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Vukovar massacre

The   Vukovar massacre, also known as the   Vukovar

hospital massacre  or the   Ovčara massacre, was thekilling of Croatian prisoners of war and civilians by Serbparamilitaries and the Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) atthe Ovčara farm southeast of  Vukovar on 20 Novem-ber 1991, during the   Croatian War of Independence.The massacre occurred shortly after  Vukovar’s captureby the JNA, Croatian Serb  Territorial Defence   (TO),and paramilitaries from neighbouring Serbia. It was thelargest massacre of the war, and the worst war crime in

Europe since World War II.In the final days of the battle, the evacuation of the Vuko-var hospital was negotiated between Croatian authorities,the JNA and the European Community Monitor Missionin cooperation with the International Committee of theRed Cross (ICRC). The JNA subsequently refused theICRC access to the hospital despite the agreement andremoved approximately 300 people from its premises.The group, largely consisting of Croats but also includ-ing Serbs, Hungarians, Muslims and two foreign nationalssuspected of fighting on the side of the Croatian NationalGuard, was initially transported to the JNA barracks in

Vukovar. Several prisoners were identified as hospitalstaff and removed from the group to be returned to thehospital while the rest of them were transported to theOvčara farm south of Vukovar. Once at the farm, theprisoners were beaten for several hours before the JNApulled its troops from the site, leaving the prisoners in thecustody of the Croatian Serb TO and Serbian paramili-taries. The prisoners were then taken to a prepared site,shot ingroups often to twenty and buriedin a mass grave.

The mass grave was discovered in October 1992 andguarded by the United Nations Protection Force whichhad deployed to the area earlier that year. In 1996,

200 sets of remains were exhumed from the graveby  International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yu-goslavia (ICTY) investigators. Croatia believes 61 oth-ers were buried in a different grave on the site, while theICTY prosecutors believe there are approximately 60 ad-ditional missing victims. The ICTY convicted two JNAofficers in connection with the massacre, and also  triedformer Serbian President Slobodan Milošević for a num-ber of war crimes, including those committed at Vuko-var. Milošević died in prison before his trial could becompleted. ICTY trials of Croatian Serb political leaderGoran Hadžić and Serbian Radical Party leader VojislavŠešelj for various war crimes, including those commit-

ted in Vukovar, are ongoing. Several former membersof the Croatian Serb TO and Serbian paramilitary units

have been tried by the Serbian judiciary and convictedfor their involvement in the massacre. In February 2015,the International Court of Justice ruled that the massacredid not constitute genocide.

The site of the mass grave is marked by a monument,and the storage building used at Ovčara farm to hold theprisoners in captivity before their execution was rebuiltas a memorial centre in 2006. Since then, the centre hasbeen visited by half-a-million tourists.

1 Background

In 1990, ethnic tensions between Serbs and Croats wors-ened after the electoral defeat of the government of theSocialist Republic of Croatia  by the   Croatian Demo-cratic Union (Croatian:   Hrvatska demokratska zajedni-

ca – HDZ). The Yugoslav People’s Army (Serbian:   Ju-

 goslovenska Narodna Armija – JNA) confiscated Croa-tia’s Territorial Defence (Croatian:   Teritorijalna obrana

– TO) weapons to minimize resistance.[1] On 17 August,

the tensions escalated into an open revolt of the CroatianSerbs,[2] centred on the predominantly Serb-populatedareas of the Dalmatian hinterland around Knin (approx-imately 60 kilometres (37 miles) north-east of Split),[3]

parts of the Lika, Kordun, Banovina and eastern Croa-tia.[4] In January 1991, Serbia, supported by Montenegroand Serbia’s provinces of Vojvodina and Kosovo, unsuc-cessfully tried to obtain the   Yugoslav Presidency's ap-proval for a JNA operation to disarm Croatian securityforces.[5] The request was denied and a bloodless skir-mish between Serb insurgents and  Croatian special po-lice in March[6] prompted the JNA itself to ask the Fed-eral Presidency to give it wartime authority and declare astate of emergency. Even though the request was backedby Serbia and its allies, the JNA request was refused on15 March. Serbian President Slobodan Milošević, prefer-ring a campaign to expand Serbia rather than to preserveYugoslavia with Croatia as a federal unit, publicly threat-ened to replace the JNA with a Serbian army anddeclaredthat he no longer recognized the authority of the federalPresidency. The threat caused the JNA to abandon plansto preserve Yugoslavia in favour of expanding Serbia asthe JNA came under Milošević's control.[7] The first ca-sualties of the conflict occurred by the end of March.[8] Inearly April, leaders of the Serb revolt in Croatia declared

their intention to unite the areas under their control withSerbia. These areas were viewed by the Government ofCroatia as breakaway regions.[9]

