue of Vichy anti-Semitic policies also divided French circles in London. To be sure, very early

on de Gaulle had condemned Vichy anti-Semitic policies. As early as 1941, de Gaulle rejected the

Jewish Statutes and reasserted the principles of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen to

the President of the American Jewish Congress in New York.99 But de Gaulle remained attached to an

‘imperative of discretion’, dictated both by some anti-Semitic attitudes among Free French members

and by the British policy of not singularizing Jewish victims in Nazi persecution.100 According to

Renée Poznanski, if the persecution of Jews did not carry the weight of a political issue, it was far

from being ignored; ‘it belonged to the non-dit and fuelled rivals’ accusations against each other.’ 101

In this issue, Renée Poznanski prompts fresh reflection on the attitudes of the National Committee

towards the Jews of France, notably by closely examining Free French propaganda broadcasts from

London. In accordance with the directives that they were receiving from the British Political Warfare

Executive, French representatives in London systematically avoided singling out the fate of the

Jews.102 ‘The fear of appearing to be the agents of a “Jewish war”, as in the denunciations of German

propaganda and as echoed by Vichy, played a key role in this strategy.’103 According to Poznanski, the

wartime prudence of London propaganda stemmed from a widespread consensus that there was a

‘Jewish problem’ and necessity of maintaining the unity of Free France.104

Section IV: Resisting outside France: Identity and Relationship to the Motherland

The final theme which runs throughout the articles is that of a hierarchy and intermixing between the

multiple identities which contributors explore: gender identities, combatant and civilian identities, and

identities of external and internal resistance fighters. The concept of identity has enabled historians to

reflect on the relationships these external resistant fighters maintained with the Allies. This is one of

the perspectives that Raphaële Balu takes in her article on the cooperation and relationship between

Free French, the Allies and the maquisards (1943–1944). In her contribution, she elaborates on what

she calls the ‘porosity of identity’ between internal, Allied and Free French networks. By focusing on

the notion of ‘shared [combatant] identity’, her article offers a different take on this conflicted episode

of Franco–British relations about which scholarship has long emphasized the tensions between the

external and the internal Resistance.105 She looks beyond high political conflicts, which indeed offer

much material, to discuss tensions amongst the Resistance and the Allies; instead she sets out to

analyse the ways some Free French agents remained in permanent contact with the internal Resistance,

notably by engaging in clandestine combat. By moving beyond the central figures of Charles de

Gaulle, Winston Churchill and Franklin D. Roosevelt and looking at agents who operated on the

ground, her article allows for a rethinking of the identity of the resistance fighters, who, regardless of

14

their affiliation shared feelings of solidarity with the maquisards. Andrew Smith’s contribution takes a

similar interest in those understudied operatives who worked on the ground and in the air, by revisiting

Rod Kedward’s concept of ‘routes of resistance’ between France and Britain.106 By analysing trans-

Channel clandestine flights, he moves the attention away from the high political circles of London to

Soho restaurants and a family home in Sussex and illuminates, in particular, the role of personal

relationships in consolidating de Gaulle’s power in Britain and metropolitan France. Crucially, his

article demonstrates that the friendships, intimacies and bonds between the people who planned,

carried out, and experienced the flights all informed the character of the route and forged bonds that

survived the war. While the memory of this Franco-British crossing faded at an official level in the

aftermath of the war, resistors and special duties’ servicemen kept up regular reunions and

commemorations.

Although a vast corpus of testimonial literature exists for the French resistance abroad, it is only very

recently that historians have begun analysing collective mentalities and individual sensibilities,

revealing the breadth of the upheavals created by the experience of exile. 107 The prevalence of death

and its impact on societies and individuals have been extensively studied by scholars of the First

World War, but less so by historians of the Second World War in France. 108 Mass death was

experienced, as Piketty points out, locally and intensely, amongst ‘communities of the bereaved’.109 It

is, in this respect, worth noting that the death rate amongst resistors was particularly high: one out of

every 15 resistors died, and nearly 30% were deported to concentration camps.110 The popular memory

of soldiers returning to France in 1944 has largely emphasized scenes of jubilation and intense family

reunions. In his contribution to this special issue, Guillaume Piketty offers a contrasting image to

this universal bliss, which is supposed to have taken over France at the Liberation. Through a close

reading of memoirs and diaries written by Free French and other external resistant fighters,

Guillaume Piketty investigates the disappointment former exiles experienced on coming back to

France. Developing his argument within the fast-growing field of history of emotions – an approach

which is, however, little used within the historiography of Second World War studies in France –

Guillaume Piketty considers the contrast between the discussions about post-war France that exiles

had during the war with their experience of coming back to France and living in France after the war

had ended. His article not only engages with the history of emotions but also with the recently coined

concept of ‘sortie de guerre’.111 While most French in exile eventually became reintegrated into their

‘normal life’, a minority proved unable to reconnect with their families and pre-war environment. This

was notably the case with Pierre Denis, who joined forces with de Gaulle in June 1940 and established

the Central Cashier of Free France.112 Denis struggled to explain his choice of exile to his family.

Using documentary sources that involve writing the self, historians can explore new territories in the

history of the French external resistance, including the relationship of individuals to their family,

15

friends, ‘body’ as well as dominant system of norms. In this respect, historians can certainly borrow

concepts and methods developed in the recent historiography of the First World War. A ‘history of the

body’ approach to soldiers’ writings has allowed scholars to emphasize the transformation of identities

which operated during the First World War.113 The motivation for and experience of exile during the

Second World War point towards a complex relationship with France, a problem which persisted for

many former external resistant fighters after the Liberation.114 The demobilisation, which followed the

Liberation, meant that many resistant fighters had to put aside the identity that they had built during

the war and find their place within a society which seemed alien to them. By studying the return to

private life and the renegotiation of intimacy in the aftermath of exile, Guillaume Piketty illuminates the complexity of the mechanisms at work in the process of ‘returning to normalcy’. Thus

the long term perspective of the article allows him to reflect on the identity of the former resistant

fighters who fought and lived abroad during the war but also on the impact of exile on these

individuals during the post-war decades, including their feeling of disillusionment.

Conclusion and pathways for future research

In 1993 Jean-Marie Guillon and Pierre Laborie stated that ‘the history of the Resistance remained to

be written’.115 A decade later, Laurent Douzou rejoiced that long ignored themes (including the role of

women, foreigners, or the resistance activities at local levels for example in the Var region) were now

integral part of the historiography of the Resistance.116 He lamented nonetheless (and Alya Aglan was

to make a similar comment in her 2008 book) the absence of surveys of the history of the

Resistance.117 Since then, historians have offered general views on the external Resistance, examining

the various forms of Resistance ‘engagement’ (Alya Aglan), locating the French resistance within a

Europe-wide struggle against fascism (Robert Gildea and Olivier Weiviorka) and illuminating the

links between the Allies and the French (Olivier Weiviorka).118 Clearly, how we understand the

external resistance has dramatically changed as a result of this new range of historiographical

approaches. In spite of these significant contributions, however, some pieces are still missing ‘in the

jigsaw puzzle of the Resistance’. 119 We still know very little about Giraudism, cultural resistance

(including musical resistance) and the medical and humanitarian side of the external Resistance,

despite the recent development of a project on the later.120 Besides, studies about the metropolitan

resistance remain much more numerous than those on the external resistance.

