Verb Learning and Cross-Linguistic Variation
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Transcript of Verb Learning and Cross-Linguistic Variation
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Verb Learning andCross-Linguistic Variation
(research with Meesook Kim, Barbara Landau, Beth Rabbin)
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Learning Verb Syntax
• “Locative Verbs”
• Sally poured the water into the glass.Sally poured the glass with water.
• Sally filled the water into the glass.Sally filled the glass with water.
• Sally loaded the boxes into the truck.Sally loaded the truck with boxes.
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Seidenberg (1997, Science)
• Locative Verb Constructions– John poured the water into the cup
*John poured the cup with water– *Sue filled the water into the glass
Sue filled the glass with water– Bill loaded the apples onto the truck
Bill loaded the truck with apples
• “Connectionist networks are well suited to capturing systems with this character. Importantly, a network configured as a device that learns to perform a task such as mapping from sound to meaning will act as a discovery procedure, determining which kinds of information are relevant. Evidence that such models can encode precisely the right combinations of probabilistic constraints is provided by Allen (42), who implemented a network that learns about verbs and their argument structures from naturalistic input.” (p. 1602)
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Seidenberg (Science, 3/14/97)
• “Research on language has arrived at a particularly interesting point, however, because of important developments outside of the linguistic mainstream that are converging on a different view of the nature of language. These developments represent an important turn of events in the history of ideas about language.” (p. 1599)
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Seidenberg (Science, 3/14/97)
• “A second implication concerns the relevance of poverty-of-the-stimulus arguments to other aspects of language. Verbs and their argument structures are important, but they are language specific rather than universal properties of languages and so must be learned from experience.” (p. 1602)
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Allen’s Model
• Fine-grained distinction between hit, carryJohn kicked Mary the ball*John carried Mary the basket
• “This behavior shows crucially that the network is not merely sensitive to overall semantic similarity: rather, the network has organized the semantic space such that some features are more important than other.” (p. 5)
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Terminology
Sally poured the water into the glass
Sally filled the glass with the water
moving objectFIGURE
locationGROUND
locationGROUND
moving objectFIGURE
Figure Frame
Ground Frame
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VP
V NP PP
pourfigure ground
VP
V NP PP
pourfigureground
VP
V NP PP
fillfigure ground
VP
V NP PP
fillfigureground
VP
V NP PP
loadfigure ground
VP
V NP PP
loadfigureground
VP-Structures
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How could this be learned?
• How could a child figure out which structures are possible for which verbs?
• ‘Conservative’ strategy - only allow verbs with structures heard in input
• ‘Do not generalize!’
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But...
• Children make errors - they overgeneralize‘I’m going to cover a screen over me.’‘Can I fill some salt in the bear?’
• Adults have clear intuitions about novel verbs:e.g. ladle, scoop
• Hearing ‘errors’ doesn’t obviously change our judgmentse.g. ‘*John decorated the lights onto the tree.’
• Not clear that all possible syntactic forms are well-represented in the input to learners
• Conservative learning doesn’t seem to do the trick
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‘Overgeneralization’
• Well-known errors with locative verbs (Bowerman 1982)
I didn't fill water up to drink it; I filled it up for the flowers to drink it.Can I fill some salt in the bear? [= a bear-shaped salt shaker]I'm going to cover a screen over me.
(see also experimental data in Gropen et al. 1991a, b)
• Why do children make these errors?
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Verb Classes
Verb semantics predicts verb syntax
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Classes of Verbs
• Verbs with syntax like pour– dribble, drip, spill, shake, spin, spew, slop, etc.
• Verbs with syntax like fill– cover, decorate, bandage, blanket, soak,
drench, adorn, etc.
• Verbs with syntax like load– stuff, cram, jam, spray, sow, heap, spread, rub,
dab, plaster, etc.
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Classes of Verbs
• Verbs with syntax like pour– dribble, drip, spill, shake, spin, spew, slop, etc.
• Verbs with syntax like fill– cover, decorate, bandage, blanket, soak,
drench, adorn, etc.
• Verbs with syntax like load– stuff, cram, jam, spray, sow, heap, spread, rub,
dab, plaster, etc.
manner-of-motion
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Classes of Verbs
• Verbs with syntax like pour– dribble, drip, spill, shake, spin, spew, slop, etc.