1

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2   3 TIMELINE 

At the beginning of 1991, Croatia had no regular army.To bolster its defence, Croatia doubled its police numbersto about 20,000. The most effective part of the Croat-ian police force was a 3,000-strong special police com-prising twelve battalions organised along military lines.There were also 9,000–10,000 regionally organised re-

serve police in 16 battalions and 10 companies, but theylacked weapons.[10] In response to the deteriorating situ-ation, the Croatian government established the CroatianNational Guard (Croatian:  Zbor narodne garde – ZNG)in May by expanding the special police battalions intofour all-professional guards brigades. Under the controlof the Croatian Ministry of Defence  and commandedby retired JNA General Martin Špegelj, the four guardsbrigades comprised approximately 8,000 troops.[11] Thereserve police, also expanded to 40,000, was attached tothe ZNG and reorganised into 19 brigades and 14 inde-pendent battalions. The guards brigades were the only

units of the ZNG that were fully equipped with  smallarms; throughout the ZNG there was a lack of heavierweapons and there was poor command and control struc-ture above the brigade level.[10] The shortage of heavyweapons was so severe that the ZNG resorted to usingWorld War II-era arms taken from museums and filmstudios.[12] At the time, the Croatian weapon stockpileconsisted of 30,000 small arms purchased abroad and15,000 previously owned by the police. To replace thepersonnel lost to theguards brigades, a new 10,000-strongspecial police was established.[10]

2 Prelude

Map of military operations in eastern Slavonia, September 1991

– January 1992.

Main article: Battle of Vukovar

After Croatia launched the Battle of the Barracks to cap-ture JNA facilities in Croatia on 14–15 September, the

JNA launched a small-scale operation against Vukovar torelieve the city garrison.[13] At the same time, it beganlarge-scale mobilization in preparation for itscampaign in

Croatia. It was met with widespread refusal of mobilisedpersonnel to report to their designated units, desertionsand an overall lack of enthusiasm for the campaign. Thisresulted in low troop availability, forcing the JNA to de-ploy fewer infantry units.[14] Response to the mobilisa-tion was particularly poor in Central Serbia, where only

26 percent of those called-up reported for service.[15]

The JNA’s offensive operations, directly associated withthe campaign in the east Croatian region of  Slavonia,were launched on 20 September. The assault on Croatianpositions in Vukovar gradually became the main effort ofthe campaign as the JNA was repeatedly unable to cap-ture the city. The fighting in and around Vukovar lastedmonths and eventually drew in the JNA’s main armouredforce, which had previously been slated to advance westtowards Serb-held areas in western Slavonia. In additionto relieving itsVukovargarrison, theJNA wished to dissi-pate the Croatian forces in the city so that they would not

pose any threat to its rear in the event that the campaignprogressed west of Vinkovci.[16]

The JNA forces around Vukovar were reinforced by lo-cal Serb-manned TO units and Serbian paramilitary vol-unteers who were meant to replace those reservists thathad failed to respond to their call-up. The volunteerswere often motivated by ethnic hatred, looted countlesshomes and committed numerous atrocities against Croa-tian civilians.[17] After more than two months of fight-ing, the Croatian forces in the city surrendered on 18November.[18] Vukovar suffered great destruction fromJNA artillery and rocket barrages against the town. By

the end of the battle, over 700,000 shells and other mis-siles had been fired at Vukovar[19] atarateofupto12,000a day.[20]

3 Timeline

3.1 Evacuation arrangements

Vukovar

Borovo Naselje

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3.2 Takeover of the hospital    3

Zidine jct.