This special issue offers a partial corrective to this, by expanding our understanding of the ‘unofficial’

members of the Resistance who gravitated around the movement, such as members of the Free French

committees scattered throughout the world. Our global approach has, in particular, enabled authors to

integrate geographical zones, which have long been left out of histories of the French external

16

resistance, and shed lights onto relatively unknown sets of actors, including aircrews and female

agents of soft power. Focusing on these individuals has allowed contributors to highlight the variety of

the acts of resisting that made up the external resistance.

However, the role of women in furthering Resistance ideals outside France remains largely under

researched. A number of articles in this issue raise questions that will deserve further attention,

especially regarding the power relations between men and women and how cultural constructions of

masculinity and femininity played out in French external committees. Both the article on the Alliance

Française and that on the French cultural network in Canada emphasize the contribution of women as

agents of cultural internationalism. Despite recent contributions about women’s roles in diplomatic

relations,121 there is still a general tendency to shy away from discussing the participation of women in

transnational cultural networks. Their gender, which often meant that they did not fit into official Free

French diplomatic circles, together with their side-lining from governmental positions in the post-war

period, partly account for their absence from studies on the memory of the external Resistance.

Among these women was Yvonne Salmon. Salmon was president of the Alliance Française in London

and received unconditional support from de Gaulle during the summer of 1940. She subsequently

moved to Algiers, where she remained in de Gaulle’s inner circle, lecturing throughout Algeria on

behalf of the Free French.122 Elizabeth de Miribel had a similar trajectory from London where she

worked as Charles de Gaulle’s secretary to Canada and undertook propaganda duties on behalf of Free

France. Both women had family backgrounds which partly account for their wartime activities.

Salmon was the daughter of the former head of the Alliance Française, and this filial relationship

somewhat served to legitimize her position at the head of such an important organization. As for de

Miribel, she was born into an illustrious family that included many career officers and political figures

(including former president of the Third Republic Patrice de MacMahon).123

Several hundreds of other women joined the Free French army’s ranks in London and North Africa

(Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia), further challenging ‘the gender contract’ in which men are culturally

constructed as warriors whose duty it is to protect women and children, and women are constructed as

nurturers. The history of these female Free French fighters has only started to attract scholarly

attention.124 Despite their devotion to duty and their extraordinary achievements, these female fighters

struggled to gain official recognition at the Liberation. As Jean-François Muracciole has shown, in the

end the situation of French women in Free France remained paradoxical. ‘On one hand, the Gaullist

movement gave them, albeit reluctantly, an official status […] and they participated in the Victory

Parade on 18 June 1945. But, on the other hand, their promotion within the movement’s hierarchy

remained very limited […] Aspiring since its foundation to incarnate French legitimacy, the Gaullist

movement reproduced les ostracismes de sexe of the Third Republic.’125 For many French male

17

officers, the end of the war implied that women resisters, if they did not return to the household,

should at least confine themselves to a professional sphere deemed suitable for their sex.126

Thus, to conclude, the contributors of this issue have radically revised our understanding of important

aspects of the external resistance, by engaging with an important turn in the historiography of the

Resistance, that of ‘the resistance without heroism’, to take over from the title of Charles d’Aragon’s

memoirs.127 Yet, despite the vibrant state of the field, there is still much work to be done. By

deliberately opening up our conception of Resistance, we have further illuminated the important role

of soft power for the Resistance and the necessity for historians of post-war France and Europe to look

back to the Second World War to better understand the debates that developed after 1945.

Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thanks Julian Jackson, Jean-Marc Dreyfus, and the anonymous readers of The European Review of History for their instructive comments on earlier drafts of this introduction. Thanks also to all the participants of the conference ‘Beyond De Gaulle and beyond London: New approaches to the history of the Free French and the external Resistance’ hosted by the University of London Institute in Paris (ULIP) on 4 June 2016. This conference was kindly supported by the Fondation de la France Libre, the Society for French Studies, the Society for the Study of French History, the department of history at Queen Mary and the University of London in Paris.

18

1 This expands on the approach of Cornil-Frerrot and Oulmont, Les Français Libres et le monde; Aglan and Frank, 1937-1947 La guerre monde; Jennings, Free French Africa; Gildea, Fighters in the Shadows.2 On the political and diplomatic history of the French National Committee and its successor the French Committee of National Liberation, see Danan, La Vie Politique à Alger; Kaspi, La mission de Jean Monnet à Alger; Duroselle, L’abîme. 1939-1945; Crémieux-Brilhac, La France Libre; Levisse-Touzé, L’Afrique du Nord dans la guerre.3 Free France began on 18 June in London, and ended in June/July 1943. In its political dimension, the movement ceased in June 1943 with the installation of the French National Committee in Algiers, which became the French Committee of National Liberation under the direction of General Giraud and de Gaulle. In its military dimension, the Free French movement ended on 31 July 1943, when the Free French Army fused with the African Army, an army that had been vichyist and Giraudist. Bougeard “Elements d’une approche de l’histoire de la France Libre’, 18-19.4 Recent projects on the history of the French Resistance include the conference ‘Les Français libre et le monde’, which was organized in 2013 by