• Verbs with syntax like fill– cover, decorate, bandage, blanket, soak,
drench, adorn, etc.
• Verbs with syntax like load– stuff, cram, jam, spray, sow, heap, spread, rub,
dab, plaster, etc.
manner-of-motion
change-of-state
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Classes of Verbs
• Verbs with syntax like pour– dribble, drip, spill, shake, spin, spew, slop, etc.
• Verbs with syntax like fill– cover, decorate, bandage, blanket, soak,
drench, adorn, etc.
• Verbs with syntax like load– stuff, cram, jam, spray, sow, heap, spread, rub,
dab, plaster, etc.
manner-of-motion
change-of-state
manner-of-motion & change-of-state
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Learning Syntax from Semantics
Manner-of-motion
Change-of-state
SEMANTICS SYNTAX
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Learning Syntax from Semantics
Manner-of-motion
VP
V NP PPfigure ground
Change-of-state
FigureFrame
SEMANTICS SYNTAX
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Learning Syntax from Semantics
Manner-of-motion
VP
V NP PPfigure ground
VP
V NP PPfigureground
Change-of-state
FigureFrame
GroundFrame
SEMANTICS SYNTAX
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Learning Syntax from Semantics
Manner-of-motion
VP
V NP PPfigure ground
VP
V NP PPfigureground
Change-of-state
FigureFrame
GroundFrame
Linking RulesSEMANTICS SYNTAX
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Learning
• Linking Rules can be used to ‘bootstrap’ verb syntax or verb meanings, provided that Syntax-Semantics Linking Rules are– consistent across languages (i.e. verbs with
same meaning should have same syntax across all languages)
– innate (i.e. children know the connections from the outset)
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• Assumption: linking generalizations are universal
• Shared by opposing accounts of learning verb syntax & semantics
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Evidence: Syntax from Semantics
• Gropen et al., 1991
Children shown a verb’s meaning, in the absence of subcategorization information. Demonstration focuses on (i) manner, or (ii) change of state.
“This is keating”
Meaning changes how children describe events
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Evidence: Semantics from Syntax
• Studies by Gleitman with Naigles, Fisher, Gillette, etc.
Children shown a scene, together with a description that provides syntactic information
“Look, the bunny is filping”“Look, the monkey is filping the bunny.”
Form changes how children interpret the events
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Limitations
• Semantics < Syntax
Syntactic distinctions are too coarse-grainedNeed evidence of ability to use multiple frames
• Syntax < Semantics
Observation puzzles remain
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But Languages Vary
• English*John decorated the flowers in the room. John decorated the room with flowers.
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But Languages Vary
• English*John decorated the flowers in the room. John decorated the room with flowers.
Change-of-state--> Ground Frame
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But Languages Vary
• English*John decorated the flowers in the room. John decorated the room with flowers.
• KoreanYumi-ka ccoch-ul pang-ey cangsikha-yess-ta Nom flowers-Acc room-Loc decorate-Past-Dec‘John decorated the flowers in the room.’Yumi-ka pang-ul ccoch-ulo cangsikha-yess-ta Nom room-Acc flowers-with decorate-Past-Dec‘John decorated the room with flowers.’
Change-of-state--> Ground Frame
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But Languages Vary
• English*John decorated the flowers in the room. John decorated the room with flowers.
• KoreanYumi-ka ccoch-ul pang-ey cangsikha-yess-ta Nom flowers-Acc room-Loc decorate-Past-Dec‘John decorated the flowers in the room.’Yumi-ka pang-ul ccoch-ulo cangsikha-yess-ta Nom room-Acc flowers-with decorate-Past-Dec‘John decorated the room with flowers.’
Change-of-state--> Ground Frame
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But Languages Vary
• English*John decorated the flowers in the room. John decorated the room with flowers.
• KoreanYumi-ka ccoch-ul pang-ey cangsikha-yess-ta Nom flowers-Acc room-Loc decorate-Past-Dec‘John decorated the flowers in the room.’Yumi-ka pang-ul ccoch-ulo cangsikha-yess-ta Nom room-Acc flowers-with decorate-Past-Dec‘John decorated the room with flowers.’
Change-of-state--> Ground Frame
Korean is more liberal than English
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• English John piled the books on the shelf. John piled the shelf with books.
But Languages Vary
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• English John piled the books on the shelf. John piled the shelf with books.