Ovčara

Vinkovci

Osijek

Map of eastern Slavonia area between Osijek andVukovar (Modern county lines provided for reference)

On 17 November,  Major General Andrija Rašeta, thecommander of the JNA 5th (Zagreb) Military Dis-trict, notified the European Community Monitor Mission(ECMM) that the JNA accepted in principle the quickevacuation of vulnerable persons from Vukovar. At thetime, it was estimated that there were about 400 peo-

ple trapped in the city’s hospital, but the actual numberwas later discovered to be about 450.[21] This includedabout 40 patients receiving treatment for severe injuriessustained over the preceding few days and about 360 pa-tients recovering from wounds suffered earlier on. In ad-dition to these individuals, some civilians had taken shel-ter in the hospital in the final days of the battle. Theymoved there expecting to be evacuated from the city,[22]

even though the hospital itself sustained daily artillerybombardment.[23] Furthermore, a number of Croatiantroops took refuge in the hospital posing as patients orstaff.[24]

On 18 November, the Tripartite Commission, consist-ing of representatives of Croatia, the JNA and theECMM, discussed methods of evacuation with repre-sentatives of the  International Committee of the RedCross   (ICRC), the   Médecins Sans Frontières   and theMalteser International. On the night of 18/19 Novem-ber, Rašeta and Croatian Health Minister Andrija He-brang   signed an agreement on the evacuation. Theagreement guaranteed[21] that the evacuees would travelvia the route Lužac suburb–Bogdanovci–Marinci–Zidinejunction–Nuštar–Vinkovci.[25] They were to be handedover to international authorities at theZidine junction, the

hospital was to be placed under the contol of the ICRCand the ECMM was to oversee the entire operation.[21]

Hebrang notified the hospital director Vesna Bosanacof the agreement and told her that ICRC teams wouldarrive.[22] That evening  Siniša Glavašević, a radio re-porter who had covered the entire course of the siegefrom within the city, broadcast his final report fromthe hospital.[26] Glavašević himself hoped to leave thecity with the ICRC, fearing for his life should the Serbparamilitaries capture him.[27]

3.2 Takeover of the hospital

On the morning of 19 November, the ECMM becameaware that organised resistance had ceased in Vukovar,

A bomb dropped on Vukovar Hospital by a Yugoslav Air Force

 jet on 4 October 1991 penetrated several floors to the basement.

The patient occupying the bed directly beneath escaped uninjured.

The damage has been preserved as a memorial to the battle.

but it did not receive any information on the fate of thehospital patients. Consequently, the head of the ECMM,ambassador Dirk Jan van Houten, contacted Rašeta ask-ing him to intervene on the ECMM’s behalf.[21] Thatday, a JNA unit arrived at the hospital and Bosanac wastaken to meet JNA Colonel Mile Mrkšić. According toBosanac, Mrkšić told her that he was not obligated bythe evacuation agreement.[22] Even though the ICRC wasnot granted access to Vukovar by JNA officers at thescene,[21] in the early evening of 19 November, ICRCrepresentative Nicolas Borsinger managed to reach thehospital claiming he had an appointment with “a gen-eral”. Once there, Borsinger found a JNA  captain   incharge of the facility who agreed to grant the ICRC ac-cess. Borsinger then rejoined the ICRC convoy that wasmoving towards the hospital to evacuate it.[28] The hospi-tal was also toured by French reporter Agnès Vahramianthat day,[29] and there she recorded an interview withJean-Michel Nicolier, a wounded Frenchman who foughtalongside Croatian forces in Vukovar. Vahramian offeredNicolier a press pass to try to get him out of the city, buthe refused.[30]

On the morning of 20 November, the ICRC convoyreached Vukovar, only to be stopped at a bridge nearthe hospital. An armoured vehicle blocked access tothe bridge leading to the hospital,[31] and a JNA officerat the scene, Major Veselin Šljivančanin, refused to letthe ICRC pass.[28] In order to facilitate negotiations withthe ICRC at the scene,  BBC reporter Martin Bell  vol-unteered his interpreter.[32] In a confrontation recordedby television cameras, Šljivančanin told the ICRC per-sonnel: “This is my country, we have conquered this.This is Yugoslavia, and I am in command here!" [33] TheECMM personnel that had arrived at the Zidine junc-tion to meet the returning convoy were informed by the

JNA that the evacuees would instead be turned overto them in Bosanski Šamac, in northern Bosnia, on 22November.[21] While Šljivančanin held back the convoy,

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4   4 AFTERMATH 

the prisoners were smuggled out of the hospital in busesin another direction.[31] In total, approximately 300 peo-ple were taken away from the hospital.[34]

3.3 Ovčara farm

Later on 20 November, Šljivančanin and Colonel NebojšaPavković  informed the press that the JNA would pro-vide buses to transport the wounded out of Vukovar.[35]