Sylvain Cornil-Frerot, and the subsequent edited collection based on the proceeding of this event: Cornil-Frerrot and Oulmont, Les Français Libres et le monde. Other international academic networks consider the case of the French external Resistance; see the project ‘Transnational Resistance’, headed by Robert Gildea and funded by the Leverhulme Trust and the Gerry Holdsworth Special Forces Trust; the Resistance study network, which is organized by scholars at the universities of Gothenburg, Sussex and Massachusetts; finally a workshop on ‘Transnational Resistance’ in the French context was organised at the Maison Française, New York University by Valerie Deacon and Herrick Chapman in February 2017.5 Tombs and Chabal, eds., Britain and France in two World Wars; Winter and Prost, René Cassin and Human Rights; Aglan, “Pour une approche transnationale des mouvements clandestins de resistance”; Jennings, Free French Africa; Gildea, Fighters in the Shadows. Olivier Wieviorka, Une Histoire de la résistance en Europe occidentale.6 Atkin, The Forgotten French; Muracciole, Les Français Libres; Albertelli, Les services secrets du général de Gaulle; Jennings, Free French Africa; Gildea, Fighters in the Shadows. 7 Marcot Dictionnaire historique de la Résistance et de la France libre; Bougeard ‘Elements d’une approche de l’histoire de la France Libre’.8 Jennings, Free French Africa.9 Leroux, “Comités de la France Libre dans le monde,” 235.10 Sapiro, The French Writers’ War; Thatcher and Tolansky, Six Authors in Captivity; Steel, Littératures de l’ombre; Simonin, Les Éditions de Minuit; Debu-Bridel, La Resistance intellectuelle. 11 Harismendy ‘L’inconnue de notre Panthéon?’.12 H-France Review Vol. 13(September 2013), No. 152 Winter on Mangold, Britain and the Defeated French. 13 Laborie, “Qu’est-ce que la Résistance”.14 Regarding the origins of this list, its author Henri Ecochard and its criteria for the definition of the Free French see “Liste des volontaires des forces francaises libres” on the website of the Fondation Charles de Gaulle.15 Bougeard “Elements d’une approche de l’histoire de la France Libre’, 18-19.16 Jennings Free French Africa in World War II, 112. Muracciole, Les Français libres, 37.17 Marcot, “Les paysans et la Résistance,” 255. Also see Vast, “Résistant, le phénomène,” 1143.18 Muracciole, Les Français Libres, 32–33.19 Marcot, “Réflexions sur les valeurs de la Résistance”.20 Wieviorka, The French Resistance, 3.21 Laborie, “Qu’est-ce que la Résistance,” 37.22 Aglan, Le Temps de La Résistance, 24.23 Leroux, “Comités de la France Libre dans le monde,” 235. See also “« France Quand Même » Comité Français Libres de Shanghai, d’après le rapport de René Pontet”.24 Leroux, “Comités de la France Libre dans le monde,” 235.25 Aglan, Le Temps de La Résistance, 20.26 Piketty, “Exilés Combattants,” 427.27 The concept of soft power has been defined by Joseph Nye as: “The ability to get what you want through attraction rather than coercion or payments. It arises from the attractiveness of a country’s culture, political ideas, and policies. When our policies are seen as legitimate in the eyes of others, our soft power is enhanced.” Nye, Soft Power, x. See also Nye’s early work on this concept: Nye, Bound to Lead.28 Baillou, Les affaires étrangères, 563–564.29 Muracciole, Les Français libres, 32.30 Callu, “France Forever (2008).31 Rolland, Vichy et la France Libre au Mexique; Racine, “Paul Rivet”.32 Minost, “Le Comité de la France Libre d’Egypte,” (June 1960).33 Morelle and Jakob, Henri Laugier: un esprit sans frontières ,161.34 Fontaine ‘Des Résistants dangereux. Jalons pour une étude de la répression des Français Libres’.35 Colloque à l’Institut historique allemand - Maison de la recherche sur les ‘Guerres et expériences européennes: convergences, circulations et transferts (1900-1950)’, organized by Barbara Lambauer and Christian Wenkel on 12-13 November 2015; Isabelle Gouarné, Marie-Cécile Bouju, and Rachel Mazuy ‘Les circulations intellectuelles à l’épreuve de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Espace européen et Union soviétique. Accueil-Introduction des journées d’études des 17 et 18 juin 2015’. 36 See notably Loyer, Paris à New York; Benfey and Remmler, eds., Artists, Intellectuals, and World War II.37 On war and postwar youth policy planning and the importance of education for the external resistance, the provisional government and the Fourth Republic see Muracciole, Les Enfants de La Défaite: La Résistance, L’éducation et La Culture; Marker, France Between Europe and Africa: Youth, Race, and Envisioning the Postwar World 1940-1960.38 Poznanski, Propagandes et persécutions. Also, see Lánícek and Jordan, eds., Governments in Exile and the Jews.39 Atkin, The Forgotten French, 251–253.40 Piketty, “Combatant Exile during World War II”. Also see Le Gall ‘L’engagement des Français Libres: une mise en perspective’.41 On gender and political identities, see Deacon, “Fitting in to the French Resistance"; on gender SOE and civilian identities, see Pattinson, “‘Playing the daft lassie with them’”, Pollack, « Genre et engagement dans la Résistance ». Guillame Piketty outlines the ‘double hierarchy’ which existed

between pioneering members of Free France and those members who had joined the movement later in the war (the hierarchy worked in favour of the former group); see Piketty, “Combatant Exile during World War II,” 177. 42 Muracciole, Les Français Libres, 22.43 Crémieux-Brilhac, La France Libre; Muracciole, Les Français libres; Jennings, La France libre fut africaine.44 Albertelli, Le BCRA; Luneau, Radio-Londres; Luneau, Lettres inédites à la BBC; Davieau-Pousset, “Maurice Dejean”.45 Murraciole, Les Français Libres, 95.46 We are aware of the issues around the label of ‘exile’, but for lack of a suitable alternative and to emphasize the fact that our special issue considers both Free French and members of the external resistance who were not part of Free France but nonetheless left France at some point during the war to engage in resistance activities, we have chosen to use the term ‘exile’.47 Cointet and Cointet, La France à Londres; Crémieux-Brilhac, La France Libre.48 Dosso, “Les scientifiques français”; Loyer, Paris à New York ; Mehlman, Emigrés à New York; Nettelbeck, Forever French.49 Moine, La déportation et la Resistance en Afrique du Nord; Jeanpierre, “Géographie culturelle de la guerre,” 2119.50 Muracciole, Les Enfants de La Défaite, 176–185.51 Belot, La résistance sans de Gaulle, 13.52 Jennings, La France Libre fut africaine, 55.53 Akpo-Vache, L’A.O.F. et la Seconde Guerre mondiale; Cantier and Jennings, L’Empire colonial sous Vichy; Jennings, La France Libre fut africaine; Ramognino, L'affaire Boisson.54 Lamant ‘La Révolution nationale’ ; Jennings, Vichy sous les tropiques; Thomas The French Empire at War.55 Namba Français et Japonais en Indochine (2012).56 The literature on this topic is rather exiguous; see notably Tertrais, “Les Résistances en Asie”. 57 Maghraoui, “The Maroccan ‘effort de guerre’”58 Maghraoui, “The goumiers in the Second World War”59 Lindeperg, Les écrans de l’ombre.60 Conan and Rousso, Vichy, un passé qui ne passe pas; Hoffmann, “Regards d’outre-Hexagone,” 142.61 On the work of the French cultural elite, see Jeffrey Mehlman, Emigrés à New York; Loyer, Paris à New York; Jessica Reinisch, “Introduction: Agents of Internationalism”. On Free French committees, see Pelosi, “Les comités de la France Libre en Argentine et en Uruguay”; Leroux, “Albert Guérin”.62 Morelle, “Les années d’exil (1940-1944)” ; Morelle and Jakob, Henri Laugier, 158–194.63 Loyer, Lévi-Strauss.64 Beziat, Franklin Roosevelt; Kersaudy, De Gaulle et Roosevelt; Jeanpierre, “L’action de la France Libre,” 186.65 Pelosi, “Les comités de la France Libre” ; Leroux, “Albert Guérin”66 Leroux, “Comités de la France Libre dans le monde,” 235.67 Humbert “The French (in exile) and Post-war International relief, c. 1941-1945”.68 Pernet, “The League of Nations and Intellectual Cooperation,” 349.69 Wintle and Spiering, eds., European Identity.70 Dumoulin, ed., Plans de guerre pour l’Europe d’après-guerre; Bossuat, “Discussions américaines”; Heyde, De l’esprit de la Résistance jusqu’à l’idée de l’Europe; Gerbet, La construction Européenne; Bossuat, “Le CFLN//GPRF”.71 Krill de Capello, “The creation of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation”; Mylonas, La genèse de l’UNESCO; Dorn, “Educational Reconstruction”. André D. Robert, « La commission Cathala et le modèle anglais, Londres 1942-1943 ».72 Renoliet, L’UNESCO oubliée, 159–160; Pernet, “The League of Nations and Intellectual Cooperation,”354–355.73 Kelly, The Cultural and Intellectual Rebuilding of France; Shennan, Rethinking France; Muracciole, Les Enfants de La Défaite.74 Crémieux-Brilhac, “Henri Laugier”; Morelle and Jakob, Henri Laugier.75 On the restructuring of French cultural diplomacy after the war, see Baillou,“Aspects de l’action culturelle de la France”; Roche and Pigniau, Histoires de Diplomatie Culturelle; Guénard, “Réflexions Sur Une Diplomatie Culturelle de La France”.76 Kott, “Introduction: Internationalism in Wartime”77 Jeanpierre, “Géographie culturelle de la guerre,” 2137.78 Reinisch, “Introduction: Agents of Internationalism”.79 Kott, “Introduction: Internationalism in Wartime,” 318.80 Ibid., 320.81 Jeanpierre, “Géographie culturelle de la guerre,” 2119.82 Jeanpierre, “La Politique Culturelle Française” 83 Gouarné, Bouju, and Mazuy, “Les circulations intellectuelles”84 Ginio, French Colonialism Unmasked, 15–16.85 Also, see Conklin, In the Museum of Man.86 On Anciens Combattants, see Leroux, “Albert Guérin,” 155.87 Drake, ‘Raymond Aron,’ 376 88 Faucher, “Cultural Diplomacy,” 383.89 On international cultural relations in the Levant see Dueck, “International Rivalry and Culture,” 139.90 Atkin, The Forgotten French, 7.91 Pierre Bloch, De Gaulle, ou Le temps des méprises, 49; Colonel Passy, Souvenirs, 220–226.92 On anti-Gaullism in North America, see Loyer, Paris à New York, 192–202. Historians of Free France have also stressed that the support for Free France from French overseas territories was a process which depended on local French communities but also on the influence of other governments. This was the case in New-Caledonia, Etablissements français en Océanie (now French Polynesia), New Hebrides and Wallis-and-Futuna. Notably, for New Hebrides refusing the French defeat did not equate to offering support to de Gaulle. See Vaisset, “Maintenir et Défendre La France Libre Aux