• Korean Yumi-ka chaek-lul chaeksang-ey ssa-ass-ta. Nom book-Acc table-Loc pile-Past-Dec ‘Yumi piled books on the table.’
But Languages Vary
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• English John piled the books on the shelf. John piled the shelf with books.
• Korean Yumi-ka chaek-lul chaeksang-ey ssa-ass-ta. Nom book-Acc table-Loc pile-Past-Dec ‘Yumi piled books on the table.’*Yumi-ka chaeksang-lul chaek-elo ssa-ass-ta.
Nom table-Acc books-with pile-Past-Dec ‘Yumi piled the table with books.’
But Languages Vary
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• English John piled the books on the shelf. John piled the shelf with books.
• Korean Yumi-ka chaek-lul chaeksang-ey ssa-ass-ta. Nom book-Acc table-Loc pile-Past-Dec ‘Yumi piled books on the table.’*Yumi-ka chaeksang-lul chaek-elo ssa-ass-ta.
Nom table-Acc books-with pile-Past-Dec ‘Yumi piled the table with books.’
But Languages Vary
Korean is more restrictive than English
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Learning Syntax from Semantics
Manner-of-motion
VP
V NP PPfigure ground
VP
V NP PPfigureground
Change-of-state
FigureFrame
GroundFrame
Linking RulesSEMANTICS SYNTAX
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Learning Syntax from Semantics
• Appropriate verb syntax can be learned if the Syntax-Semantics Linking Rules are– consistent across languages (i.e. verbs with
same meaning should have same syntax across all languages)
– innate (i.e. children know the connections from the outset)
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A Problem for Learners?
• If syntax-semantics Linking Rules are not uniform across languages, then how can they help learners?
• If each language had different Linking Rules, would this be any use to a child?
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Cross-Language Survey
• Survey I
English TurkishKorean LugandaFrench HindiJapanese HebrewChinese Malay Thai Arabic
• Survey II
ItalianYorubaPolishEweJapanese RussianFrench EnglishBrazilian Portuguese Spanish (Argentinian) Spanish (Castilian)
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Cross-Language Survey
• Survey I
English TurkishKorean LugandaFrench HindiJapanese HebrewChinese Malay Thai Arabic
• Survey II
ItalianYorubaPolishEweJapanese RussianFrench EnglishBrazilian Portuguese Spanish (Argentinian) Spanish (Castilian)Less detailed
classification used(~15 verbs)
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Cross-Language Survey
• Survey I
English TurkishKorean LugandaFrench HindiJapanese HebrewChinese Malay Thai Arabic
• Survey II
ItalianYorubaPolishEweJapanese RussianFrench EnglishBrazilian Portuguese Spanish (Argentinian) Spanish (Castilian)More detailed
classification used(~30 verbs)
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Extra Constructions in Survey II
• VP-Syntax - is PP required?
She poured the water into the glass.She poured the water.
She stood the lamp on the floor.*She stood the lamp.
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Extra Constructions in Survey II
• VP-Syntax - is PP required?
She poured the water into the glass.She poured the water.
She stood the lamp on the floor.*She stood the lamp.
‘F’ class
‘F2’ class
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Extra Constructions in Survey II
• VP-Syntax - is PP required?
She poured the water into the glass.She poured the water.
She stood the lamp on the floor.*She stood the lamp.
‘F’ class
‘F2’ class
Also ‘G’,‘G2’, FA, GA, PA classes distinguished
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Extra Constructions in Survey II
• NP-Syntax - passive adjectives
The poured waterThe filled glass
*The piled shelf*The decorated ornament
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Full details available separately
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Reminder: the issues
• Use of structure in lexical entries to guide learning, i.e. reliable syntax-semantics correlations can be used to draw inferences
• Idea that cross-language regularities hold the key to understanding language learning
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Consistent Properties...
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A Universal
• EnglishJohn poured the water into the glass.*John poured the glass with water.
• SpanishJuan vertí agua en el vaso.John poured water into the glass*Juan vertí el vaso con agua.John poured the glass with water
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A Universal
• EnglishJohn poured the water into the glass.*John poured the glass with water.
• HebrewDanny shafax mayim letox ha-kos.John poured water into the glass‘John poured water into the glass.’*Danny shafax et ha-kos be-mayin.John poured Acc the glass with water‘*John poured the glass with water.’