Instead, at about 10:30,[36] the buses took the prisonersto the JNA barracks on the southern edge of Vukovar,where 15 men were separated from the group and re-turned to the hospital after being identified as hospitalstaff.[24] During their stay in the barracks, the CroatianSerb TO and Serbian paramilitaries threatened the pris-oners. Croatian Serb leaders opposed moving the prison-ers to detention facilities in Serbia, claiming they wishedto prosecute them for alleged crimes committed againstSerbs.[36] After spending two hours at the barracks, thebuses took the prisoners to the Ovčara farm near thevillage of   Grabovo.[37] The group largely consisted ofCroats, but also included several ethnic Serbs,  Muslims,ethnic Hungarians, the French national Nicolier, and oneGerman national who fought in defence of Vukovar. Italso included Rašeta’s nephew, who worked at the Vuko-var hospital pharmacy at the time.[29] The group of takento Ovčara consisted of 261 people. Sources conflictwhether thegroup included one,[38] or two women, one ofwhom was five months pregnant.[39] The age of the pris-oners ranged from 16 to 72,[38] and the youngest among

the group was 16-year old Igor Kačić.[40]

The Ovčara farm in 2005, prior to the opening of the Ovčara

Memorial Centre

Once they reached Ovčara, ten kilometres (six miles)away from Vukovar,[41] the captives were ordered fromthe buses one-by-one and forced to run the gauntlet pastdozens of JNA troops and Serb paramilitaries towardsa farm storage building.  Slavko Dokmanović, a formermayor of Vukovar, was one of the armed men involved

in beating prisoners. As the captives were beaten, theywere also stripped of their personal belongings, moneyand jewelry.[37] Over the course of the day, the JNA mil-

itary police failed to prevent soldiers of the Croatian SerbTO and Serbian paramilitaries from beating the prisonersin the storage building. They were beaten using sticks, ri-fle butts, chains,[36] baseball bats, and in one instance awounded prisoner was beaten with his own crutches. Bysundown, at least two men were beaten to death.[42] In

addition, one of the captors shot five prisoners, includingone Frenchman,[43] who is presumed to be Nicolier.[44]

Seven or eight men were returned to Vukovaron orders ofthe JNA, presumably released at the intervention of theirSerb neighbours.[24][45] Ultimately, Mrkšić ordered theJNA military police to withdraw from the farm, leavingthe prisoners in the custody of a Croatian Serb TO unitled by Miroljub Vujović,[36] commander of the CroatianSerb TO in Vukovar, and the  Leva Supoderica paramili-tary unit.[46] Leva Supoderica was a volunteer unit set upby the Serbian Radical Party (Serbian:  Srpska radikalna

stranka; SRS) in Šid, Serbia,[46] and subordinated to the

JNA’s 1st Guards Mechanised Brigade.[47]

At about 18:00, the prisoners were divided intogroups.[48] Eachgroupof10to20wasloadedontoatruckand transported several hundred metres (yards) from thebuilding towards a wooded ravine.[45] When the prison-ers reached the previously prepared execution site, theywere shot and buried in a mass grave using a bulldozer.[24]

After 15–20 minutes, the truck would return empty topick up the next group.[48] The final group of prisonerswas executed just outside the farm building itself.[49] By22:00 that evening, all the prisoners had been killed.[45]

Sources variously report their number at about 260,[24]

but up to 264 in total.[50][51]

Croatian authorities believethe total figure stands at 261,[52] while the ICTY prosecu-tors indicated there were approximately 260 victims.[53]

The massacre was the most severe individual war crimecommitted in Europe since World War II.[54]

4 Aftermath

Croatian Serb forces turned Ovčara into a prison campin early October 1991. Aside from the massacre, 3,000–4,000 male prisoners were temporarily held in the Ovčaracamp at some point during autumn of 1991 before beingtransported to the prison in Sremska Mitrovica or to thelocal JNA barracks, which was the transit point for Ser-bian detention camps such as Stajićevo and  Begejci.[55]

Following a series of political agreements concluded in1991 and a ceasefire between the JNA and Croatia inearly 1992, the  United Nations Protection Force (UN-

PROFOR) was deployed for   peacekeeping   in certainparts of Croatia, including Vukovar and its surroundings.It began its deployment in March 1992.[56]

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4.2 Exhumation   5

A black marble monument has marked the site of the Ovčara

mass grave since 1998.