Antipodes”.93 See for example Faucher, From Gaullism to anti-Gaullism; Boulic and Lavaure, Henri de Kerillis.For an excellent discussion of anti-Gaullism (not contained to the Second World War), see Jackson, “General de Gaulle and His Enemies”.94 Bloch, De Gaulle, ou Le temps des méprises, 99.95 The only study on the Jean Jaures group is an MA dissertation: Rey, “La dissidence socialiste à Londres”. Other historians allude to the group, notably Crémieux-Brilhac, Georges Boris, 147–149; Cordier, Jean Moulin, 83–86.96 Faucher, From Gaullism to anti-Gaullism.97 Stewart, “The Other Free French”98 Murraciole, Les Français Libres, 23.99 Poznanski Propagandes et persécutions, 139.100 Ibid., 144–145. Jean Marc Dreyfus has recently pointed out that it seems that de Gaulle’s secret service, aware of the persecution of Jews, missed the “essential information” of the war: the systematic extermination of Jews. Dreyfus, L’impossible réparation, 33.101 Poznanski, Propagandes et persécutions, 143. Lánícek and Jordan, eds., Governments in Exile and the Jews.102 Poznanski, “‘Nobody is Protected from Deportation’”103 Poznanski, “Nobody is Protected from Deportation,” 170.104 Ibid.105 Sébastien Albertelli has summarized these issues in Albertelli, “The British, the Free French and the Resistance”.106

Valerie Deacon’s new project on Anglo-American aircrews who landed in France during 1940-44 also takes an interest in these understudied operatives with a focus on aid brought to aircrew by French and Belgian civilians. Deacon, ‘Violence and Empathy”; Deacon, ‘The transnational nature of escape”. Deacon, “‘A Jolly Romp We Were Always Destined to Win’”107 Guillaume Piketty (ed.), Français en résistance; Piketty, Résister.108 Horne, State, Society and Mobilization; Becker and Audoin-Rouzeau, “Violence et consentement.” 109 Cabanes and Piketty, Retour à l’intime au sortir de la guerre, 13. Audouin-Rouzeau, “Qu’est-ce qu’un deuil de guerre?”110 Piketty, “De l’ombre au grand jour,” 153.111 Cabanes and Piketty, “Sortir de la guerre”; Cabanes “Negotiating Intimacy in the Shadow of War”112 Oulmont, Pierre Denis.113 Smith, “Le corps et la survie d’une identité dans les écrits de guerre français”114 For a breakdown of Free French exiles’ motivations, see Piketty, “Combatant Exile during World War II,” 176.115 Guillon and Laborie, “Pour une histoire de la Résistance, ” 15116 For an in-depth analysis of the historiography of the Resistance see Douzou, La Résistance française.117 Aglan, Le Temps de La Résistance, 36; Douzou, La Résistance française, 243.118 Aglan, Le Temps de La Résistance; Gildea, Fighters in the Shadows; Jennings, La France libre fut africaine; Olivier Wieviorka, The French Resistance.119 Douzou, La Résistance française, 243.120 Laure Humbert is developing a new project on the medical and humanitarian activities of the Free French and non Free French movement. Humbert “The French (in exile) and Post-war International relief, c. 1941-1945”.121 Sluga and James, eds., Women, Diplomacy and International Politics since 1500; Mori, “How Women Make Diplomacy”; Gottlieb, “Guilty Women”; McCarthy, Women of the World: The Rise of the Female Diplomat; McCarthy, “Petticoat Diplomacy”; Delaunay and Denéchère, eds., Femmes et relations internationales au XXè siècle; Denéchère, ed., Femmes et diplomatie; Sharp and Stibbe (eds.), Special issue of Women’s history review, “Women's international activism during the inter-war period, 1919-1939”, Volume 26, 2017 - Issue 2.122 Faucher, “The ‘French Intellectual Consulate to Great Britain’?”; Author 1’s current book project on the history of the Alliance française will also consider issues of gender in the promotion of French culture during the Second World War.123 Levisse-Touzé, “Les Femmes dans la France Libre”; Levisse-Touzé, “Elisabeth de Miribel”.124 Jauneau, “Des femmes dans la France combattante”.125 Murraciole, Les Français Libres, 49.126 Jauneau, “Des femmes dans la France combattante” For a more nuanced account of this argument, see Footitt, “The Politics of Political women”.127 Douzou, La résistance française, 242. Balu, “The French Maquis and the Allies during the Second World War,” 194.

