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Reference, Deixis and Focus in Hittite. The demonstratives ka- "this", apa- "that" and asi"yon"

Goedegebuure, P.M.

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Citation for published version (APA):Goedegebuure, P. M. (2003). Reference, Deixis and Focus in Hittite. The demonstratives ka- "this", apa- "that"and asi "yon".

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Download date: 04 Nov 2020

3.. Deixis, Discourse and Reference in Hittite

3.1.. Deixis and the centering procedure — The situational use of demonstratives

Inn this chapter I wil l follow the scheme as set out in Chapter 2. The headings of the main sectionss (3.1. etc.) match with the main headings sub section 2.3.

3.1.1.. Introduction

Givenn the nature of the Hittite material -written texts- we do not expect to find that many exampless of situational use of demonstratives and third person pronouns, since we need, by definition,, the situational context of the utterances. The main exceptions are the Local Adverbss derived from the demonstrative stems denoting the location (amd time) of some event.. The rare Situational use of demonstrative pronouns, determiners and adverbs referring too entities and locations wil l be presented in 3.1.2.

Theree is however an important extension of the pure situational use: Direct Speech, citedd in narration (Himmelmann 1996: 221-2). As Ehlich 1982: 33 n. 6 notes: 'In so-called 'dead'' languages, the quotations of direct language enables us to identify uses of deixis in the standardd way'. This category allows us to observe that the pronouns ka- and apa- are not the onlyy demonstratives in Hittite (3.1.3.).

Anotherr type of situational use is self-reference to a linguistic unit or act, as in this book,book, this is a story (Himmelmann 1996: 221), for which see 3.1.4.

Apartt from establishing which elements may serve as demonstratives, we also need to establishh how many distance contrasts are expressed, and whether Hittite has a distance-based orr person-based demonstrative system. There are five Hittite non-anaphoric expressions that mightt be demonstrative: ka-, apa-, asi I uni I eni, siya- and an(n)i-. The last two are extremelyy rare in the Hittite texts, which means that it is nearly impossible to pinpoint their semantics.. This leaves us with three rather well attested expressions, ka-, apa- and asi I uni I eni,eni, which need to be tested for their status as demonstratives. And if they are indeed demonstratives,, it should be possible to determine the distance-based or person-based contrastss they are involved in.

3.1.2.. True Situational Use

Whenn searching for references to the physical surroundings, we should look for texts that -in orderr to fulfil l their communicative function- somehow require the presence of the participantss and the objects mentioned in the texts. In such a situation references may occur too persons, entities or places related to the participants engaging in the acts that were performedd by reading or writing the texts. Genres that fall within this class are vows, oracles, prayers,, rituals, treaties and some 'instructions' (mainly the ones that serve to (re)establish thee allegiance of persons or groups to the king). In all these genres the participants are the kingg or a representative of the king, and a second party, either divine or human. This is nicely illustratedd by a text which discusses the opposite, absence of one of the parties at the conclusionn of a treaty:

3.11 As for the reason why this tablet (ki 0UPPU) containing the stipulations has not been sealed now (kinuna):(kinuna): given that the king of Kargamis, Duthaliya and Halpahi could not be present before My Majesty,, that's why this tablet (Jfci 0UPPU) has not been sealed now (kinun). However, when the king off Kargamis, Duthaliya and Halpahi and also Duppi-Tessup appear before My Majesty, coming together inn front of My Majesty, I, My Majesty, will interrogate them under the laws. I wil l listen to the request anyonee makes. Then (apiya) this tablet containing the stipulations wil l be sealed' (KBo 3.3+ iv 2' ff , CTHCTH 63).

Thiss passage contains a few expressions that are only interpretable when the 'here and now' off the text are considered. The adverbs kinuna 'now' and apiya 'then' refer to the moment thee text was created and to the future respectively as seen from that moment, thus being purelyy deictic. Another deictic expression is ki TUPPU 'this tablet', pointing to its own existencee in the physical surroundings. Self-reference is treated in 3.1.4.

Ann instructive example of reference to an object in the physical surroundings of the text att the moment of its inception is the following prayer in which Gassulawiya, wife of Mursili III presents the goddess Lelwani with a substitute statue, 'this woman', in order to be relieved fromm her illness:

3.22 KBo 4.6 rev. 7'-15' (NH prayer, Mursili II , CTH 380), ed. Tischler 1981: 16-17, with remarkss from DeRoos 1985: 130, 132 nuzzanuzza zik dLe[lu]anis 8' [apel $A GU4AB.NIGA] Ü $A UDU.NIGA MAS-/<Z U Z U Ï ét 9' [nuzza[nuzza ispdi ësharzma] apdt eku nuzza ninga u z u i [... ke-e-el ?1 $A GÜ4AB.NIGAA ke-e-el SA UDU/'SIG+MUNUS" MAS-ia H ' [...]kasa tuël ANA DINGIR-L/M 122 [Gassulau]ias tuël GEME-TUM ku-u-un MUNUS-<m 13 [uppesta n*anT[ ISTU TÜGjsfiGXAM.ME SS uassiiat nuzza apël 14 [tarpal]lin uppesta nu man DINGIR-L/ M kuitkikuitki 15 kappuu.it nuztta ka-a-as MUNUS-TUM pedi artari Youu Lelwani, eat the fat of her fat cow, of her fat sheep, and of her goat! Eat until satisfaction!! Now, drink that blood! Drink until satisfaction! The fat [...] of [this? (kel)](kel)] fat cow, of this (ket) ewe and goat [... Gassulaw]iya your servant has just [brought]] to your god (= the statue representing Lelwani) this (kun) woman. She clothedd [her] with beautiful clothes. She has sent her [substitute. If you, god, notice (anything)) at all, this (kas) woman stands on the spot, before you.

Inn my corpus only the Proximal demonstrative ka- is used to refer to entities in the physical surroundingss of the text contained on the tablet.

Oracles,, treaties and vows are usually created for very specific single events. Rituals, prayers,, and instructions on the other hand can be used on several occasions, but that occasion stilll has to serve a very specific purpose. In rituals we expect to find references to this illness, thee reason for performing the ritual, these objects, needed for the performance of the ritual, andd this I that patient. Letters take an intermediate position in that the trigger for writing the textt is specific and unique, while at the same time the participants are not located in the same area: :

3.33 HKM 4 obv. 4-9 (MH/MS letter, Tudhaliya HI, CTH 199), ed. Alp 1991: 124-125 §§ 4 a-pé-e-\d\a-\ri\i KUR-e 5 $[A GE]STIN $A GUD.HI.A UDU.HI.A 6 uttar kui[t] mahhanmahhan nuz[m]u liliuahhüanz[i] fratrai § (end of letter) Writee to me hastily how the situation of the wine, cattle (and) sheep is in that country (off yours, apedani KUR-e).

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Theree is no textual antecedent of apedani in this letter. The only option given the context is thatt it refers to the country where the addressee stays at the time of writing: "in that country (wheree you are)". So what we have here then is the deictic use of apa- in relation to the Addressee. .

Itt is not likely to find references to the outside world in historical texts, laws or narrationss (myths, literature) given their independence from time, place and person. The exceptionn concerns the only constant factor during the period that we have historical material: thee capital Hattusa. When dealing with locations in historical texts etc. it is therefore likely thatt we wil l sometimes find deictic references in relation to the unexpressed Deictic Center

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Hattusaa (or Hatti) . The following example, a narration in a letter, illustrates the dependency off Spatial Deictic expressions on the center Hattusa:

3.44 KUB 19.20 + obv. 9'-13' (lateMH/MS letter, Suppiluliuma, CTH 154), ed. Van den Houtt 1994: 64, 72 9'' [ iDMdlan kuit S]A LUGAL KUR VRXJHurri e-de-ez tapusa êsta l0 [mat ISTU NAM.RAA GU4.HI.A] UDU.HLA assuittta sard dahhun U [nzatzza ANA KUR

Ha]ttiHa]tti udahhun ke-e-ez-zi-iazkan kuit [SA LUGAL KUR Hurri t]apusa ëstaësta nuzza apattza ANA KUR Hatti [udahhun [What]] was alongside [the Mala-river] on the other side (edez) belonging to the king off Hurri, I picked [it] up[, including deportees, oxen], sheep, and possessions, and I broughtt [them to Ha]tti. And also, what was alongside on this side (kez) [belonging to thee king of Hurri], that too [I brought] to Hatti.

ThisThis side and that side of the river only gain meaning when we take into account that the point fromm which the world is viewed is Hatti. This combination is only used when there is a borderr or landmark dividing the (mental) world in a Speaker (+ Addressee) region and an Otherss region. The proximal demonstrative ka- does not refer to entities or location at a short distancee from the Speaker but to the area that the Speaker considers as his or hers. The distal demonstrativee asi is used when the Speaker considers the entity or location as not belonging too his mental or cognitive space but outside of it. On the other hand, the combination ka- ... apa-apa- is only used when the Speaker wants to divide his/her mental space in an area belonging too him/herself, and an area belonging to an Addressee. Cognitively, the Speaker considers the Addresseee as part of his/her mental world, and both are opposed to the Other.

Thee distinction sketched above seems only to apply to the ablative forms of ka-, apa-andd asi denoting relative position or 'Source from which'. When the location where the actionn takes place has to be referred to, only the adverbs ka 'here' and apiya 'there' are available.. A corresponding deictic adverb based on the demonstrative asi has not been

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attestedd . But that is likely to be coincidence, because every apiya referring to a location withoutt textual antecedent is connected with the Addressee and means therefore 'there, with you': :

577 The transfer of the seat of government to Tarhuntassa during the reign of Muwattalli does not concern us here becausee all the tablets that have been found are related to Hattusa. The situation wil l of course drastically changee when the temporary capital Tarhuntassa with its archives is found.

588 But we do have adjectively used edi or edani referring to the Location where some event takes place (see Chapterr 4).

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3.55 HKM 18 left edge 2-5 (MH/MS letter, Tudhaliya HI, CTH 199), ed. Alp 1991: 148-149 9 22 halkisz(s)mas a-pi-ia aniianza 3 kuit nu EGIR-a/i tiiatten nzan anda èpten man?kanman?kan ARA#-hi59 5 anda ishüitten nu ANA dU[TU-S/ hatrdtten] Now,, given that the grain has been sown over there (apiya) with you (pi.), you must lendd a hand! You must collect it, shed it in a silo, and [write] to [My] Ma[jesty.]