4.1 Discovery of the mass grave

Forensic anthropologist Clyde Snow learned of the mas-sacre during his visit to Zagreb in October 1992. Snowtravelled there as a United Nations (UN) team membersent to investigate reports of war crimes. In a meetingSnow had with the dean of the Zagreb University Schoolof Medicine, he was introduced to a former soldier whoclaimed to have survived the massacre and told Snowwhere it took place. Three days later, Snow went to Vuko-var and drove to Ovčara accompanied by Royal CanadianMounted Police Sergeant Larry Moore who was deployedto the region with the UNPROFOR. At the site, Moore

spotted a human skull in the mud. A few days later, theUN declared the site a crime scene and deployed RussianUNPROFOR troops to guard it.[57]

Snow put together a four-man team including himself toconduct a preliminary investigation of the site before thewinter, andthe team arrived at thesite in December1992.They examined the site still under guard by the Russiantroops, excavated the skull spotted by Moore and the restof the body, as well as another set of partially coveredremains.[58] The team excavated a one metre (3.3 feet)trench across the site. That allowed them to detect a fewmore bodies and infer the size of the grave. The infor-

mation they obtained led Snow to conclude that the gravemay contain more than two hundred bodies. The inves-tigators also found spent cartridges consistent with stan-dard Yugoslav-built AK-47s on one side of the grave andbullet holes in trees on the opposite side, leading them toconclude that a firing squad had stood on one side of thepit and fired across or into it.[59]

Croatian authorities launched initiatives to exhume thebodies buried at Ovčara in 1993 and 1994, but thosewere unsuccessful.[60] A five-member Commission of Ex-perts appointed by the UN Secretary General[61] came toOvčara to exhume the victims in October 1993. How-

ever, they were prevented from carrying out their workby the local Croatian Serb administration.[62] After theCroatian Serb authorities blocked several attempts to fur-

ther investigate the mass grave at Ovčara, still under con-stant guard by the Russian peacekeepers, the site was vis-ited by then-U.S. Ambassador to the UN Madeleine Al-bright in January 1994. She used the occasion to stressU.S. support for the International Criminal Tribunal forthe former Yugoslavia (ICTY), which had been set up in

1993.[41]

4.2 Exhumation

Documents and personal belongings of the victims displayed at 

the Ovčara Memorial Centre

The political situation in the area did not change until1995. That year, Croatia militarily defeated the CroatianSerbs in offensives codenamed Flash and Storm, in Mayand August respectively.[63] That left eastern Slavoniaas the last remaining Croatian Serb-held area.[64] Grad-ual restoration of the area to Croatian rule was agreedupon in November through the Erdut Agreement,[63] andthe United Nations Transitional Administration for East-ern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Sirmium (UNTAES)peacekeeping mission was deployed to implement theagreement.[65]

The exhumation of the remains at Ovčara began on 1September 1996 while the site was still under the con-stantguardof peacekeepers.[66] The exhumation was con-ducted by ICTY personnel and the Physicians for Hu-man Rights,[67] with Croatian observers at the site. Theexcavation works uncovered a mass grave encompass-ing approximately 30 square metres (320 square feet)and containing a heap of intertwined bodies.[60] Mostof the bodies exhibited evidence of multiple gunshotwounds. By 24 October, 200 sets of remains were re-covered from the grave.[68] The remains were transportedfor forensic examination to the Zagreb University Schoolof Medicine.[67] In the four years preceding the exhuma-tion, Croatian authorities collected ante-mortem informa-tion on presumed victims, built a modern  morgue at theSchool of Medicine and trained geneticists in DNA anal-

ysis  to allow for the identification of those who couldnot be identified by ICTY investigators using traditionalmethods. By October 2002, 184 victims were identi-

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6   4 AFTERMATH 

fied, largely using DNA analyses,[69] and the figure wasincreased to 194 by 2010.[70] Glavašević's remains wereamong those exhumed at Ovčara.[71]

Croatian authorities suspect that a further 61 individu-als killed at Ovčara were buried there as well. [52] They

suspect one or more additional mass graves exist in thegeneral area, or that the bodies originally buried at thesite were moved to a secondary grave.[60] Nevenka Nekić,the Croatian author of a book on Nicolier, claims thatan additional shallow grave was excavated at Ovčara inNovember 1991 and that Nicolier and 60 others wereburied there. According to her, they were exhumed byCroatian Serb authorities and moved to a secondary loca-tion in early 1992 because the grave was so shallow thatbody parts protruded through the ground surface.[30]