References

Aglan, Alya and Robert Frank, eds. 1937-1947 La guerre monde. Paris: Folio, 2015.

Aglan, Alya. “Pour une approche transnationale des mouvements clandestins de resistance,” Bulletin de l’Institut Pierre Renouvin 38, no.2 (2012): 69–80.

Aglan, Alya. Le Temps de La Résistance, Arles: Actes sud, 2008.

Akpo-Vache, Catherine. L’A.O.F. et la Seconde Guerre mondiale, Paris: Kartala, 1996.

Albertelli, Sebastien. Les services secrets du général de Gaulle. Le BCRA (1940-1944). Paris: Perrin, 2009.

Albertelli, Sébastien. “The British, the Free French and the Resistance,” in Britain and France in Two World Wars: Truth, Myth and Memory, ed. Emile Chabal and Robert Tombs. London: Continuum, 2013, 119–136.

Atkin, Nicholas. The Forgotten French: Exiles in the British Isles, 1940–44. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003.

Audouin-Rouzeau, Stéphane. “Qu’est-ce qu’un deuil de guerre?” Revue historique des armées 259 (2010): 3–12.

Baillou, Jean. “Aspects de l’action culturelle de la France. Période 1945-1955,” in Aspects d’une politique de diffusion du français langue étrangère depuis 1945: matériaux pour une histoire, ed. Daniel Coste. Paris: Hatier, 1984, 23-30.

Baillou, Jean. Les affaires étrangère et le corps diplomatique français: 1870–1980, vol. 2, Paris: Ed. du CNRS, 1984.

Balu, Raphaële. ‘The French Maquis and the Allies during the Second World War: for a Conciliation of Allied and French Views’, In: Ludivine Broch and Alison Carrol (eds.) France in an Era of Global War, 1914-1945. Occupation, Politics, Empire and Entanglements, Palgrave Macmillan, 2014, 192-210.

Becker, Annette and Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau. “Violence et consentement: la ‘culture de guerre’ du premier conflit mondial,” in Pour une histoire culturelle, ed. Jean-Pierre Rioux and Jean-François Sirinelli, Paris: Le Seuil, 1997, 251–271.

Belot, Robert. La résistance sans de Gaulle: politique et gaullisme de guerre, Paris: Fayard, 2006.

Benfey, Christopher E. G. and Karen Remmler, eds., Artists, Intellectuals, and World War II: The Pontigny Encounters at Mount Holyoke College, 1942-1944, Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2006.

Beziat, André. Franklin Roosevelt et la France (1939-1945). La diplomatie de l’entêtement, Paris: L’Harmattan, 1997.

Bloch, Pierre De Gaulle, ou Le temps des méprises. Paris: La Table ronde, 1969.

Bossuat, Gérard “Discussions américaines concernant l’Europe de l’après-guerre (1940-1944),” Les cahiers Irice 1 (2008): 49–62.

Bossuat, Gérard. “Le CFLN/GPRF face à l’unité Européenne (1943-1945), innovations et contraintes internationales,” in Les Français Libres et le monde, ed. Sylvain Cornil-Frerrot and Philippe Oulmont, 387–404. Paris: Nouveau Monde éditions, 2015.

Bougeard, Christian ‘Elements d’une approche de l’histoire de la France Libre’ in Pour une histoire de la France Libre, Edited by Patrick Harismendy and Erwan Le Gall, 15-28, Rennes : Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2012.

Boulic, Jean-Yves and Annik Lavaure, Henri de Kerillis: L’absolu Patriote. Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 1997.

Cabanes, Bruno and Guillaume Piketty, “Sortir de la guerre: jalons pour une histoire en chantier,” Histoire @ Politique 3 (2007) : 1-1.

Cabanes, Bruno and Guillaume Piketty, eds Retour à l’intime au sortir de la guerre. Paris: Tallandier, 2009.

Cabanes, Bruno. “Negotiating Intimacy in the Shadow of War (France, 1914-1920s): New Perspectives in the Cultural History of World War I”, French Politics, Culture & Society, Vol. 31, No. 1 (2013), 1-23.

Callu, Agnès. “France Forever: une France made in America, 1940-1944,” in De Gaulle chef de guerre: De l’appel de Londres à la libération de Paris, 1940-1944, Edited by Philippe Oulmont, Paris: Plon, 2008. 515–526.

Cantier, Jacques and Eric T. Jennings, L’Empire colonial sous Vichy. Paris: Odile Jacob, 2004.

Cointet Michèle and Jean-Paul Cointet. La France à Londres. Renaissance d’un Etat, 1940-1943, Bruxelles: Complexe, 1990.

Conan, Eric and Henry Rousso, Vichy, un passé qui ne passe pas. Paris: Fayard, 1994.

Conklin, Alice. In the Museum of Man. Race, Anthropology and Empire in France, 1850-1950, Cornell: Cornell University Press, 2013.

Cordier, Daniel. Jean Moulin: la République des catacombes, Paris: Gallimard, 1999.

Cornil-Frerrot, Sylvain and Philippe Oulmont. Les Français Libres et le monde: Actes du colloque international au Musée de l’Armée, 22–23 novembre 2013. Paris: Nouveau Monde Editions, 2015.

Crémieux-Brilhac, Jean-Louis. “Henri Laugier En Son Siècle,” Cahiers Pour L’histoire de La Recherche. 1995, http://www.histcnrs.fr/pdf/laugier-crh/cremieux-presente-laugier.pdf [last accessed on 19 September 2016].

Crémieux-Brilhac, Jean-Louis. Georges Boris: trente ans d’influence: Blum, de Gaulle. Mendès France, Paris: Gallimard, 2010.

Crémieux-Brilhac, Jean-Louis. La France Libre. De l’Appel du 18 juin à la Libération. Paris: Gallimard, 1996.

Danan, Yves-Maxime. La Vie Politique à Alger de 1940 à 1944. Paris: Librairie Générale de droit et de jurisprudence, 1963.

Davieau-Pousset, Sophie. “Maurice Dejean, diplomate atypique,” Relations Internationales Vol. 162, No. 2 (2015): 79–94.

Deacon, Valerie. ‘The transnational nature of escape, evasion, and humanitarian resistance in France”, paper delivered at the Maison Française, New York University (workshop on transnational Resistance), 24 February 2017.

Deacon, Valerie. ‘Violence and Empathy: Anglo-American aircrews and civilian assistance in France, 1940-1945’ paper delivered at the Institute of Historical Research (Modern French History seminar series), 13 June 2016.

Deacon, Valerie. “‘A Jolly Romp We Were Always Destined to Win’: The BBC's ’Allo ’Allo! and British Memories of Downed Aircrew in Occupied France during the Second World War”, Contemporary European History, Vol. 26, No. 1 (February 2017), 139-159.