Everyy other non-Addressee, third person mention of apiya is anaphoric. This is perfectly in concordancee with the dual nature of apa-. The expression apa- as a demonstrative is Medial (seee chapter 5), whereas apa- as anaphoric pronoun refers to the third person (see chapters 7, 88 and 9). Just as the third person demonstrative asi is not used anaphorically (in the sense of anaphoraa and continuing the center of attention) and has to be replaced by apa- in anaphoric andd continuing context, the not attested locative adverb of asi is replaced by apiya in anaphoricc use. More on this in 4.2.2. and 5.2.2.

3.1.3.. Direct Speech

Directt Speech is the narrative equivalent of the utterance expressed by a Speaker. The only differencee between Direct Speech and an actual utterance is that Direct Speech is anchored withinn a narrative which is the linguistic, mental, construction of the actual surrounding context.. (Schematized in the following table, '=' means 'corresponds to'.)

Reall world = Mental world evoked by text Utterancee Situation = Narrated Situation Utterancee = Reported / Direct Speech

Thee narration creates a mental world for the Speaker and Addressee, and within this setting thee Direct speech can be compared with a dialogue or monologue. Therefore, the referring expressionss in Direct Speech do not refer to elements in the preceding text, but to elements of aa non-linguistic context, set up by means of the story. The narration serves to create a situationn in the mind, a mental world, from which the speech act derives its interpretation. Mostt importantly, "direct speech preserves the orientation to the parameters of the deictic centerr of the original speech act reported" (Dik 1997a: 96)62. For the demonstratives this meanss that the original deictic distinctions are preserved in the Direct Speech, and that the surroundingg narration may provide information on the nature of these deictic distinctions.

Inn order to establish which expressions in Hittite serve as demonstratives in Situational Usee in Direct Speech, I have established the following criteria:

599 Alp reads ARA#-ten. The sign is however clearly a #1 with four 'Winkelhaken', whereas TEN only has three. Thee translation should be adjusted accordingly.

600 This distinction between situational and anaphoric use of apiya has not been noted anywhere in the Hittitologicall literature.

611 It is important to stress this aspect, because I believe that this is one of the reasons why until now the Demonstrativee asi I unit eni has been considered an anaphoric pronoun. See Chapter 4.

622 See Coulmas 1986, Lucy 1993 for Direct and Indirect Speech.

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The Direct Speech containing the expression under investigation should not be a quotation,, taken from a larger piece of discourse, as occurring in letters.63 The Direct Speechh has to be a closed speech unit, without reference to earlier speech not expressedd in the narration. This is necessary in order to avoid drawing conclusions basedd on incomplete evidence: a partially quoted letter for example may contain an anaphoricc reference.

The Direct Speech has to refer to the world created in the immediate preceding clauses,, unless there are very clear clues which lead to earlier referents.

Only expressions which are first mention of the intended referent are discussed. It is veryy well possible that demonstratives are used as second mention, as several studies off a variety of languages, and also Hittite, show, but the proto-typical use of demonstrativess is the introduction of a referent in the discourse (the centering procedure). .

Thee following two examples illustrate Direct Speech in a narrated situation, showing both the Proximall Demonstrative ka- and the Distal Demonstrative asi:

3.66 KBo 22.2 obv. 1-2 (OS myth, CTH 3.1 A), ed. Otten 1973: 6-7 11 MUNUS.LUGAL VRU Kanis XX X DUMU.MES I-EN MU-anti hasta UMMA SlzMA 2

\ki-M?ua\ki-M?ua kuit ualkuan hashun Thee queen of Kanes gave birth to 30 sons in one year. Thus she (said): 'What is this (Id)!?? I have given birth to a gang !'

Thee Queen of Kanesh is looking at her thirty sons which she delivered at the same time. In orderr to express her horror about the mass of babies65 in her immediate vicinity, she shouts: "Whatt is this!", using the Proximal Demonstrative lei (neuter sg.). This is beautifully contrastedd with a comparable exclamation in a comparable situation, this time however at a largee distance from the newly-born:

3.77 KUB 44.4+ rev. 9 (MH birth ritual, CTH 767), ed. Beekman 1983: 176-177 AMAA DUMU.NIT A taskupait nu^ssan GAM AN-za dV-as austa e-ni^ma^ua kuit

Thee mother of the male child cried out (after the birth of her child), and the Stormgod J L W 1 V V UU X * V F l XX X X W i l l Ü V U T V l l i I f J l l U V 1 Ü U X V l l I W f * * f

AA nice example of what might dictate the use of demonstratives in citations from a letter is the following Ma§att letter (HKM 10). The king answers a letter from Gassu, but before giving his instructions he each time repeatss the relevant part of Gassu's letter. In obv. 17-22 the king reacts on the information Gassu sends him: 'Givenn that you wrote to me as follows: "The Gasgaeans are just arriving in large numbers in peace at the momentt you, My Majesty, are writing to me". Send the Gasgaeans that arrive in peace over to My Majesty.' Thee next paragraph deals with a comment on an action of Gassu dealing with the peace business: 'Given that youu wrote to me as follows: "Until you, My Majesty, write to me (about) ki-i $A LÜ.MES VRVGasga taksulas uttar,uttar, this peace business of the Gasgaeans, I shall wait for instructions in Ishupitta". Because the gods already [...],, you keep exhausting me, in that you keep writing to me the same thing!' (ed. Alp 1991: 134, translation followss CHD P: 117). Obviously the two citations belong together. The demonstrative description ki... uttar iss therefore not Deictic, but refers to a part of the preceding discourse and is therefore Discourse Deictic. Thus, firstt mentions of demonstratives in citations of letters cannot be taken as examples of Situational use.

644 For walkuan as 'gang', see Hoffner 1980: 290 + n. 27.

Thee neuter demonstrative ki could also refer to the situation the queen perceives, the event itself.

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Here,, the distance between the referent (the child) and the Speaker (the Stormgod), is maximallyy large (earth versus heaven). Contrary to common opinion in the literature on Hittite,, asilunileni functions as a Distal Demonstrative. The Stormgod reacts on a noise from farr away, and this example may therefore be compared with the use of the Lillooet invisible distall demonstrative kwu': stam=kru_ 'What is that?' (when hearing a noise), see ex. 2.34. Anotherr example of Distal asi, also referring to a non-visible entity, is :

3.88 KBo 4.14 ii 73-80 (lateNH treaty, Tudhaliya IV, CTH 123), ed. Van den Hout 1989: 2900 (with collation from CHD L-N: 129) §§ 73 [m]annzazmuzkan 1 KUR-TUM kuitki GAM-an niiari [n]asmazmuzkan

"if

EN.MESS kuiësqa ^ allalla panzi [z\ikzrnazsmaszkan anda handasi nu kisan memattimematti GÊSPU-ahhirzuazmu mat lë B\J-si GAM-an MAMIT GAR-ru §§ 78 nasmazat ziklmalisi a-sizman zuazkan ZAG\-as GAM-an] niiari nasma? <m>an<m>an zuaz kan u-ni-us EN .MES alla[lla\ panzi üqq zaz man z ua pèhudanzi... Andd if some single country turns away from me, or some lords commit treason against me,, (if then) you join with them, and you speak in this way: "They forced me!", you mayy not do it! Let (it) be put under Oath. § Or, (if ) you contemplate it: "Would that borderr (asi ZAG-as) but fall away, or would those lords (unius EN.MES) but commit treasonn and would they but lead me off (with them)!" ...

Onee could object that asi is not necessarily a Distal Demonstrative here. The alternative, a Mediall interpretation, would mean that the entity referred to by asi is either close to an Addresseee (and not close to Speaker), or at a distance near, but not proximal, to the Speaker, orr both. A distance near but not proximal to Speaker is very unlikely when the referent is a borderr country of Hatti. One would then have to assume that the Speaker is looking at this borderr country from a short distance, still standing in Hatti. Nothing in the text points at this veryy specific situation. The other option, close to Addressee, does not apply to this direct speech,, simply because there is no Addressee. The demonstrative asi, and its acc.pl. unius, is thereforee Distal. Further elaborations are found in the chapters on the individual demonstrativess (Chapters 4, 5 and 6).

Theree are not many occurrences of Situational apa- in Direct Speech, but each time theree exists a connection with the Addressee and never with the Other. Generally the demonstrativee apa- is described as having both 'Du-Deixis' (Medial, near Addressee) and 'Jener-Deixis'' (Distal) (Friedrich HE, 66, 134-5), or only Distal Deixis ('jener, dér (erwahnte)*,, Friedrich & Kammenhuber 1975: 130) . However, there is no evidence which supportss the 'Jener-Deictic' aspect of apa-. On the contrary, the few attestations of Situationall apa- in True Situational Use and Direct Speech point at the Addressee (see also ex.. 3.5 above, and 3.9 below):

3.99 KBo 19.44+ rev. 38-42 (MH/MS treaty, CTH 42), transl. Beekman 1996: 28

Forr asi referring to visible entities, see the examples in chapter 4. 77 Puhvel 1984: 86 does not describe apa- in terms of deixis. He notices however that apa- is the opposite of ka-, andd also that apa- may refer to the second person: one of the meanings of apa- is * 'thy, thine, your(s)' (vs. ka-'this;; my, mine', like Lat. iste vs. hie). He lets apa- correspond with is, iste and Hit (p. 90).

gg Of course, when apa- is used non-situationally, it always refers to an earlier mentioned third person or location,, most of the time emphatically, see Chapters 7, 8 and 9.

65 5

mmMariiasMariias kuis ësta n?as kuedani uddanï39 BA.ÜS ÜL fSUHUR.LAL ffliattat apaszazkanapaszazkan anda auszi ABl dUTU-5/ = ma ? kan imma Gl$AB-az ar ha auszi nz anan uastul IS BAT zikzuazkan a-pu-u-un anda kuuat austa nzas apêdani uddanïuddanï 42 ser BA.ÜS Whoo was Mariya, and for what reason did he die? Did not a lady's maid walk by? So hee makes eye contact (with her), while, of all people, the father of His Majesty looks outt the window , and catches him in the act: "You! why did you make eye contact withh her (apun)Ty So he died for that reason.

Obviouslyy the woman is near the Addressee. Not surprisingly, the main text genres which containn this Medial apa- are letters, treaties, instructions and Direct Speech with an active Addressee. .

Ass will be discussed in Chapters 7, 8 and 9, the major use of demonstrative apa- is anaphoric,, emphatic reference .

3.1.4.. Linguistic Selfreference

Ass Himmelmann (1996: 221) points out, self-referential expressions of the kind of in this book,book, this is a story are usually subsumed under Discourse Deixis, or reference to propositionss or events. Although expressions like this is a story are indeed referring to propositions,, events or larger parts of discourse, the main difference between discourse deixis andd situational self-reference is the equivalence of the latter expression with the pure situationall use of demonstratives as in this is a dog.