4.3 War crime trials

In November 1995, the ICTY indicted Mrkšić, Šlji-vančanin and JNA captain Miroslav Radić for war crimesrelated to the Ovčara massacre.[72] The group was sub-sequently termed the “Vukovar three” by the media. [34]

The ICTY also charged Dokmanović, mayor of Vuko-var at the time, with war crimes in connection with themassacre in a sealed indictment in March 1996. He wasarrested by UNTAES troops in Operation Little Flowerand transferred to the ICTY via  Čepin Airfield on 27June 1997. The operation was the first arrest of a per-son indicted by the ICTY by any UN force in the former

Yugoslavia.[24] Dokmanović's trial never produced a ver-dict, however. He hanged himself in his ICTY prisoncell on 28 June 1998, several days before a verdict wasto be announced.[45] The ICTY also linked Serb warlordŽeljko Ražnatović and his paramilitary formations to themassacre, but he was assassinated in Belgrade before hecould be brought to trial.[73]

Mrkšić surrendered to the ICTY in the Netherlands inMay 2002.[34] Radić and Šljivančanin were arrested inSerbia in May and June 2003 respectively. The arrestswere made shortly before the expiration of a deadlineset by the U.S. Congress linking financial assistance to

Serbia to its cooperation with the ICTY.[74] In 2007, theICTY convicted Mrkšić and Šljivančanin, but acquittedRadić. Mrkšić received a 20-year prison sentence, whileŠljivančanin was sentenced to five years in prison. In2009, Šljivančanin’s sentence was increased to 17 yearsin prison on appeal and finally reduced to ten years fol-lowing a review of the judgment in 2010.[75]

The ICTY also indicted Milošević, as well as   JovicaStanišić and Franko Simatović of the Serbian State Secu-rity Service, Croatian Serb political leader Goran Hadžićandthe leader of theSerbian Radical Party Vojislav Šešeljfor various war crimes, including those committed in

Vukovar.   Milošević's trial   ended without any verdictupon his death in March 2006, while the Vukovar-relatedcharges against Stanišić and Simatović were dropped

from their indictments even before the pair were acquit-ted on all counts in 2013. The trials of Hadžić and Šešeljare ongoing as of 2015.[76]

As of 2015, Serbian authorities have convicted 15 peo-ple in connection with the Ovčara massacre. In 2010, Vu-

jović and Stanko Vujanović (deputy commander of Croa-tian Serb TO in Vukovar) were convicted and sentencedto 20 years in prison along with eleven others,[77] all ofthem former members of the Croatian Serb TO or  Leva

Supoderica.[46] Predrag Milojević, Đorđe Šošić, MiroslavĐanković and Saša Radak were sentenced to 20 years inprison, Milan Vojnović and Ivan Antonijević were sen-tenced to 15 years in prison, Jovica Perić was sentencedto 13 years, Nada Kalaba was sentenced to 11 years,Milan Lančužanin was sentenced to seven, and PredragDragović and Goran Mugoša were given five-year prisonsentences.[77] In December 2013, these convictions wereset aside by the  Constitutional Court of Serbia and the

case was returned to the Court of Appeals for a newtrial.[78] In February 2015, Vujović, Vujanović, Miloje-vić, Radak, Šošić and Đanković were released from cus-tody based on a decision of the Supreme Court of Cas-sation pending a retrial by the Court of Appeals. [77] Ina separate trial completed in 2014, Serbian authoritiesconvicted and sentenced Petar Ćirić to 15 years in prisonfor participating in the massacre as a member of  Leva

Supoderica.[79] In February 2015, the International Courtof Justice (ICJ) ruled that the siege of Vukovar and theensuing massacre did not constitute genocide, though itconfirmed that serious crimes had taken place.[80][81]

4.4 Commemoration

The Ovčara Memorial Centre has received about half-a-million

visitors since it opened in 2006 

Since 1998, the victims of the Battle of Vukovar andthe events that occurred in its immediate aftermathare commemorated annually on 18 November by aprocession starting at the Vukovar hospital and reach-

ing the city’s memorial cemetery. In 2014, the eventdrew 80,000 participants.[82] A monument sculpted bySlavomir Drinković that marks the site of the mass grave

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7

at Ovčara was unveiled on 30 December 1998. [83] Monu-ments of the same design have subsequently been used tomark all the other mass graves from the Croatian Warof Independence.[84] The massacre itself has come tobe referred to as the Vukovar massacre,[85] the Ovčaramassacre,[57] or the Vukovar hospital massacre.[86] It was

by far the largest massacre committed during the Croat-ian War of Independence.[87]