Deacon, Valerie. “Fitting in to the French Resistance: Marie-Madeleine Fourcade and Georges Loustaunau-Lacau at the Intersection of Politics and Gender,” Journal of Contemporary History Vol. 50, No. 2 (April 2015), 259–273.

Debu-Bridel, Jacques. La Resistance intellectuelle. Paris : Julliard, 1970.

Delaunay Jean-Marc and Yves Denéchère, eds., Femmes et relations internationales au XXe siècle. Paris: Presses Sorbonne nouvelle, 2006.

Denéchère, Yves ed. Femmes et diplomatie: France, XXe siècle. Bruxelles: Presses interuniversitaires européennes, 2004.

Dorn, Charles. “The World’s School Master’: Educational Reconstruction, Grayson Kefauver and the Founding of UNESCO, 1942-1946.” History of Education Vol. 35, No. 3 (2006): 297–320.

Dosso, Diane. “Les scientifiques français refugiés en Amérique et la France Libre,” Matériaux pour l’histoire de notre temps Vol. 60 (2000): 34–40.

Douzou, Laurent. La Résistance française: une histoire périlleuse : essai d’historiographie. Paris: Seuil, 2005.

Drake, David. “Raymond Aron and La France Libre (June 1940–September 1944).” in A history of the French in London, Debra Kelly and Martyn Cornick (eds.), London: IHR, 2013, 373–390.

Dreyfus, Jean-Marc. L’impossible réparation. Déportés, biens spoliés, or nazi, comptes bloqués, criminels de guerre. Paris: Flammarion, 2015.

Dueck, Jessica. ‘International Rivalry and Culture in Syria and Lebanon under the French Mandate’ in J. C.E. Gienow-Hecht and M. Donfried, eds., Searching for a Cultural Diplomacy, New York: Berghahn Books, 2010, 137-161.

Dumoulin, Michel ed. Plans de guerre pour l’Europe d’après-guerre, Bruxelles : Emile Bruylant, 1995.

Duroselle, Jean-Baptiste. L’abîme. 1939-1945, Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1983.

Ecochard, Henri “Liste des volontaires des forces francaises libres”, website of the Fondation Charles de Gaulle, http://www.charles-de-gaulle.org/pages/la-memoire/accueil/organismes/liste-des-volontaires-des-forces-francaises-libres.php [last accessed August 25, 2016].

Faucher, Charlotte. “Cultural Diplomacy and International Cultural Relations in Twentieth-Century Europe,” Contemporary European History 25, Special Issue: Agents of Internationalism (May 2016): 373-385.

Faucher, Charlotte. “The ‘French Intellectual Consulate to Great Britain’? The Institut Français Du Royaume-Uni, 1910–1959”, PhD diss., Queen Mary University of London, 2015.

Faucher, Charlotte. “From Gaullism to anti-Gaullism: the wartime trajectory of Denis Saurat and the French cultural institute in London,” Journal of Contemporary History, [published online 21 July 2017]

Fontaine, Thomas ‘Des Résistants dangereux. Jalons pour une étude de la répression des Français Libres’, in Pour une histoire de la France Libre, Edited by Patrick Harismendy and Erwan Le Gall, 143-160, Rennes : Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2012.

Footitt, Hilary. “The Politics of Political women: reassessing the first Députées,” in France: the long Liberation, Edited by Andrew Knapp, 87–102. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007.

François Roche and Bernard Pigniau, Histoires de Diplomatie Culturelle Des Origines à 1995. Paris: La Documentation française, 1995.

Gerbet, Pierre. La construction Européenne. Paris: Armand Colin, 2011.

Gildea, Robert. Fighters in the Shadows: A New History of the French Resistance. Harvard: Harvard University Press, 2015.

Ginio, Ruth. French Colonialism Unmasked: The Vichy Years in French West Africa. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2006.

Gottlieb, Julie V. “Guilty Women”, Foreign Policy, and Appeasement in Inter-War Britain. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

Gouarné, Isabelle ; Marie-Cécile Bouju, and Rachel Mazuy, ‘Les circulations intellectuelles à l’épreuve de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Espace européen et Union soviétique. Accueil-Introduction des journées d’études des 17 et 18 juin 2015’. https://hal.inria.fr/hal-01186122/document [last accessed on 12 March 2016].

Guénard, Annie. “Réflexions Sur Une Diplomatie Culturelle de La France.” Matériaux Pour L’histoire de Notre Temps 65, no. 1 (2002): 23–27.

Guillon, Jean Marie and Pierre Laborie, “Pour une histoire de la Résistance.” In Mémoire et Histoire : la Résistance, Edited by Jean Marie Guillon and Pierre Laborie (eds.), 15-32. Toulouse: Privat, 1995.

Harismendy, Patrick ‘L’inconnue de notre Panthéon ?’ in Pour une histoire de la France Libre, Edited by Patrick Harismendy and Erwan Le Gall, 11-13, Rennes : Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2012.

Heyde, Veronika. De l’esprit de la Résistance jusqu’à l’idée de l’Europe: Projets Européens et Américains pour l’Europe de l’après-guerre (1940-1950). Bruxelles, Peter Lang, 2010.

Hoffmann, Stanley. “Regards d’outre-Hexagone.” Vingtième siècle, revue d’histoire 5 (January–March 1985), No. 5, 133-146.

Horne, John, eds. State, Society and Mobilization in Europe During the First World War. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002.

Humbert, Laure ‘French Politics of Relief and International Aid: France, UNRRA and the Rescue of Eastern European Displaced Persons in post-war Germany, 1945-1947’, Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 41, No. 3 (2016), pp. 606-634.

Humbert, Laure ‘The French (in exile) and Post-war International relief, c. 1941-1945’, The Historical Journal, online access first, 2 November 2017.

Jackson, Julian. “General de Gaulle and His Enemies: Anti-Gaullism in France since 1940.” Transactions of The Royal Historical Society sixth series, No. xi (1999): 43–65.

Jauneau, Élodie. “Des femmes dans la France combattante pendant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale: Le Corps des Volontaires Françaises et le Groupe Rochambeau.” Genre & Histoire [En ligne] 3 (2008), [last accessed on 30 August 2016].

Jeanpierre, Laurent. “Géographie culturelle de la guerre.” In 1937-1947 La guerre-monde, II, Edited by Alya Aglan and Robert Frank, 2103–2149. Paris: Folio, 2015.

Jeanpierre, Laurent. “L’action de la France Libre aux Etats Unis: Une stratégie en réseaux.” In Les Français Libres et le monde, Edited by Sylvain Cornil-Frerrot and Philippe Oulmont, 185–201. Paris: Nouveau Monde éditions, 2015.

Jeanpierre, Laurent. “La Politique Culturelle Française Aux États-Unis de 1940 à 1947.” In Entre Rayonnement et Réciprocité: Contributions à L’histoire de La Diplomatie Culturelle, Edited by Alain Dubosclard et al. 85–116, Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2002.