Givenn the specialized context, self-reference to a linguistic unit or act, we expect to find onlyy words like 'book', 'article', 'story', 'words' in this category of situational use. The possiblee candidates for Hittite then, are tuppi 'tablet', memiya(n)- 'word, affair', lingai- 'oath (ass text genre)', ishiul 'treaty'. The main problem here is to define whether an expression is discoursee deictic or situational. Clearcut expressions like 'on this tablet' are self-referential: thee expression is contained on the referent itself. Given the immediate presence of the entity referredd to, it is hardly surprising that the Proximal Demonstrative ka- is the only one attested inn this type of situational use:

^ 1 00 KÏT R T M 4. il l 7 ^ - 75 W H trpat v Mnwata l l i rTT -T7 ^ *A Kntvlfirl i lOQfl - If. 11

§§ namma kti kuit TUPPU tuk mAla[ksandu iian]ün 74 mezttazkkan MU.KAM -ft'MU.KAM-fift'MU.KAM-fi peran 3-S[U halzessan]du75 matzzatkan zik mAlaksandus saki Furthermore,, this tablet (Id TUPPU) that I have [made] for you Ala[fcsandu], let the[m read]] it to you every year three ti[mes]. You, Alaksandu, have to be familiar with it!

'Thiss tablet' refers to the physical tablet on which the treaty between Muwatalli II and Alaksanduss of Wilusa has been written down.

Beekmann 1996: 28 different: "Did not a lady's maid walk by and he look at her? But the father of My Majesty himselff looked out the window ...".

00 This might be in accordance with the view of Keenan & Anderson (1985: 283ff.) that in both distance-orientedd and person-oriented systems the middle term is often used for anaphoric reference, if it were not for thee fact that in Hittite all demonstratives can be used anaphorically.

66 66

Butt problems arise when studying clauses containing, for example, memiya(n)- 'word, affair,, business'. Both discourse deixis and linguistic self-reference are possible. I quote two off Himmelmann's examples, one, 3.11, listed under linguistic self-reference, the other, 3.12, underr discourse deixis:

3.111 it's very funny to make this telling 3.122 then he goes off,. . and that's the end of that story, ...

Inn 3.12, 'that story' refers to the preceding utterances that together build the story. The reason whyy it does not refer to itself, is that the Head (= the noun) of the noun phrase 'the end of that story'' can only refer to the preceding clause because of the phrase 'that's'. This phrase can onlyy be used to refer to a preceding proposition, excluding self-reference of that story. Usuallyy however, it is problematic to distinguish between these two types unless the demonstrativee refers to a physical entity which is present in the surrounding situation, as tuppi 'tablet'' above. I therefore consider all references to non-physical linguistic units in Hittite as discoursee deictic.

3.1.5.. Summary and conclusions

Hittit ee has a three-way person-based demonstrative system. The Proximal demonstrative is ka-ka-yy the Distal demonstrative is asi, and the Medial one is apa~. The middle term denotes 'locationn near Hearer/Addressee', and not 'medial distance from Speaker'. Visibilit y or non-visibilit yy is probably not a part of the semantics of the Distal Demonstrative.

Mostt examples in this section are centering (see also Chapter 4, 5 and 6 in the Situationall sections). There are however two examples of deictic demonstratives referring to somethingg that is already in the center of attention: the mother looking at her 30 babies in ex. 3.66 and the stormgod who is alerted after hearing the cries in ex. 3.7. But since these referents aree not an already established Topic, they have to be Unexpected Topics (see Chapter 4 for moree discussion). Not surprisingly the expressions that were chosen to refer to something in thee center of attention are demonstrative pronouns. This distinction between demonstrative pronounss referring to salient entities and demonstrative descriptions (dem + N) referring to non-salientt entities is discussed in Chapters 4 and 6.

Forr the deictic or situational use we have:

DeicticDeictic 1 Situational Use Continuityy procedure

E-Topicc U-Topic A-Focus demdem dem dem

Centeringg procedure

Focus s demN demN

dem,dem, adverb

Tablee 3.1: The Deictic/Situational matrix.

Thee details of this matrix have not been discussed in 3.1. but come from the concluding sectionss in chapters 4, 5 and 6. Slots that could theoretically be filled but for which we have noo Hittite evidence given the preserved contexts, will be indicated in the tables by 0.

3.2.. Deixis and the centering procedure — Recognitional Use of Demonstratives

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3.2.1.. Introduction

Ass discussed in 2.2.1.2., demonstrative adnominals are used when the Speaker needs to activatee some shared private information which is stored in the long-term memory of the Hearer.. I assume that the recognitional use of the demonstratives appears mainly in contexts wheree an active role of the Addressee/Hearer is to bé expected. This remains implicit in the literaturee on this subject, although all examples are taken from conversation or oral narration, butt it needs to be stressed because it delimits the text genres in which to expect the recognitionall use of demonstratives in Hittite. Of the genres available to us (judicial, narration,, myth, vows, letters, historical narrative, administrative, treaty, instruction, oracle), I suggestt that the genres involving more or less active Hearers or Addressees, are letters, vows (whichh can be considered as a 'dialogue' between the person promising something and the deity),, narration addressing an audience, Direct Speech —either monologue or dialogue— andd oracles (a true dialogue between deity and man).

Thee following criteria were used to identify recognitionally used demonstratives in Hittite: :

The demonstrative is adnominal. In most languages demonstratives in recognitional usee can only appear adnominally.

The information contained in the demonstrative expression must be private. This meanss that expressions obeying all other criteria, while at the same time referring to kings,, countries and other referents that may be understood as belonging to general or culturall knowledge of the Hittite speech community are excluded.

The demonstrative expression may not refer to something in the presence of the Speaker. Speaker.

Thesee three criteria are essential for all types of recognitionally used demonstratives. The followingg ones are not as important, but add to the likelihood that a demonstrative expression iss recognitional.

The demonstrative expression is the first mention in the discourse. This poses a problemm for Hittite given the sometimes pitiful state of the tablets.

The demonstrative expression includes a relative clause or other equally complex modifier.modifier. The inclusion of additional information in order to better guide the addresseee in identifying the intended referent is however not necessary.

The demonstrative expression does not serve to resolve a possible ambiguity. Ambiguityy resolution is a task belonging to the domain of anaphoric (or tracking) demonstratives.. In order not to include possible anaphoric demonstratives in this category,, the preceding text should be free of competing discourse entities. (But let mee note here that ambiguity resolution is hardly attested in relation to Hittite demonstratives.) )

3.2.2.. Recognitionally used lea-, apa-, asi

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Thee demonstrative thus used is usually the distal demonstrative asi. However, also the other twoo may be used in this way, although this is rare. The following examples are illustrative for thee recognitional use of the three demonstratives.

3.133 KUB 15.3 i 17-19 (NH vow, Hattusili III , CTH 584), ed. De Roos 1984: 198, 337 §§ 17 IJ-TUM MUNUS.LUGAL zashiiazuazmu kuiski memiskizzi ANA dNIN.GAL ? uazzazkanuazzazkan kisan maldi mantua ANA dUTU-£/ 19 e-ni IZI SA GIR.MES-SE/ nuntaras SIG5-nn . ..

AA dream of the Queen. "Someone tells me in a dream: "Make Ningal the following vow:: If that (eni) burning of Mv Majesty's feet (lit : that fire of his feet for My Majestyy ) will subside soon, ..."

Thee Addressee of the Direct Speech reported in the dream is Puduhepa, the wife of Hattusili. Wee can safely assume that the inflammation of her husband's feet belongs to the domain of privatee knowledge, and that her husband and his painful feet are not present when she is statingg her vow. The reference to this particular illness is made for the first time in this text, soo the information presented here is 'Discourse new, Hearer old'. The expression eni IZI $A GÏR.MES-St// is accompanied by the possessive clitic -Su 'his' and a further modification ANA dUTU-5// 'for My Majesty'. The last feature of recognitional use of the demonstrative, absence off ambiguity due to lack of competing participants, is also present.

Anotherr example of Recognitionally used asi in an oracle is:

3.144 KUB 5.1 rev. iii 48-49 (lateNH oracle, Tudhaliya IV, CTH 56171), ed. Ünal 1974: 72-73 3 §488 u-ni-uUzazkan kuês Ü.MES HUL-/M5 uskizzi ISKIM.BI.A*j[a*z a arpuuanta kikistarikikistari ... ... Ass for those (unius) evil dreams which he keeps seeing and the negative premonitions thatt keep occurring, ...

Thee Addressee is the deity. The oracle inquirer refers to some nightmares the king is having, whichh obviously does not belong to general knowledge.

Althoughh in many languages the distal demonstrative is used (Himmelmann 1996: 235),, Himmelmann 1997: 71 remarks that also non-distal demonstratives can be used in this way.. And indeed, there are a few examples of Medial apa- functioning as a recognitional demonstrativee in my corpus (see also Chapter 5):

3.155 KUB 15.1 iii 7'-14' (NH vow, CTH 584, Hattusili HI), ed. DeRoos 1984: 186, 328-9 §§ 7 [V-TUM MUNUS.LUGA]L INIM dGuruasuzkan kuuapi [anda ] [[ ddGu]ruasusskanGu]ruasusskan GIM-an SA Ü-77 9' [AN]A MUNUS.LUGAL IQBI a-pu-u-unzua kuinkuin '° SA LVMUDIZKA INIM-an Zl-za harti n nu*uar?as Tl-anza I ME MU.KAM.yi.AA ziazuazssi I2' piftfii MUNUS.LUGAL?mazzazkan SA Ü-77 kisan 1KRUB1KRUB 13 man^uaemu apênissuuan iiasi nuzua LUGAL MUDIzYA Tl-anza ... [Dreamm of the Quee]n: When the affair of Gurwasu~[ ], after [Gu]rwasu had saidd [to] the Queen in a dream: "As for that (apun) situation of your husband which hass your attention, he wil l live and I wil l give him a 100 years", the Queen promised ass follows in a dream: "I f you do like that, and the King, my husband wil l l ive,...

711 For the dating on Tudhaliya IV see Orlamünde 2001: 51 Iff .

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Givenn that every paragraph in the vows stands on its own, it is very probable that the previous,, broken, paragraph, has no ties to this one. The clause apün = ua kuin SA ^MUDI^ KAKA INlM-an is therefore a first mention. The situation of the queen's husband is private and nott cultural knowledge. A possible hint in that direction is the use of the term 'my husband' insteadd of 'the king'. As in the preceding example, the Hittite population is not likely to be awaree of the affairs current in the palace, either concerning the health of the royal family or statee affairs.