In 2006, the Ovčara Memorial Centre, designed by Mil-jenko Romić, opened at the site of the former Ovčarafarm.[88] The centre opened in a remodeled storage build-ing where prisoners were held on 20 November 1991 be-fore they were executed. The dim interior of the build-ing, accessed through a glass-encased foyer, features il-luminated photographs of 200 victims exhumed fromthe mass grave and the 61 missing who were executedat Ovčara. The concrete floor contains encased spentcartridges and the Spiral of Evil (Croatian:  Spirala zla)

sculpture displaying the names of 261 victims. The ceil-ing contains 261 lighting fixtures symbolising the num-ber of victims. The centre also contains an exhibitionof personal belongings and documents found in the massgrave. The completion of the centre was funded by theCity of Zagreb at the cost of 2 million kuna (c. 270,000euro).[89] By July 2014, the centre was visited by half-a-million people.[90] In the same year, Croatia launchedan education programme which entails visits to the cen-tre by 8th grade pupils, and 50,000 pupils are scheduledto visit the centre annually.[91] In 2010, Serbian Presi-dent Boris Tadić visited thememorial centre and themass

grave site, as the first Serbian head of state to do so. Helaid wreaths at the site and apologized on behalf of theSerbian state.[92]

Several victims of the massacre are honoured individu-ally in Vukovar. There is a monument honouring Kačićtogether with hisfather who was killed on 2 October 1991during the Battle of Vukovar,[40] a bridge in the city isnamed after Nicolier,[93] and one of the city’s schools isnamed after Glavašević.[94]

5 See also

•   List of massacres in Croatia

•  Serbian war crimes in the Yugoslav Wars

•  Velepromet camp

6 Footnotes

[1]  Hoare 2010, p. 117.

[2]  Hoare 2010, p. 118.

[3]   The New York Times 19 August 1990.

[4]  Woodward 1995, p. 170.

[5]  Hoare 2010, pp. 118–119.

[6]  Ramet 2006, pp. 384–385.

[7]  Hoare 2010, p. 119.

[8]  Engelberg 3 March 1991.

[9]  Sudetic 2 April 1991.

[10]  CIA 2002, p. 86.

[11]  EECIS 1999, pp. 272–278.

[12]  Ramet 2006, p. 400.

[13]  CIA 2002, pp. 98–99.

[14]  CIA 2002, p. 98.

[15]  Marijan 2012, p. 264.

[16]  CIA 2002, p. 99.

[17]  CIA 2002, p. 100.

[18]  CIA 2002, p. 101.

[19]  Stover & Weinstein 2004, p. 8.

[20]  Horton 2003, p. 132.

[21]   Chenu 18 November 1995.

[22]  Novi list 9 April 2013.

[23]   Dnevnik 17 November 2006.

[24]   Klein, Jones & McDowell 1998.

[25]  Nazor March 2011.

[26]  Lončar 2010, p. 29.

[27]  Little 23 June 2011.

[28]   Stover 2011, p. 55.

[29]  Ivanković 18 November 2010.

[30]  Vuković 3 October 2012.

[31]  LeBor 28 September 2007.

[32]  Bell 22 August 2011, 12:55–13:10.

[33]  Kurspahić 2003, p. 79.

[34]  Kovacevic 9 March 2004.

[35]   Pavelić.

[36]  Cassese 2009, p. 820.

[37]   Stover 2011, p. 56.

[38]  Bell 22 August 2011, 21:50–23:10.

[39]  Armatta 2010, p. 190.

[40]   Bradarić 18 November 2012.

[41]   Ottaway 7 January 1994.

[42]   Stover 2011, pp. 56–57.

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8   7 REFERENCES 

[43]  Bijelić 27 September 2004.

[44]  Rašović 3 June 2012.

[45]  Stover 2011, p. 57.

[46]  Tagirov 8 July 2004.

[47]   Politika 15 January 2008.

[48]  Harden 26 January 1993.

[49]   Politika 1 July 2013.

[50]  Hudson 25 September 2007.

[51]  Armatta 2010, p. 191.

[52]  Borovac 18 November 2014.

[53]  ICTY 22 July 2011, p. 11.

[54]  Bell 22 August 2011, 23:50–24:10.

[55]   Stover & Peress 1998, pp. 108–109.

[56]  Trbovich 2008, pp. 299–300.

[57]  Stover 2011, p. 52.