Jennings, Eric T. Vichy sous les tropiques. La Révolution nationale à Madagascar, en Guadeloupe, en Indochine, 1940-1944. Paris, Grasset, 2004.

Jennings, Eric T. Free French Africa in World War II. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015.

Le Gall, Erwan. ‘L’engagement des Français Libres: une mise en perspective’, in Pour une histoire de la France Libre, Edited by Patrick Harismendy and Erwan Le Gall, 29-47, Rennes : Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2012.

Kaspi, André. La mission de Jean Monnet à Alger. Paris: Editions Richelieu, 1971.

Kelly, Michael. The Cultural and Intellectual Rebuilding of France after the Second World War. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004.

Kersaudy, François. De Gaulle et Roosevelt, le duel au sommet. Paris: Perrin, 2006.

Kott, Sandrine. “Introduction: Internationalism in Wartime.” Journal of Modern European History, Special Issue: International Organisations during the Second World War, Vol. 12, no. 3 (2014): 317–321.

Krill de Capello, Hans Heinz. “The creation of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation.” International Organisation Vol. 24, no. 1 (1970): 1–30.

Laborie, Pierre. “Qu’est-ce que la Résistance.” In Dictionnaire Historique de la Résistance, Edited by François Marcot, Bruno Leroux, and Christine Levisse-Touzé 29–38, Paris: Robert Laffont, 2006.

Lamant, Pierre. “La Révolution nationale dans l’Indochine de l’amiral Decoux.” Revue d’histoire de la deuxième guerre mondiale, No. 138, (1985), 21-41.

Lánícek, Jan and James Jordan eds. Governments in Exile and the Jews during the Second World War, London, Valentine Mitchell, 2013.

Leroux, Bruno. “Albert Guérin dans la France Libre.” In Les Français Libres et le monde, Edited by Sylvain Cornil-Frerrot and Philippe Oulmont, 153–167. Paris: Nouveau Monde éditions, 2015.

Leroux, Bruno. “Comités de la France Libre dans le monde.” In Encyclopédie de la Seconde Guerre Mondiale, Edited by Jean-François Muracciole and Guillaume Piketty, 234–236, Paris: Robert Laffont, 2015.

Leroux, Bruno. “Comités de la France Libre dans le monde,” In Encyclopédie de la Seconde Guerre Mondiale, Edited by Jean-François Muracciole and Guillaume Piketty, 234–236. Paris: Robert Laffont, 2015.

Levisse-Touzé, Christine. “Elisabeth de Miribel.” In Dictionnaire Historique de la Résistance, Edited by François Marcot, Bruno Leroux, and Christine Levisse-Touzé, 487–488. Paris: Robert Laffont, 2006.

Levisse-Touzé, Christine. “Les Femmes dans la France Libre.” In Les femmes dans la Résistance en France, Edited by Mechtild Gilzmer, Christine Levisse-Touzé, and Stefan Martens, 165–185. Paris: Tallandier, 2003.

Levisse-Touzé, Christine. L’Afrique du Nord dans la guerre, 1939-1945. Paris: Le Grand Livre du mois, 1998.

Lindeperg, Sylvie. Les écrans de l’ombre: la Seconde Guerre mondiale dans le cinéma francais (1944-1969). Paris: CNRS éditions, 1997.

Loyer, Emmanuelle. Lévi-Strauss. Paris: Flammarion, 2015.

Loyer, Emmanuelle. Paris à New York: intellectuels et artistes français en exil (1940–1947) . Paris: Grasset, 2005.

Luneau, Aurélie. Je vous écris de France: lettres inédites à la BBC, 1940-1944 . Paris: L’Iconoclaste, 2014.

Luneau, Aurélie. Radio-Londres 1940-1944: les voix de la liberté. Paris: Perrin, 2010.

Maghraoui, Driss. “The goumiers in the Second World War: history and colonial representation.” The Journal of North African Studies Vol. 19, no. 4 (2014): 571–586.

Maghraoui, Driss. “The Maroccan ‘effort de guerre’ in World War Two.” In African and World War Two, Edited by Judith A. Byfield, Carolyn A. Brown, Timothy Parsons, and Ahmad Alawad Sikaigainga, 89-108. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015.

Marcot, François. “Les paysans et la Résistance: problèmes d’une approche sociologique.” In La Résistance et les Français: enjeux stratégiques et environnement social, Edited by Jacqueline Sainclivier and Christian Bougeard, 345-355. Rennes, Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 1995.

Marcot, François. “Réflexions sur les valeurs de la Résistance.” In Mémoire et histoire: La Résistance, Edited by Jean-Marie Guillon and Pierre Laborie, 81–90.Toulouse: Privat 1995.

Marcot, François (ed). Dictionnaire historique de la Résistance et de la France Libre. Paris : Robert Laffont, 2006.

Marker, Emily. France Between Europe and Africa: Youth, Race, and Envisioning the Postwar World 1940-1960, PhD dissertation, University of Chicago, 2016.

McCarthy, Helen. “Petticoat Diplomacy: The Admission of Women to the British Foreign Service, c.1919-1946. ” Twentieth Century British History 20, No. 3 (2009): 285–321.

McCarthy, Helen. Women of the World: The Rise of the Female Diplomat. London: Bloomsbury, 2014.

Mehlman, Jeffrey. Emigrés à New York. French Intellectuals in Wartime Manhattan, 1940-1944. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2000.

Minost, Emile “Le Comité de la France Libre d’Egypte,” extract from Revue de la France Libre 126 (June 1960), http://www.france-libre.net/comite-fl-egypte/ [last accessed July 22, 2016].

Moine, André. La déportation et la Résistance en Afrique du Nord. Paris: Editions sociales, 1972.

Morelle, Chantal and Pierre Jakob. Henri Laugier: un esprit sans frontières. Bruxelles: Bruylant, 1997.

Morelle, Chantal. “Les années d’exil (1940-1944).” In Henri Laugier en son siècle, Edited by Jean-Louis Crémieux Brilhac and Jean-François Picard, 73–92. Paris, CNRS Editions, 1995.

Mori, Jennifer. “How Women Make Diplomacy: The British Embassy in Paris, 1815–1841.” Journal of Women’s History, Vo. 27 (2015): 137–59.

Muracciole, Jean-François. Les Enfants de La Défaite: La Résistance, L’éducation et La Culture . Paris: Presses de Sciences Po, 1998.

Muracciole, Jean-François. Les Français Libres. L’autre Résistance. Paris: Tallandier, 2009.

Mylonas, Denis. La genèse de l’UNESCO: la Conférence des ministres alliés de l’éducation, 1942-1945. Bruxelles: Bruylant, 1976.

Namba, Chizuru. Français et Japonais en Indochine (1940-1945), colonisation, propagande et rivalité culturelle. Paris: Karthala, 2012.

Nettelbeck, Colin. Forever French. Exile in the United States, 1939-1945. New York: Berg, 1991.

Nye, Joseph. Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power. New York: Basic Books, 1991.

Nye, Joseph Soft Power, The Means to Success in World Politics. New York: Public Affairs, 2004.