Thee use of Medial apa- as a Recognitional demonstrative can be explained by the fact 72 2

thatt the Hittite demonstrative system is person-based . As the exx. 3.13 and 3.14 show, the referentss of 'burning' and 'dreams' do not belong to the domain of either Speaker or Addressee,, whereas the 'husband' in ex. 3.15 is intimately connected with the Addressee. Thiss raises the question whether also the proximal demonstrative ka- can be used Recognitionally. .

Theree are a few examples of the proximal demonstrative ka- obeying several of the criteriaa described above (see 6.3.). In these cases the person referred to by this is not present inn the physical context and the demonstrative is used adnominally:

3.166 KBo 4.14 ii 22-23 (lateNH treaty, Tudhaliya IV, CTH 123), ed. Van den Hout 1989: 284-285 5 222 mK\JRziazmu kuis ka-a-as LUGAL KfUR ASSUR GUB-a]nza nzascmuzkan 23

manman SA KUR.URU uizzi nuïtt[a hink]an ZAG-as ësdu Andd concerning this (kas) enemy, the king of fAssur who is risjing up against me, if hee comes into my country, let [dea]th be your end.

Thee enemy has already been mentioned before several times and is therefore not 'Discourse new,, Hearer old' in Diessel's terms. However, there seems to be some overlapping between Recognitionall demonstratives and Anaphoric demonstratives referring to referents that are no longerr salient (see Himmelmann 1996: 236-239). The existence of a Recognitional ka- would certainlyy fit in the personal-based system of Hittite where Recognitional apa- already indicatess that something belongs to the domain of the Addressee, and Recognitional asi that somethingg belongs to the domain of the Other.

II wonder whether a constructed example like the following represents a recognitional usee of the English proximal demonstrative:

3.177 You know, this friend of mine that visited me last year?

Inn the preceding examples the referents of the recognitional demonstratives were restricted to objectss or persons. The following texts show us how the distal demonstrative can be used to

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referr to events that were both familiar to Speaker and Addressee, but not yet introduced in thee discourse:

3.188 KUB 22.70 obv. 61-63 (NH oracle, Hattusili III , CTH 566), ed. Ünal 1978: 74-75

Himmelmannn 1996, 1997 does not explain why also non-distal demonstratives can be used recognitionally.

Referencee to events should actually fall under Discourse Deixis. The similarities however between the eni kuit syntagmm and Recognitional asi kuis N are such that I believe that in this case the distinction between Discourse Deixiss and Recognitional Use cannot be upheld.

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66 '' e-ni^ma kuit MUNUS.LUGAL UN.MES-m? katta GUL-antes ANA dUTU-& ISPUR ddUTU-$IzmazkanUTU-$Izmazkan memian menajijianda kanista nu kissan IQBI lêzuazmu kuitkikuitki mematteni ntas?kan ser karussiiat nu man ANA DINGIR-L/A f apat kuitki TUKU.TUKU-tf zz D\J-at ... Ass for that (fact) (em), that the queen wrote to the king about the people who were beatenn up, and (that) the king recognized the affair facing (him), and thus said: "You (pi.)) must not tell me anything!" , and (that) he became silent (about it) , if that becamee (a reason for) some anger for the deity, ...

Thiss whole project of covering something up has not been mentioned before in this completelyy preserved oracle text. The eni kuit clause obviously introduces an event into the discoursee that happened somewhere in the past. This passage makes furthermor e clear that thee deity is well aware of what happened, and that the affair might even have disturbed the deity.. The event is not only not part of the physical surroundings and part of the shared knowledgee of speaker (oracle inquirer ) and addressee (deity), but is also private information. Ass with the example of the painful feet of the king (ex. 3.13), the assumption that the cover-upp operation belongs to general knowledge is unlikely.

3.2.3.. Summary

Thee organization of the Hittit e deictic demonstrative system around Speaker, Addressee and Otherr is mirrore d in the recognitional use of demontratives. The proximal ka-, medial apa-andd distal asi are all allowed in constructions where the Speaker wants to evoke in the mind off the Addressee some pre-existing mental representation of an entity or event. The knowledgee thus derived from the memory of the Addressee has to be shared and private, otherwisee Recognitionals are not used (see 2.2.1.2.). Recognitional demonstratives already occurr in Old Hittit e (see Chapter 4).

Inn 3.2.1.1 stated that the nature of Recognitionally used demonstratives requires more orr less active Addressees. The appropriate genres in Hittit e could be letters, vows, narration addressingg an audience, Direct Speech and oracles. Indeed Recognitional demonstratives are attestedd in vows, narration addressing an audience (which includes treaties), Direct Speech andd oracles.

Itt has not been recognized before in linguistic or typological literatur e that in a person-basedd system all demonstratives can be used recognitionally.

Recognitionallyy used demonstratives are always centering and Focus.

RecognitionalRecognitional Use Continuityy procedure

E-Topicc U-Topic A-Focus

Centeringg procedure

Focus s demN demN

Tablee 3.2: The Recognitional matrix.

3.3.. Anaphora and the continuity procedure 71 1

Inn this section I wil l discuss reference to discourse entities that are salient. As explained in 2.2.3.2,, salient entities are usually referred to by zero, enclitics or unaccented pronouns. In thesee cases the entity referred to is the Established Topic. However, salient entities can also bee referred to by accented pronouns. The difference with the other expressions is that the entityy is now either an Unestablished Topic or in Focus. This works perfectly for Hittite.

3.3.1.. The enclitic pronoun -a- and zero indicating the Established Topic

Encliticc pronouns and zero's (usually the subject), being Established Topics, are always in thee highest focus of attention (see also 2.2.3.2.):

3.199 KBo 3.34 ii 1-7 (OH/NS narration, CTH 8), ed. Dardano 1997: 44-45 11 mZidi LUZABAR.DAB êsta ABI LUGAL DVG%ar^hardn iGESTIN-/?! 2 ANA fHista-iiaraiiara mMarattizia maniiahhis LUGAL-/ SlG^-antan GESTIN-arc hinkatta (0) apêdasszaapêdassza tamain GESTIN-a« piier apassza uit LUGAL-/ tet natta apün GESTINN -an piier LUGAL- us kuin austa apassza uit QATAMMA IQBI szan^astd-77 " ' -

arhaarha pêhuter szan ëssikir szas BA.US Zidii was a 'bronze bowl keeper'. The father of the king assigned a harhara-vessel withh wine to Histayara and Maratti. He (Zidi, 0) provided the king with good wine, (but)) to them other wine was given! Thereupon one said to the king: 'They did not givee that wine which the king has seen'. And the other came and spoke likewise. So theyy brought him (-an) away, worked him (-an) over, and he (-as) died.

Zidii is introduced as the discourse topic in the first clause. He is therefore highly salient throughoutt the paragraph. This is probably the reason that there is no need to use his name at thee end of line 6 after a break of four sentences. The other participants, the king, Histayara andd Maratti are either referred to by a definite noun phrase or accented pronouns.

Ass we have seen in 2.1.3.2.1. (ex. 2.16), a highly salient entity may still be expressed ass an accented pronoun if the referent is not expected as an argument of the predicate (in FG terms)) of the clause. But here all predicates occurring with Zidi as an argument stand in a logicall relation with what Zidi actually did: deceiving the king.

3.3.2.. The accented pronoun apa- as Unestablished Topic expression

Inn the preceding example Zidi remained a highly salient topic and the predicates in which he appearedd as an argument were not contra-expectational. The following example differs in the aspectt of contra-expectation only:

3.200 KUB 36.104 obv. 9'-l l ' (OS narration, CTH 8), ed. Dardano 1997: 32-33 §§ 9' KUR Arzauiia mNunnu LÜ URUHurm[(a)] ^ê^sta[ (KÜ.BABBAR:=/)tf GUSKI(N)] 10' [n]atta[n]atta udai kuit uemizz[(i a-pa-)Ya^-sa p[ar(nazssa pittaizzi)] [(sa)]an LÜ U R UU r r 1 — f f * V

HundaraHundara isiahhis Inn Arzawa Nunnu was the representative of Hurma. But he did not bring in the silver andd gold. Whatever he found, he_ (surprisingly) carried (it) to his estate. The representativee of Hundara denounced him.

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Again,, the referent, Nunnu, is the discourse topic and remains in the center of attention, so nothingg should have prevented a zero for the subject 'he'. The Topic apas of the clause a-pa-a-saa-sa parnazssa pittaizzi is selected from an implied set of competing referents, as in the Implicitlyy Contrastive Topic in 2.2.3.3.2. The implication is that he takes the collected taxes too his own estate while other ambassadors would have taken it to the palace. In other words, thee content of the VP in relation to the Subject-topic is highly unexpected. This is indicated byy -al-ma. The use of apa- with -al-ma is described in 9.4.3.

Another,, more familiar, context for the accented pronoun is topic-shift. The pronoun apasapas is in that case referring to the less topical, but still salient entity (2.2.3.3.1.).

3.211 IBoT 1.36 i 33-37 (MH/MS instruction, CTH 262), ed. Güterbock & Van den Hout 1991:: 8-9 manzan^zazkanmanzan^zazkan 34 sêhunanzazpat tamaszi n^a[s\ A]NA LVME$EDUTIM hümandas 355 EGlR-an huuai nu*ssi\ kuis LV[ME$E]DIJ pirassit artari nu^ssi} tezzix DUGDUGkaltiia?uakaltiia?ua kattan paimi{ a-pa-a-sa para dametani luME$EDIk tezzi a-pa-sasakk para LlJtarriianalli tezzi Onlyy if a bodily urge bothers hiirij , h^ wil l move behind all the guards, and the bodyguardjj who stands before himj, to hinij hq wil l say: 'Tj will go to the pot." He$ thenn says (it) forth to another bodyguard*, he then says (it) forth to a man of third rank. .

Theree are several persons that are salient at some point of the discourse. The first topic switch occurss after nu^ssi tezzi (+ Direct speech) 'to him he wil l say: ...'. The bodyguard has expressedd his needs to his fellow guard who then has to pass the message to his neighbour in turn.. This switch of topic-subject is indicated by means of the accented pronoun apa- with -al-ma. -al-ma.

3.3.3.. The accented pronoun apa- as Argument Focus expression

Thee pronoun apa- is also used to indicate the Focus in a clause. Typically, in Hittite the referentss of Focal apa- are highly salient and sometimes even the Topic of the preceding clausee (see 2.2.3.3.3.).

Inn the following I wil l concentrate on Counter-presuppositional Focus. The main functionn of this type of Focus is countering a possible existing representation in the mind of ann Addressee. Dik 1997: 332 distinguishes five types of Counter-presuppositional Focus: Rejecting,, Selecting, Replacing, Expanding and Restricting Focus. The last three are illustratedd by means of some Hittite examples. There were no examples of Rejecting Focus in myy corpus, and for Selecting Focus I refer to chapter 8.