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A Universal
• EnglishJohn poured the water into the glass.*John poured the glass with water.
• JapaneseTaro-ga mizu-o baketu-ni sosoi-da. Nom water-Acc bucket-Loc pour-Past‘Taro poured water into a bucket.’*Taro-ga baketu-o mizu-de sosoi-da. Nom bucket-Acc water-with pour-Past‘*Taro poured a bucket with water.’
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A Universal
Manner-of-motion
VP
V NP PPfigure ground
FigureFrame
SEMANTICS SYNTAX
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Also Consistent...
• ‘VP-syntax’
She poured the water.*She leaned the bike.
She scattered the seeds.*She scattered the field.
*She stuffed the feathers.She stuffed the pillow.
• ‘NP-syntax’
The poured water.*The leaned bike.
The scattered seeds.*The scattered field.
*The stuffed feathers.The stuffed pillow.
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Also Consistent...
• ‘VP-syntax’
She poured the water.*She leaned the bike.
She scattered the seeds.*She scattered the field.
*She stuffed the feathers.She stuffed the pillow.
• ‘NP-syntax’
The poured water.*The leaned bike.
The scattered seeds.*The scattered field.
*The stuffed feathers.The stuffed pillow.
All ok when PP present
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Also Consistent...
• ‘VP-syntax’
She poured the water.*She leaned the bike.
She scattered the seeds.*She scattered the field.
*She stuffed the feathers.She stuffed the pillow.
• ‘NP-syntax’
The poured water.*The leaned bike.
The scattered seeds.*The scattered field.
*The stuffed feathers.The stuffed pillow.
All ok when PP present Passive adjective ok when PP optional
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Consistent Variation...
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A Two-way Split
English
*He decorated lights on the tree
He decorated the tree with lights
French
Spanish
Malay
Arabic
Hebrew
Korean
He decorated lights on the tree
He decorated the tree with lights
Chinese
Japanese
Thai
Turkish
Hindi
Luganda
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‘Serial Verbs’ (Verb Compounds)
• JapaneseJohn-ga Bill-o osi-taosi-ta. Nom Acc push-topple-Past‘John pushed Bill down.’
• Igbo (W. Africa)Adha si-ri anu ri-eAda cook-asp meat eat-asp‘Ada cooked the meat and ate it.’ (Igbo)
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‘Serial Verbs’ (Verb Compounds)
• JapaneseJohn-ga Bill-o osi-taosi-ta. Nom Acc push-topple-Past‘John pushed Bill down.’
• Igbo (W. Africa)Adha si-ri anu ri-eAda cook-asp meat eat-asp‘Ada cooked the meat and ate it.’ (Igbo)
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‘Serial Verbs’ (Verb Compounds)
• JapaneseJohn-ga Bill-o osi-taosi-ta. Nom Acc push-topple-Past‘John pushed Bill down.’
• Igbo (W. Africa)Adha si-ri anu ri-eAda cook-asp meat eat-asp‘Ada cooked the meat and ate it.’ (Igbo)
Easy to observe!
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A Parameter
English
*He decorated lights on the tree
He decorated the tree with lights
French
Spanish
Malay
Arabic
Hebrew
Korean
He decorated lights on the tree
He decorated the tree with lights
Chinese
Japanese
Thai
Turkish
Hindi
Luganda
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A Parameter
English
*He decorated lights on the tree
He decorated the tree with lights
French
Spanish
Malay
Arabic
Hebrew
Korean
He decorated lights on the tree
He decorated the tree with lights
Chinese
Japanese
Thai
Turkish
Hindi
Luganda Allow Serial Verbs
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A Parameter
English
*He decorated lights on the tree
He decorated the tree with lights
French
Spanish
Malay
Arabic
Hebrew
Korean
He decorated lights on the tree
He decorated the tree with lights
Chinese
Japanese
Thai
Turkish
Hindi
Luganda Allow Serial Verbs
Don’t Allow Serial Verbs
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A ParameterVP
V NP PPfigure ground
VP
V NP PPfigureground
Change-of-state
FigureFrame
GroundFrame
SEMANTICS SYNTAX
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A ParameterVP
V NP PPfigure ground
VP
V NP PPfigureground
Change-of-state
FigureFrame
GroundFrame
SEMANTICS SYNTAX
SerialVerbs?