Oulmont, Philippe. Pierre Denis, Free Frenchman and Citizen of the World. Paris: Nouveau Monde, 2013.

Passy, Colonel Souvenirs, vol. 2. Monte-Carlo: Raoul Solar, 1947.

Pattinson, Juliette. “‘Playing the daft lassie with them’: Gender, captivity and the Special Operations Executive during the Second World War.” European Review of History 13, no. 2 (2006): 271–292.

Pattinson, Juliette. Beyond Enemy Lines: Gender, Passing and the Special Operations Executive in the Second World War. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007.

Pelosi, Hebe Carmen. “Les comités de la France Libre en Argentine et en Uruguay.” In Les Français Libres et le monde, Edited by Sylvain Cornil-Frerrot and Philippe Oulmont, 125–151. Paris: Nouveau Monde éditions, 2015.

Pernet, Corinne A. “Twists, Turns and Dead Alleys: the League of Nations and Intellectual Cooperation in Times of War.” Journal of Modern European History, Vol. 12, no. 3 (2014): 342–357.

Piketty, Guillaume ed. Français en résistance. Carnets de guerre, correspondances, journaux personnels. Paris: Robert Laffont, 2009.

Piketty, Guillaume. “Combatant Exile during World War II: Free French and Spanish Republicans.” In War, Exile, Justice, and Everyday Life, 1936-1946, Edited by Sandra Ott, 171–190. Reno: University of Nevada Reno, 2011.

Piketty, Guillaume. “De l’ombre au grand jour: l’identité résistante en question.” In Retour à l’intime au sortir de la guerre, Edited by Bruno Cabanes and Guillaume Piketty, 149–163. Paris, Tallandier, 2009.

Piketty, Guillaume. “Exilés Combattants.” In Encyclopédie de la Seconde Guerre Mondiale, Edited by Jean-François Muracciole and Guillaume Piketty, 423–428. Paris: Robert Laffont, 2015.

Piketty, Guillaume. Résister. Les archives intimes des combattants de l’ombre. Paris: Éditions Textuel, 2011.

Pollack, Guillaume « Genre et engagement dans la Résistance : l’exemple d’Anne-Marie Walters », Genre & Histoire [Online], 19 | Printemps 2017, Online since 01 July 2017, accessed on 17 September 2017 http://genrehistoire.revues.org/2697

Pontet, René "France Quand Même » Comité Français Libres de Shanghai, d’après le rapport de René Pontet,” extract from la Revue de la France Libre 126 (June 1960), http://www.france-libre.net/comite-fl-chine/ [laccessed August 24, 2016).

Robert, André D. « La commission Cathala et le modèle anglais, Londres 1942-1943 », Carrefours de l'éducation 2016/1 (n° 41), 65-80

Poznanski, Renée. “‘Nobody is Protected from Deportation’: the Free French in London on the Persecution of the Jews.” In Governments-in-Exile and the Jews during the Second World War, Edited by James Jordan and Jan Lanicek, 151–174. London: Vallentine Mitchell, 2013.

Poznanski, Renée. Propagandes et persécutions. La Résistance et le ‘problème juif’, 1940-1944. Paris : Fayard, 2008.

Racine, Nicole. “Paul Rivet, Vichy et la France Libre 1940-1944.” Histoire @ Politique 1, no. 1 (2007).

Ramognino, Pierre. L'affaire Boisson: un proconsul de Vichy en Afrique. Paris: Indes savantes, 2006.

Reinisch, Jessica. “Introduction: Agents of Internationalism.” Contemporary European History 25, No. 2 (May 2016): 195–205.

Renoliet, Jean-Jacques. L’UNESCO oubliée. La Société des Nations et la coopération intellectuelle (1919-1946). Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1999, 159–160.

Rey, Emmanuelle. “La dissidence socialiste à Londres: le groupe Jean Jaurès et le quotidien France (août 1940–août 1944).” MA diss., University Paris I, 1998.

Rolland, Denis. Vichy et la France Libre au Mexique. Guerre, cultures et propagande pendant la deuxième guerre mondiale. Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1990.

Sapiro, Gisèle. The French Writers’ War, 1940-1953. Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2014.

Sharp, Ingrid and Matthew Stibbe eds. Special issue of Women’s history review, “Women's international activism during the inter-war period, 1919-1939”, 26, 2017.

Shennan, Andrew. Rethinking France: Plans for Renewal 1940-1946. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989.

Simonin, Anne. Les Éditions de Minuit, 1942-1945. Le devoir d’insoumission. Paris : IMEC Editions, 1994.

Sluga, Glenda and Carolyn James, eds. Women, Diplomacy and International Politics since 1500. London: Routledge, 2015.

Smith, Leonard V. “Le corps et la survie d’une identité dans les écrits de guerre français.” trans. Michèle Chossat. Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 55, No. 1 (2000): 111–133.

Steel, James. Littératures de l’ombre. Récits et nouvelles de la Résistance, 1940-1944. Paris: FNSP, 1991.

Stewart, Iain. ‘The Other Free French: La France Libre, anti-Gaullism and the Issue of Press Freedom in Wartime Britain’ paper delivered at the conference ‘Beyond De Gaulle and beyond London: New approaches to the history of the Free French and the external Resistance’, University of London, Institute in Paris, June 2016.

Tertrais, Hugues. “Les Résistances en Asie.” In 1937-1947 La guerre monde, Edited by Alya Aglan and Robert Frank, 1251–1278. Paris: Folio, 2015.

Thatcher Nicole and Ethel Tolansky. Six Authors in Captivity: Literary Responses to the Occupation of France During World War II. Oxford and New York: Peter Lang, 2006.

Thomas, Martin. The French Empire at War, 1940-1945. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007.

Tombs, Robert and Emile Chabal, eds. Britain and France in two World Wars. London: Bloomsbury, 2012.

Vaisset, Thomas. “Maintenir et Défendre La France Libre Aux Antipodes.” In Les Français Libres et Le Monde, Edited by Sylvain Cornil-Frerrot and Philippe Oulmont, 74–88. Paris: Nouveau Monde éditions, 2015.

Vast, Cécile. “Résistant, le phénomène (à travers l’exemple français).” In Encyclopédie de la Seconde Guerre Mondiale, Edited by Jean-François Muracciole and Guillaume Piketty, 1141–1147. Paris: Robert Laffont, 2015.

Wieviorka, Olivier. The French Resistance. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2016.

Wieviorka, Olivier. Une Histoire de la résistance en Europe occidentale. Paris: Perrin, 2017.

Winter on Mangold, Britain and the Defeated French. From Occupation to Liberation, 1940—44, H-France Review Vol. 13(September 2013), No. 152, at

http://www.h-france.net/vol13reviews/vol13no152winter.pdf [last accessed on 13 March 2017].

Winter, Jay and Antoine Prost, René Cassin and Human Rights: From the Great War to the Universal Declaration. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013.

Wintle, Michael J. and Menno Spiering, eds., European Identity and the Second World War. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.