3.3.3.1.3.3.3.1. Replacing Focus

Thee speaker assumes that the addressee might have some incorrect information. Replacing Focuss replaces that information by the correct information. The following example is adapted fromm Dik 1997: 333 (ex. 48):

3.222 S assumes that A might think: John bought apples SS corrects: (He didn't buy APPLES,) he bought BANANAS

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Inn the second part of the construction the idea that he bought something is presupposed. BANANASS is the Replacing Focus. Similarly, in Hittite the predicate containing the Replacing Focuss is also presupposed:

3.233 IBoT 1.36 i 20-21 (MH/MS instruction, CTH 262), ed. Giiterbock & Van den Hout 1991:4-5 5

21 1

.... nzasta man appizzis DUMU.É.GAL para uizzi man?si LÜ.SUKUR.GUSKIN ÜLÜL pdi nzasta kuuapi para GAL-is DUMU.É.GAL uizzi nassu UGULA.10 nasma NIMGIR.ÉRIN.ME SS [L^MES]EDI uizzi nu GI a-pe-e-da-ni pianzi Iff a low-ranking palace-attendant comes forth, the golden-spear man does not give it (aa key) to him. When a high-ranking palace attendant comes forth, or an overseer of 100 or an army-bailiff (or) [a gua]rd, they give the key to him (apedani).

Thee negating part is n^anzsi LÜ.SUKUR.GUSKIN ÜL pdi 'the golden-spear man does not givee it (a key) to him', the correcting part is nu GI a-pe-e-da-ni pianzi 'they give the key to him.him.'' The nu GI ... pianzi is presupposed (and therefore has to be unaccented), so that the Focuss information 'to him' has to be expressed by means of an accented pronoun. Note that s$is$i 'to him' could have been used if just the cognitive status of the referent is taken into accountt and not also the Topic-Focus distribution in the clause: the referent is introduced in thee immediately preceding clause by means of a 'staging' predicate 'to come' (as in i 21). Typically,, the accented pronoun indicating Replacing Focus holds preverbal position (see furtherr chapter 8).

3.332.3.332. Expanding Focus

Thee speaker assumes that the addressee might have some correct information, but that it is not completee (Dik 1997: 333-334). Expanding Focus replaces that information by the correct information.. The following example is adapted from Dik 1997: 284 (ex. 49):

3.244 S assumes that A might think: John bought apples

SS corrects: Not only JOHN bought apples, also PETE did.

Hittit ee is somewhat different because the predicate is nscessarilv repeated:

3.255 S assumes that A might think: John bought apples SS corrects: Not only JOHN bought apples, also PETE bought apples/something to eat.

Forr more discussion see chapter 7.

3.266 KBo 3.4+ i 10-13 (NH annals, Mursili H, CTH 611), ed. Grélois 1988: 55 ABUzSUtuazssiABUzSUtuazssi kuis LUGAL KUR HAITI êsta nuzuarzas UR.SAG-w LUGAL-ws êstaêsta nuzuazza KUR.KUR.MES LUKÜR tar(a)hhan harta nuzuarzaszza DINGIR-UM-isUM-is DV-at DUMU -SU * ma zuazssizza? kan n kuis ANA GI§GU.ZA ABI?$U esat nucuanucua a-pa-a-as-sa karü LV¥LAL-anza êsta13 nuzuarzan irmaliiattat nuzua^za a-pa-a-as-saa-pa-a-as-sa DINGlR-LIM-is kisat Hiss father, who was the king of the Hittites, was a heroic king, and held the enemy countriess under control. (Then) he became a god. And his son who sat on the throne

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off his father, he too (apass=a) was in the past a strong man, but he became ill , and he tootoo (apass=a) became a god.

Thee information that needs to be expanded upon is nu? uar ?as UR.SAG-W LUGAL-w s êsta '(he)) was a heroic king* and nutuarzaszza DINGIR-L/M- w DU-at 'He became a god'. But thiss information does not only apply to the father of the king, as one might think , it also appliess to his son Arnuwanda: nuzua a-pa-a-as-sa karü L1^KAL-anza êsta 'he too was in thee past a strong man' and nu*ua?za a-pa-a-as-sa DINGIR-L/M- w kisat 'He too became a god'.. Again, the Focus pronoun apa- with additive focus particle zya 'also, too' refers to a referentt that is salient and the expected Topic. The accented pronoun indicating Expanding Focuss always holds first position (Initia l Position is defined as the position preceding the cliti cc chain in Wackernagel's position, First Position follows Wackernagel's position).

3.3.3.3.3.3.3.3. Restricting Focus

Thee speaker assumes that the addressee might have some correct information, but also thinks thatt something else is true. This last part of information needs correction (Dik 1997: 334). Restrictingg Focus replaces that part of the information by the correct information . The followingg example is adapted from Dik I.e. (ex. 50):

3.277 S assumes that A might think: John bought apples and bananas SS corrects: He only bought APPLES

3.288 KBo 6.2 i 16-19 (OS laws, CTH 291), ed. Hoffner 1997: 24 §§ 16 [(takk)]u LÜ.U19.LU-<ZAi kuiski hünikzi tzan istarnikzi nu apün saktdizzi pedizssitmapedizssitma LU.Ul9.LU-an pdi nu É-rizssi 18 anniskizzi kuitmdnzas lazziatta mamasmamas lazziatta*ma 19 nuzsse 6 GIN KÜ.BABBAR pdi LÖA.ZUWa kussan a-pa-a-as-pata-as-pat pai § Iff anyone injures a (free) person and incapacitates him, he shall provide medical care forr him, while in his place he shall give a(nother) man. He (the person who has been given)) shall work on his estate, until he recovers. When he recovers, he (the offender) shalll pay him 6 sheqels and the doctor's fee, he shall pay (it ) instead (of the patient) .

Ass we can see, the Hittite s in the older period did not bother to indicate what person was meantt by he. We can only assume that the semantics of the predicate restrict the possible referents,, and that subject-switches need therefore not to be indicated by lexical noun phrases.

Onee might expect that the one who is injured pays part of the doctor's fee, and that the injure rr shares the bill . The restrictive particle zpat indicates that the bill is not supposed to be paidd by the injured party. Again, the referent of apas-pat is highly salient and both the sentencee and discourse topic.

3.3.4.. The demonstratives

3.3.4.1.3.3.4.1. Introduction

744 Hoffner I.e.: "and shall pay the physician's fee as well".

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Inn 2.3.3.4.1 listed two uses of salient demonstratives that are considered typologically valid:

Immediate anaphora after first mention Demarcating discourse units

II tentatively proposed to consider Immediate anaphora after first mention also as a variant of demarcatingg a discourse unit. In this section (3.3.4.) I want to see whether the same conclusionss can be reached for the Hittite salient demonstratives. Moreover, I will discuss the differencess between demonstrative NPs and 'definite' NPs on the one hand, and between the demonstrativee NPs themselves.

AA first clue to the understanding of the use of salient anaphoric demonstratives in Hittit ee is hidden in the Bronzetablet, a treaty which describes -among other things- the establishmentt of the borders between Hatti and the vice-kingdom of Tarhuntassa. The border descriptionn is usually expressed as: 'His border (as seen) from city X is city Yj (,Y2 . . . ). Cityy Y, (,Y2 ...) lie(s) in Hulaya riverland'. The expression of the second mention of Y[ (,Y22 ...) depends on the number of cities mentioned in the preceding clause. When the numberr of cities is just one or two, the names are repeated:

3.299 Bo 86/299 i 32-33 (lateNH treaty, Tudhaliya IV, CTH 106A), ed. Otten 1988: 12-13 UssazzssiUssazzssi Zaratas ZAG-as—Zaratas ? ma z kan IN A KUR Hulaia

assanza assanza Hiss border (as seen) from Ussa is Zarata. Zarata lies in Hulaya riverland.

3.300 Bo 86/299 i 26-28 (lateNH treaty, Tudhaliya IV, CTH 106A), ed. Otten 1988: 10-11 266 nuzssi I$TU KUR VRVPitassa ISTU ZAG URUArimmatta 21 VRVNahhantas VR{JVR{JHauttassassHauttassass ? a ZAG-as UEUNahhantas zma* kan 28 [jmHauttgssqsl * a IN A KUR

HülaiaHülaia assantes § Hiss border (as seen) from the country Pitassa, from the border of Arimatta, is Nahhantaa and Hauttassa. Nahhanta and Hauttassa lie in Hulaya riverland.

Butt when the number of cities exceeds two, the repetition of names is replaced by the phrase kuskus URU - "* * these cities':

3.311 Bo 86/299 I 50-52 (lateNH treaty, Tudhaliya IV, CTH 106A), ed. Otten 1988: 12-13 ^Usaulazzmatssi^Usaulazzmatssi ZAG-za u™Hassuuantas 51 URVMilas VKUPalmatas mvHashasas VRVVRVSurasSuras URV$immuuantas 52 ZAG-af ku-u-uszma?kan URUDIDL1HI A WA KUR

HülaiaHülaia assantes § Hiss border (as seen) from the border of Usaula, is Hassuwanta, Mila, Palmata, Hashasa,, Sura, (and) Simmuwanta. These (kus= ...) cities lie in Hulaya riverland.

Thee replacement of a list of nouns by means of a demonstrative description occurs also in otherr texts. Example 3.32 shows a list of similar entities, persons, replaced by a demonstrative description,, whereas example 3.33 illustrates the use of a demonstrative pronoun when the list consistss of nouns not belonging to the same class:

3.322 KUB 23.72+ obv. 32-35 (MH/MS treaty, CTH 146) §§ 32 mWalua-LV-is LÜ u™$ullamma mKasiiaras LÜ v™Zanzaliia mAritku LÜ VRUVRULillimaLillima l 3 ™Ma<s>huilü LÜ VRVHinzüta fantas LÜ VRVWattarusna mHalpas

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™$ïusas™$ïusas LÜ.MES URVAn[ ] 34 mUsapas LÜ URUTatoïSa mPahduuas LÜ URVURVAlatarmaAlatarma ™Akarkis LÜ mXiPalisna mPi[gganas LÜ URU ] 35 mHürus LÜ VRVVRVMararhaMararha mAggas LÜ mvTahisna ™Tahisallis LÜ URUHalma ke-e LÜ.MfES ] § § Walwazitii from Sullamma, Kasiyara from Zanzaliya, Aritk u from Lillima , Mashuilu fromm Hinzuta, Santa from Wattarusna, Halpa (and) Siusa from An[ ], Usapa from Tahhisa,, Pahauwa from Alatarma, Akark i from Palisna, Pi[ggana from . . . ] , Hum from Mararha,, Agga from Tahisna, Tahisalli from Halma. These (ke) mefn ]

3.333 KBo 17.1+ iv 19-22 (OS ritual, CTH 416.IA), ed. Otten & Soucek 1969: 36-39 halkiashalkias hars[(d)]r isjiiianda 20 [z]uVlA-ass?a har sar ishiianda ke-ezsan hümandKa)]hümandKa)] 2l \p\addanï têhhi n*e UIGhL-as MUNUS.LUGAL-awssa [(ki)]tkar* sametsamet têhhi 22 sëraazssan GAD-an pessiemi szus [(\A5-as)] natta auszi .... the heads of grain, tied together and the heads of barley, tied together, all (ke=...) thesee (objects) I put on a sieve, and I place them near the heads of king and queen. On topp (of the sieve with its contents) I throw a linen-cloth. No man shall see them.