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A Second Parameter
• Non-serializing IMany alternators
EnglishItalianArgentinian Spanish
• Non-serializing IIFew alternators
PolishBrazilian PortugueseCastilian Spanish
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A Second Parameter
• Non-serializing IMany alternators
EnglishItalianArgentinian Spanish
• Non-serializing IIFew alternators
PolishBrazilian PortugueseCastilian Spanish
Object Clitic Doubling
‘I ate-it the-bread’
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A Second Parameter
• Non-serializing IMany alternators
EnglishItalianArgentinian Spanish
• Non-serializing IIFew alternators
PolishBrazilian PortugueseCastilian Spanish
Object Clitic Doubling
‘I ate-it the-bread’
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A Second Parameter
• Non-serializing IMany alternators
EnglishItalianArgentinian Spanish
• Non-serializing IIFew alternators
PolishBrazilian PortugueseCastilian Spanish
Object Clitic Doubling
‘lo mangio il panino’
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A Second Parameter
• Non-serializing IMany alternators
EnglishItalianArgentinian Spanish
• Non-serializing IIFew alternators
PolishBrazilian PortugueseCastilian Spanish
Object Clitic Doubling
‘lo comio el pan’
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A Second Parameter
• Non-serializing IMany alternators
EnglishItalianArgentinian Spanish
• Non-serializing IIFew alternators
PolishBrazilian PortugueseCastilian Spanish
Object Clitic Doubling
‘lo comio el pan’
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A Second Parameter
• Non-serializing IMany alternators
EnglishItalianArgentinian Spanish
• Non-serializing IIFew alternators
PolishBrazilian PortugueseCastilian Spanish
Object Clitic Doubling
‘ele eu comi o paõ’
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A Second Parameter
• Non-serializing IMany alternators
EnglishItalianArgentinian Spanish
• Non-serializing IIFew alternators
PolishBrazilian PortugueseCastilian Spanish
Object Clitic Doubling
‘zjadwem go chleb’
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Further Variation
• In most languages surveyed, figure verbs like lean, stand, stick, require an overt PP
*The boy leaned his bicycle.*The girl stood the lamp.
• In certain languages (e.g. Italian, Polish) the PP is optional. Currently unexplained.
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Further Variation
• Some further cross-language differences can be attributed to the lack of perfect semantic cognates … but such cases are fairly rare
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Quantitatively...
• Sample of ~2000 judgments in 20 languages• A small number of principles & parameters allows
us to predict ~90% of judgments• In some classes accuracy is much higher: basic
Figure class, Ground class, etc.• In some classes accuracy is somewhat lower at
present: Ground Alternator, ‘Pure’ Alternator
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Interim Conclusions• Knowing the meaning of a verb does not predict
the verb’s syntax, BUT…
• Knowing the meaning of a verb, together with further syntactic knowledge about the language, does predict the verb’s syntax rather well
• The Verb Classes paradigm can be extended cross-linguistically, but only in conjunction with an understanding of abstract syntactic properties
• Many questions remain unanswered...
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Affectedness
• Pinker (1989, etc.): generalizations about figure and ground frames reduce to the notion of affected object:(i) manner-of-motion affects figure(ii) change-of-state affects ground
• Can this be saved in light of cross-language variation?
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Challenges
• Allen’s results are impressive; the model is interesting in the way that it poses the learning task as a selection process (the linking rules do not emerge from nowhere)
• Fine-grained distinctions in English• ‘Concealed’ distinctions in Korean• Reason for universals
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Challenges
• Fine-grained distinctions, e.g. in English
• pour the water into the glasspour the waterthe poured water
• stand the lamp on the floor*stand the lamp*the stood lamp
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Challenges
• ‘Concealed’ distinctions, e.g. in Korean
• pour the water into the glass*pour the glass with water
• pile the books onto the shelf*pile the shelf with books
• *pour-put the glass with waterpile-put the shelf with books
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Challenges
• Universals, parametric connections - why should they exist and be stable?
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Summary
• Allen & Seidenberg (1997): statistical learning in a connectionist model makes it possible to infer correct linking rules, based only on (i) knowing that semantic features are relevant, (ii) being provided with a large set of candidate features.
• If learning linking rules involves selection of semantic features, then– there should be more cross-language variation in the critical features
– there should not be systematic syntactic links between constructions
– ‘concealed’ effects of universal semantic classes should be unlearnable