[58]  Stover 2011, pp. 52–53.

[59]  Stover 2011, p. 53.

[60]  Marjanović 19 January 2014.

[61]   United Nations 27 May 1994, p. 1.

[62]   United Nations 27 May 1994, p. 79.

[63]  Ramet & Matić 2007, p. 46.

[64]  Partos 13 June 2003.

[65]  Ramet & Matić 2007, p. 60, note 37.

[66]   United Nations.

[67]   United Nations 1 October 1996, p. 5.

[68]   The New York Times 24 October 1996.

[69]  Stover & Weinstein 2004, p. 89.

[70]   Bradarić 20 November 2010.

[71]   Dnevnik 4 November 2014.

[72]  Perlez 5 January 1996.

[73]  BBC News 15 January 2000.

[74]  Hoare 2005, p. 220.

[75]  Clark 2014, pp. 134–135.

[76]  Clark 2014, p. 135, note 15.

[77]  Derikonjić 14 February 2015.

[78]  Derikonjić 14 December 2013.

[79]  Lisjak 25 November 2014.

[80]  Blair 3 February 2015.

[81]   BBC News 3 February 2015.

[82]   Butigan 18 November 2014.

[83]  HRT 30 December 1998.

[84]  Biluš 19 June 2007.

[85]  Bideleux & Jeffries 2007, p. 312.

[86]  Gow 2003, p. 163.

[87]  Cencich 2013, p. 120.

[88]  Glas Slavonije 17 November 2012.

[89]   Butigan 23 November 2006.

[90]  Flego 7 July 2014.

[91]  Bradarić 31 October 2014.

[92]   BBC News 4 November 2010.

[93]  Bradarić 18 October 2014.

[94]   Index.hr 5 November 2007.

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Times  (New York City).   Archived from the origi-nal on 28 November 2013.

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12   8 TEXT AND IMAGE SOURCES, CONTRIBUTORS, AND LICENSES 

8 Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses

8.1 Text

•   Vukovar massacre  Source:   https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vukovar_massacre?oldid=665186646  Contributors:  Zoe, Nikola Smolenski,Joy, Dimadick, Zmaj~enwiki, BigHaz, Cckkab, AliveFreeHappy, Circeus, SpeedyGonsales, Mcmillin24, Woohookitty, GregorB, Thewan-derer, Rjwilmsi, Tim!, Dr.Gonzo, Jared Preston, Manxruler, Kubura, Moe Epsilon, Caerwine, Malekhanif, PaxEquilibrium, SmackBot,YellowMonkey, Aelfthrytha, Hmains, F382d56d7a18630cf764a5b576ea1b4810467238, Mladifilozof, Royboycrashfan, Cordless Larry,Pete4999, Evlekis, Ohconfucius, Ser Amantio di Nicolao, Svartkell, Kanatonian, Joseph Solis in Australia, JoeBot, Arthurian Legend,No-itsme, Big Bird, AntiVandalBot, BokicaK, Zsolt Tulassay, HanzoHattori, The Anomebot2, Jesuislafete, GregU, Vokoder, Commons-Delinker, Alaexis, Snake bgd, The Spanish Inquisitor, VolkovBot, UnaSmith, Cnilep, Valdyr86, Balkantropolis, SieBot, Kemarch001, Dans,AngelOfSadness, Lightmouse, Hoplon, ClueBot, Shaliya waya, Boneyard90, Kukuciao5, DragonBot, Rovoobo, Dzole, GriffinSB, Dvatel,Addbot, AnnaFrance, Numbo3-bot, Lightbot, Legobot, Luckas-bot, Yobot, AnomieBOT, VanishedUser sdu9aya9fasdsopa, Rubinbot, Ul-ric1313, Estlandia~enwiki, FrescoBot, PigFlu Oink, Jonesey95, Justice and Arbitration, Crusoe8181, RjwilmsiBot, EmausBot, IvanOS,Tomobe03, SporkBot, Mstoj, ResidentAnthropologist, SZ12, ClueBot NG, ProudIrishAspie, GoShow, 23 editor, Thqldpxm, Hmainsbot1,Zoranhq, Pincrete, Lemnaminor, Tzowu, Filedelinkerbot, BethNaught, Rusty Lugnuts, Woodwardtw, Kinnen56 and Anonymous: 66

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•   File:Commons-logo.svg Source:  https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/4/4a/Commons-logo.svg License:  ?  Contributors:  ?  Original 

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