Ass can be derived from the examples above, a demonstrative description may be used instead off the repetition of a list of names or objects, indicating the superordinate class to which these entitiess belong (i.e., the classifying use of salient demonstratives, see Maes & Noordman 1995:: 262f., Cornish 1999: 57, and 2.3.3.4.). Three questions now have to be answered. One, whyy are the enclitics not used? The answer to this question discusses the difference between encliticss on the one hand, and accented pronouns, demonstrative descriptions and definite nounn phrases on the other hand (3.3.4.2.). Two, why are the accented pronouns not used? Thiss answer delimits and defines the field of both types of noun phrases (3.3.4.3.), and finally,finally, three: what is the difference between a definite noun phrase and a demonstrative description,, including the difference between the demonstratives themselves (3.3.4.4., see alsoo 3.4.)?

3.3.4.2.3.3.4.2. Enclitics versus free forms

Thee first question is relatively easy to answer. As was discussed in 3.3.1., enclitics in Hittite , thee cognates of unaccented pronouns in English, are only used to indicate the Established Topic.. In none of the examples above are the discourse referents, though salient, expected as Topics.. The border descriptions (exx. 3.29-3.31) do not deal with the individual cities, but withh the borders. The borders are the Sentence Topic, the element that the clause is about, and alsoo the main discourse topic. Given the list structure, a new member of the list is expected, nott an elaboration on the cities. (A discussion on the structure of the discourse follows in the answerr to the second question.) The unexpectedness as a Sentence Topic in contrast with the Topicc of the preceding clause, the border, is also indicated by the adversative marker zma.

Inn ex. 3.32 the men are introduced as an extra clausal constituent whose pragmatic functionn in the following clause is not yet established at the moment of the utterance. But beingg the only discourse referents in the paragraph, they are on the other hand expected to takee up their role in the discourse somehow. I would like to classify this type of use as the ImmediateImmediate anaphora after first mention (see 2.3.3.4.1.).

Ex.. 3.33 also starts with an enumeration. (The other members of the list are not cited here.)) The next clause returns to the actions of the ritual practitioner , the I person who is the Sentencee Topic. This time the elements of the list appear in object function in the Focus

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domain.. Again, it is not clear what role the elements of the list are going to perform in the clausee after the enumeration. So although the lists in the last two examples are expected to functionn as discourse topics, they are not necessarily the Established Topic in the following clause.. This prevents the use of enclitic pronouns.

33.4.3.33.4.3. Accented pronouns versus lexical noun phrases

Iff a salient discourse entity does not function as an Established Topic, it may be referred to by meanss of an accented pronoun (see 2.3.3.3. and for Hittite 3.3.2., 3.3.3.). We actually have an examplee from the border description above where the cities are not referred to by kus N but byy the accented pronoun apus 'they (subj.pl.comm.)'. The question is therefore, what is the differencee between kus N and apus if the only factor influencing the choice of expressions couldd be Established Topic versus the Unexpected Topic and the Focus?

3.344 Bo 86/299 i 68-77 (lateNH treaty, Tudhaliya IV, CTH 106A), ed. Otten 1988: 14-15 §§ 68 SAB' KUR VRU*V-taS!a*ia*kan kuies URUD,DLlWl A SA LUGAL KUR U R U / / A 7 T / 69

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esereser (followed by 8 lines of names of cities) a-pu-u-us-s^a z ssi piiantes Andd as for the cities belonging to the king of Hatti that lie in Tarhuntassa, ..., they too (apuss=a)(apuss=a) are given to him (= Kurunta, king of Tarhuntassa).

Heree apus functions as an Expanding Focus pronoun (3.3.3.2.). The preceding text made it clearr that Tudhaliya has decided to give several border cities to Kurunta, so the idea of giving iss presupposed. The amazing thing is that also some Hittite cities inside Tarhuntassa are handedd over to Kurunta. The difference with the preceding examples is that the cities in this examplee already function as part of a discourse unit, their discourse topic-hood is already establishedd through the as for clause (the relative clause in i 68).

Too sum up for salient entities, enclitics are used for Established Topics, and accented pronounss are used to indicate Argument Focus and Unexpected or Contrastive Topics. What theyy have in common is that they function inside discourse units. This leads us to the domain off discourse borders and new discourse units, or the hierarchical structure of discourse. We alreadyy have seen in ex. 3.29-3.31 that names and demonstrative descriptions could alternate

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inn the same environment, that is, the digression from the main discourse structure . Ex. 3.32 cann be considered as Anaphora after first mention, and 3.33 as a return to the main line of the discourse,, to the actions of the practitioner. I here adduce an example of Anaphora after first mentionn (comparable to ex. 3.32) where the anaphor is a 'definite' noun phrase to show that thiss type of anaphora is not restricted to demonstrative descriptions:

3.355 KBo 3.1+ i 10-11 (OH/NS narration, CTH 19), ed. Hoffmann 1984: 14-15 oo 10 r / - U R U r 7 M - .v U R U T - r / M U R U , , w URUr - , U R U 7 , ; 11

§§ l( H)\upisna ruu\\an)\uua Nenassa Landa Zallara [(( )]Parsuhanta Lusna nu utnë maniiahheskir Hupisna,, Tuwanuwa, Nenassa, Landa, Zallara, Parsuhanta (and) Lusna: they (the emperor'ss sons) administered these lands (utne, in Hittite no demonstrative).

755 In this part of the Bronze Tablet the main structure is a list, an enumeration of borders following the general patternn 'Seen from X, Y is the border,' rephrased 'the border as seen from X - Y \ The border is the main discoursee topic, and the Subject Y is not a topical Subject, but a predicational Subject, a Subject in New Focus. InIn terms of Rhetorical Structure Analysis, the list part 'Seen from X, Y is the border' is the Issue, whereas the secondd part is a background or elaboration adjunct. The demonstrative description or the name is part of a backgroundd node.

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Inn the remainder of this section I wil l discuss the occurrence of demonstrative NPs at discoursee nodes.

Foxx (1987) found that the rhetorical structure of a text influenced the choice of referrin g expressions.. She noted that 'ful l NPs in expository written texts are often used at the beginningg of rhetorical units where pronouns could have been appropriate' (o.c. 143), that is, thosee NPs refer to entities that are salient. In Hittit e we have examples of both demonstrative descriptionss and 'definite' noun phrases in the first clause of a digressing discourse unit. In thee two following examples, the description of the area is an aside and serves to explain how difficul tt the actions of the king are:

3.366 KUB 14.15 Hi 39-44 (NH Annals, Mursil i II , CTH 61 II) , ed. Götze 1933: 54-55 399 [nu dUTU-5/ (IN)]A ^RSAGAhnnanda pdun g-sizma [(mB^A}üAr£nngndg}s mekki]mekki] 40 [(n)]akkis aruniziazaszkan parranda pdnza na[(mmazas mekki parkus)}parkus)} uarhuistas 41 namma^as ^pêrunanza nu*kan iSTU ANSE.KUR.RA.MES

s[(ards[(ard pennuma)]nzi ÜL DU-rz 42 NAM.RAMESzmazan pankus harta ÉRIN.MES-iazkaniazkan pank[(us ser êsta)] nut:kan I$TU ANSE.KUR.RA.MES43 kuit sard pennumanzipennumanzi 0[(L kisat nu d)UTU-£/ A]NA KARAS.fll.A GÏR-I V peran hüiianun II [My Majesty] went to mount Arinnanda. — Now, that mount Arinnanda (asi=ma HURSAGHURSAGArinnandas)Arinnandas) is [very] steep and it goes down into the sea. Further, it is very highh and bush-grown. (And) moreover, it is rocky, and it is not possible to drive up (too it) with horses. — Now, the refugees all held it and the soldiers all were on top (of it) .. And given the fact that it was impossible to drive up with horses, I, My Majesty ledd the troops by foot.

Thee mountain is salient, being explicitly expressed in the preceding clause, but not the Establishedd Topic. Reference with an enclitic is therefore not possible. The accented pronoun apa-apa- on the other hand indicates Unexpected Topics. As we wil l see in the Chapters 7, 8 and 99 on apa- however, the clauses containing apa- are almost always pushing forward the narration ,, and are never found in subordinate discourse units. Therefore, given that the mountain-sectionn is a description, a real background (see also the switch from past tense to presentt tense nominal clauses), we do not expect to find the emphatic pronoun apa-. In fact, -ma-ma should have been enough, lik e in 3.29 and in the nextt example, indicating the new Topic inn a background unit.

3.377 KBo 5.8 ii 18-26 (NH annals, Mursil i II , CTH 61II) , ed. Götze 1933: 152-153 mmHütupianzanzmaHütupianzanzma 19 DUMU.LUGAL DVMV mZidd GAL L^MESEDI mZidds kuis 20

ANAANA ABIzYA §ESz$U êsta nu ABUzYA21 uni mHutupiianzan DUMU mZidd GAL LVMESEDILVMESEDI IN A KUR m^Pald 22 uatarnahta KUR miPald^ma PL kuitki 23

pafyjiassanuuanpafyjiassanuuan KUR-TUM êsta 24 URU.BAD EGlR-pa appannas A$RU NU.GAL kuiskikuiski 25 êsta dagdn esantat KUR-e êsta 2 mHutupiianzas z ma KUR uwPald pahjiastat pahjiastat Now,, Hutupianza (ace.) Prince, son of Zida, the Head of the Bodyguard -Zida who

wass a brother of my father-, that Hutupianza, son of Zida, the Head of the Bodyguard, myy father summoned to Pala. —Pala however was a completely unprotected country: theree was no fortifie d city, no place to retreat to. (It ) was a 'they were living (straight)

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onn the land' country.— Hutupianza however protected Pala (by building fortresses andd retreats in the mountains).

II wil l return to the difference between a name or definite noun phrase and a demonstrative descriptionn in 3.3.4.4.

Inn the same vein, a return to the main line after a digression can be indicated by means off a demonstrative description:

3.388 KBo 3.4+ iii 42-44 (NH annals, Mursili II , CTH 611), ed. Grélois 1988: 66 §§ MU.KAM-annizma INA RSAGAsharpaia pdun nuzza ^RSAGAsharpaian kuinkuin 43 URVGasgas esan harta nu $A KUR {]RUPald KASKAL.ME S karassan harta

nunu u-ni $A ^ {JRSAGAsharpaia ^^Gaskan zahhiianun Now,, in that year I went to mount Asharpaya. —Asharpaya, which was settled by a Gasgaa city, had (its) roads of the country of Pala cut off (by them).— I fought that (uni)(uni) Gasga-city of mount Asharpaya

3.399 KUB 14.17 obv. ii 31-35 (NH Annals, Mursili II , CTH 61 II) , ed. Götze 1933: 88-89 311 [nu mPiH\huniias kuis LÜ URVGasga LÜ muTipiia ësta 32 [kuitm]an * kan ABU* YAYA INA KUR.KUR.ME S Hurri ësta mPihhuniias*ma 33 [KUR UGU-r] / vm]Istitina ? ia G\JL-anneski[t]G\JL-anneski[t] nzas para [INA ÜRlJZa]zzisa ar[askit] nuzkan a-si mPihhuniias 355 [ÜL SA ...]x-ga-ni-x [iua]r taparta Pihhuniya,, who was a Gasgaean, a man from Tipiya, — as long as my father was in thee Hurrian countries, Pihhuniya attacked the Upper Country and Istitina, and he reachedd out [to Za]zzisa — that Pihhuniya [did not] rule like [ ]

Althoughh the rest of the text is broken, it is likely that Pihunniya and his hostile actions are thee local discourse topic, because Pihhuniya is assigned topic-hood through his introduction inn a kui-c\misc in ii 31. After this introduction an embedded digression describes how also Mursili'ss father had had his difficulties with Pihunniya. Then Mursili returns to the descriptionn of Pihhuniya, which had started in ii 31. Interesting here is that, contrary to the precedingg two examples, asi Pihhuniya refers back to the preceding clause where he was the Subjectt and the Topic. The referent of Pihhuniya is therefore the Established Topic, and nothingg should have prevented the use of a zero or an enclitic pronoun. The only reason left forr using a demonstrative adnominal with a name for an Established Topic, is the structure of thee discourse.

Thee next example shows that also the medial demonstrative determiner apa- may be usedd to indicate a boundary in the discourse:

3.400 KUB 14.14 + rev. 21'-23' (NH prayer, Mursili II , CTH 378 I), ed. Lebrun 1980: 198, 201. . §§ 21 DINGIR.ME S EN.MES rA $A mDudhaliia kuit êshar EGIR-a/i sanhatUeni] 21

"" 23'

nuzkannuzkan mDudhaliian kuiês kuennir nu eshar apus sarnin[kir\ nu KUR URl}URl}HattiziaHattizia a-pa-a-as ishananza arha namma zinne[sta] Ass for the blood of Dudhaliya that you, o gods, my lords, are seeking, — (but mind this:)) the ones who killed Dudhaliya, it is they who [have] retributed the blood —, thatt blood (you're seeking) further ende[d] the land of Hatti too.

766 Compare Houwink ten Cate 1967: 46 n. 9: "(and) they were lowland (countries)".

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Inn the first clause, the eshar 'blood' is introduced as the discourse topic in a to'-clause. Immediatelyy after this introduction however, a new unit is started, again by means of a kui-clause.. The new local discourse topic is not the seeking of the blood, but the persons who committedd a murder, and the fact that they already paid for their crime a long time ago. The problemm Mursil i is dealing with is why the gods are still seeking revenge, thereby destroying thee land of Hatti . Lik e in example 3.39, the initia l relative clause with kuit eshar 'what blood' iss picked up after a digression by means of the demonstrative description apas ishananza 'thatt blood'.

3.3.4.4.3.3.4.4. 'Definite' noun phrases and the three demonstratives versus each other

Inn the preceding discussion we have seen several examples of the proximal demonstrative ka-, thee medial demonstrative apa- and the distal demonstrative asi marking a discourse boundary (forr figure see 3.4.2.2.). The next and last question to be addressed is, what is the difference betweenn noun phrases without demonstrative and those with ha-, apa- or asi? The proposal madee here for the difference between Hittit e definite NPs and names on the one hand and demonstrativee NPs on the other hand should be further investigated, but I wil l here present a hintt towards a possible solution.

Inn 3.1.1 presented the deictic demonstratives with their deictic contrasts: proximal ka-referss to a referent viewed as belonging to the cognitive space of Speaker, medial apa- is viewedd as belonging to the cognitive space of the Addressee and finally , distal asi refers to a thir dd party which is outside the cognitive space of Speaker and Addressee. The examples abovee and the discussion in the chapters on the individual demonstratives show that also the usee of the demonstratives when structurin g the discourse depends on the cognitive space to whichh a referent belongs. This membership is not required by some linguistic rule but dependss on how the Speaker views the world and what s/he intends to convey to the Addressee.. The difference is therefore part of the rhetorical toolbox of the Speaker.

Forr example, why should mount Arinnanda in ex. 3.36 be referred to by asi ArinnandasArinnandas or Gasga by uni Gasgan in ex. 3.38, but Pala simply by Pala in ex. 3.37? The solutionn lies in the political constellation at the time. Pala belongs to the land of Hatti at the timee of Suppiluliuma, whereas Mount Arinnanda in the far west, close to Millawanda (Milete),, is a hostile area and to be attacked by Mursili . Arinnanda belongs to the cognitive spacespace of the Other, and Mursil i stresses this fact, in case one might not know this. With ex. 3.388 the Gasga are depicted as hostile, and therefore not belonging to the space of the Speaker andd Addressee (the audience or reader), and the same of course is true of Pihhuniya in ex. 3.39. .

Similarly ,, the medial demonstrative determiner apa- is used to indicate that the Speakerr stresses the localization of the referent in the cognitive space of the Addressee. This cann be seen in ex. 3.40. This example is part of a prayer of Mursil i to the gods, the Addressees.. The demonstrative apa- stresses the fact that the blood the gods are seeking is reallyy not the matter anymore of Mursili , since the culprit s have already been found. Therefore,, the blood seems to be a matter of the gods only, not of the Speaker and not of the Others. .

Thee proximal demonstrative ka- is often used to refer to an enumeration (exx. 3.31, 32,, 33). But that is not necessary, as can be illustrated by means of ex. 3.35. The proximal ka-ka- also indicates that the entities are relevant for the Speaker in the here and now.

Thee same division of labor as described here occurs when we observe the use of demonstrativess when referrin g to entities that are not salient, as section 3.4. will show.

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Butt what happens if the Speaker does not want to make use of his/her rhetorical toolbox?? If his/her attitude is neutral? It could be that in that case a bare NP is used. There is aa possibility however that ka- is the most neutral, the least marked, of the three demonstrativess (see sections 6.5.5. and 6.8.). This would lead to the following division of functions: :

1.. If the cohesion of the discourse does not need to be restored, use a bare NP. 2.. If the cohesion of the discourse needs to be restored: use a demonstrative NP.

a.. If the Speaker attitude is neutral, use ka-. b.. If not, use either ka-, apa- or asi, depending on assignment to cognitive space

off Speaker, Addressee or Other.

3.3.5.. Summary and conclusions

Whenn the referent of an anaphoric expression is salient, everything could be used: 0, -a-, apa-, ka-ka- + N, apa- + N, asi + N. There is clear difference however between in node and across nodee reference. Inside a node only 0, -a- and Focal apa- were used, whereas the demonstrativee descriptions (and not the demonstrative pronouns!) usually occurred when the thematicc continuity had somehow diminished.

Thee demonstrative ka- was used in connection with the Speaker, apa- with the Addresseee and asi with the Other.

Anaphora-Anaphora- Continuity procedure inn node

E-Topic c 0,, -a-

U-Topic c apa-apa-

A-Focus s apa-apa-

acrosss node

U-Topic c demdem N

U-Topic c demdem N

Tablee 3.3. The Anaphora-continuity matrix.

3.4.. Anaphora and the centering procedure — Demonstratives again

3.4.1.. Introduction

AA completely different context for demonstratives is the retrieval of a referent that is not salientt at the moment of the utterance. Usually the antecedent is found some clauses or larger discoursee units earlier. Clearly, pronouns are excluded in such a context, but what conditions thee choice between a definite noun phrase and a demonstrative noun phrase? And is there a differencee between the proximal and non-proximal demonstratives? As I proposed above, bothh Hittite 'definite' noun phrases and demonstrative descriptions are used in the same environmentt if we consider the combination of the parameters 'salience' and 'topic-hood'. Discoursee referents that are salient but were not expected to be the topic of the next clause, aree not expressed by pronouns but by a noun phrase. Whether a demonstrative determiner is usedd depends on the extra information a Speaker wants to provide. The Speaker emphasizes thee cognitive space -his own space, the space of the Addressee, the space of the Other- in

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whichh a referent resides by adding the appropriate demonstrative. For consistency reasons we expectt this to function also with respect to discourse referents that are not salient anymore. Eachh of the following examples will be discussed according to this parameter, sometimes in comparisonn with a similar passage with noun phrase but without demonstrative.

3.4.2.. Demonstratives and discourse boundaries

3.4.2.1.3.4.2.1. Some attestations of demonstratives on discourse boundaries

Generally,, lexical noun phrases, including the ones with a demonstrative determiner, are used too refer to antecedents that are separated from the noun phrase by a major discontinuity in the discourse.. Discontinuities are caused by episodic changes, shifts in location, and intervention byy direct speech (see for example Lichtenberk 1996: 386 with references). In this section I wil ll discuss the connection between demonstratives that refer to non-salient demonstratives andd discourse boundaries (for salient referents see section 3.3.).

Thee discontinuities that are easiest to detect in Hittite are paragraph boundaries and insertionss of direct speech. Of each of the two types I wil l give examples of the three demonstratives,, if possible. First some of the examples with reference across paragraph boundaries: :

3.411 KUB 1.1 ii 66-71 (NH egodocument, Hattusili III , CTH 81), ed. Otten 1981: 16-17 nuzzanuzza kê KUR.KUR.MES Xdannatta 67 iSTU NÏ.TEzYA EGlR-pa asesanunun nz atat EGIR-pa mvHattusan iianun §§6969GlM-an?maGlM-an?ma uit S[(ES?Y)]A kuuapi IN A KUR Mizrï pait nuzza KUR.KUR.MESS hue ke-e EGlR-pa asesanu[(nu)]n nu KARAS ANSE.KUR.R[(A.MES)] 711 kêl SA KUR-77 ANA SES KA lafrfri IN A KUR Mizrï 72 GAM-an pêfiutenun II resettled these empty countries on my own and made them Hittite again. §§ But when it happened that my brother went at a certain moment to Egypt, as for thesee countries (KUR.KUR.MES kue kê) that I had resettled, I led the army and the horsess of these countries (actually sg.!) down to my brother on campaign to Egypt.

Thee countries in ii 70 are completely identifiable by means of the relative clause. Actually everyy reference to these countries is done with ka-\ in ii 55-56 'He let me to these countries. Thesee unpopulated countries he gave to me in control: ... \ ii 63 'These unpopulated countries whichh my brother had placed in my hand, ... '. The following references are cited in the examplee above, ii 66 'I resettled these empty countries on my own and made them Hittite again'' and ii 70 'as for these countries that I had resettled'. Clearly Hattusili stresses every timee his control over these countries by using the Speaker-demonstrative ka-. The only time thatt these countries are not in his control he simply uses a definite noun phrase:

3.422 KUB 1.1 iii 57-58 (NH egodocument, Hattusili HI, CTH 81), ed. Otten 1981: 20-21 CO O

[(KUR.KUR.ME SS gja kue dannatta amm)]uk EGIR-pa [(asesanunun nuzmuzkan apëziaapëzia jiümanda)] arjia das Alsoo the unpopulated countries that I had resettled, all of them too he took away from me! !

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Hattusili'ss nephew Urhi-Tessub, Great-King by now, has decided to take all his uncle's lordshipss away from him, even the ones Hattusili had populated himself. Notice the stressed firstt person pronoun ammuk in Replacing Focus position, indicating that not Urhi-Tessub but Hattusilii repopulated these countries, in case one might think otherwise. Obviously the countriess are not in his control anymore, so they cannot be referred to by means of ka~.

Inn the next example it is apa- N that refers across a paragraph boundary.

3.433 HK M 27 obv. 3-10 (MH/MS letter, Tudhaliya III , CTH 199), ed. Alp 1991: 166-167 §§ 3 [S\A LUKÜR kuit uttar 4 hatraes —KVR-zazkan mahhan ^^Kasasan 6

TahazzimunannTahazzimunann ? a zïkizzi mat ASME §§ 8 n z asta a-pa-a-as — KÜR kuuapi naiskittari nu £ mu hatreski § Ass for the affair of the enemy that you wrote about, how the enemy keeps laying (his handss on) Kasasa and Tahazzimuna, I have taken notice of it. §§ Wherever that enemy (apas LUKUR) turns away to, write (it) to me.

ThatThat enemy refers back across a paragraph line to LUKÜR 'the enemy' in obv. 4. The enemy is clearlyy in the domain of the Addressee of the letter, Himuili, the governor of the district, and nott considered to be part of the domain of the king as the sender of the letter: it is Himuili's responsibilityy to track the movements of the enemy. In the next example we see again referencee across a paragraph line, but this time the writer did not feel the need to add a demonstrative: :

3.444 HK M 46 rev. 8-17 (MH/MS letter, Tudhaliya III , CTH 199), ed. Alp 1991: 200-201 §§ 8 nzaszkan man IN A KUR ^VRSAGËakaddunuua parëan paizzi man EGlR-pa kuuatgakuuatga n uahnuzi maszkan KUR-/a anda uizzi nu^ssi EGIR-a/i naui kuitkikuitki tekkussiiaizzi §§ 15 man*kan dUTU-5/ BELIzYA BELU 16 kuinki para naitti n mama KUR-i ——KURKUR OL dammishaizzi § Whetherr he (the enemy) comes across the Sakaddunuwa-mountain or whether he perhapss wil l turn back and enter the countryside, nothing yet shows up behind it (the mountain)) .

ff I f /

§§ (If ) you, My Majesty, my Lord, would send over some general, the enemy ( KUR) wouldd not damage the country.

Inn this example no demonstrative is used, although reference is made across a paragraph boundary.. The letter is written by Adadbeli to the king. He reports the movement of the enemyy towards the area he, but not the king, stays in. The enemy is therefore only in Adadbeli'ss area. According to my theory the Addressee oriented apa- is therefore excluded, andd the only possibility is that the sender wants to stress that the enemy is in his own area by meanss of ka-. But this is not likely since the sender tries to share the responsibility with the kingg by asking him to send a general.

Andd also the distal asi + N can refer to another paragraph.

3.455 KUB 14.8 obv. 31'-32' (NH prayer, Mursili II , CTH 378 II) , ed. Lebrun 1980: 206, 212. .

777 CHD L-N 421 differently: 'He has not yet left any indication behind'. Alp 1991: 202: 'Hinter ihm lasst sich nochh nichts bemerken'.

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nuzianuzia mahhan e-ni TUPPA 32 SA KUR URVMizri piran uemiianun n*at ISTU DINGIR-UMDINGIR-UM ariianun Afterr I had come across that tablet (eni TUPPA) dealing with Egypt, I performed an oraclee inquiry through a deity.

Thee demonstrative description eni TUPPA 'that tablet' refers back to the tablet which is mentionedd in obv. 13': the tablet containing the Kurustamma treaty. In the present clause the tablett is described as 'the tablet dealing with Egypt', which should be enough to distinguish it fromm all other possible tablets. So why use the demonstrative eni if the phrase TUPPA $A KUR VRVVRVMizriMizri would have been sufficient? The participants that are involved with the prayer are Mursilii II and the deity. The treaty with Egypt on the other hand was broken by Suppiluliuma,, the father of Mursili II . Resulting from this violation a severe plague had been sweepingg the land far into the reign of Mursili. Mursili takes the blame although he explicitly statess that it did not happen in his time, but rather in his father's time. So in order to stress the factt that the tablet containing the treaty did not belong to his own cognitive space, and certainlyy not to the deity's, he uses the distal demonstrative eni, referring to the cognitive spacee of the Other and thus distancing himself from it.

Inn my corpus I have also a few references of ka- + Noun, apa- + Noun and asi + Noun crossingg direct speech boundaries. The clearest example of the connection between the domainn of responsibility and the use of the demonstratives is provided by the next example wheree we even have an alternation of two demonstratives:

3.466 KUB 6.41 i 34-38 (NH treaty, Mursili II , CTH 68), ed. Friedrich 1926: 110-111 %%ll** mafytyinzma dUTU- 7 uni memian AËME nu dUTU-S/ m?lS.TVR-an 35 ÜL kuitki \$UL-uanni\$UL-uanni sanhun man piran para [ÜL kuitki] #UL-ahhun nu kissan AQBI paimizuapaimizua u-ni memian [EGTR-pa anda] tittanumi nu sard tiianun nu ke-e-da-

"" 38

nini memi\(i)ani EGIR-pa] anda tittanumanzi paun Butt when I, My Majesty, heard about that affair, I, My Majesty, did not seek for evil againstt Mashuiluwa at all. I had [not] acted evilly [at all] before towards him. I spoke inn this way: "I wil l go set that (uni) affair [right again]." I arose and went to settle this (kedani)(kedani) affair.

Inn the preceding paragraph of this treaty between Mursili and Kupanta-Kurunta it is described howw Mashuiluwa started to alienate the people of Pitassa and even some Hittite subjects from thee Hittite empire, trying to engage into fight. The first uni memian in i 34 refers to this affair.. When the King speaks about it, he uses uni memian, but in the following narrative part hee uses kedani memiani. So why this alternation? The decision to straighten out the problems meanss that the King has drawn the problem into his sphere of influence, and considers it his responsibility.. In the first two examples of memiya- on the other hand, the affair is still the resultt of the actions of Mashuiluwa. In order to stress this fact, Mursili uses the Distal demonstrative.. Notice that apa- could not have been used. The use of the medial demonstrativee would imply that the Addressee Kupunta-Kurunta was responsible, which is nott true: the whole idea of the following paragraphs is to emphazise that Mursili does not blamee Kupunta-Kurunta for the deeds of his stepfather Mashuiluwa.

3.477 HK M 36 obv. 3-9 (MH/MS letter, Tudhaliya III , CTH 199), ed. Alp 1991: 182-183 §§ 3& t [LÓKÜR kuit] uttar hatraes 4 ANA TÜR.HI.AgM g kattan arantari 5 nuzua* muzmuz kan ÉRIN.MES para nai 6 n^asta kd[s]a ÉRIN.MES pangarit 7 para ne\h(iu]n

85 5

nunu a-pu-u-us TÜR.HI.A 8 anda SlG5[-ahheskit]ten matzkan 9 SlG5-in asnuu[antaru]asnuu[antaru] § [Ass for what] you wrote about the affair of [the enemy]: '(People) are standing at the corrals.. Send off troops to me!' I have ju[s]t se[nt] off troops in large numbers. You (pi.)) must [keep repjairing those (apus) corrals! They [have to be] taken well care of!

Thee corrals belong to the domain of the Addressee and the king stresses his responsibility concerningg the corrals by means of the Medial or Addressee oriented demonstrative apa-.

Andd finally the use of the distal demonstrative asi referring across a discourse node to somethingg mentioned in direct speech:

3.488 KUB 31.77 i 14-19 (NH vow, Hattusili III , CTH 584), ed. De Roos 1984: 266, 404 nuzuanuzua memiskizzi kuitzuarzan zahhiskinun kuitzuarzan zahhiskinun nu?

nn 17 " " ' 18

uarzanzkanuarzanzkan Unhun namma UR.BAR.RAtiazuazkan kuis anda [ë]sta [nu? uar]zan?kanuar]zan?kan sard hüittiianun man ? ma a-si UR.BAR.RA Tl-anza ... aHee said: 'Why did I fight him? Why did I fight him? Then I fed him, and the wolf thatt was inside, I hauled him up.' That (asi) wolf is either alive, ...

Thiss text citation is part of a dream of queen Puduhepa. In the dream she sees her dead father, whoo is the one speaking here. After the speech ends, the queen refers to the wolf using the demonstrativee asi. The dream itself is part of a Vow, a promise made by the Speaker to the deity,, the Addressee. The world is therefore divided in two parts, the part containing Speaker andd Addressee and the part outside this area, the world of the Others. The father of the queen iss already dead and does not belong to her world anymore, so the wolf he is talking about is in hiss domain and therefore outside his daughter's. Likewise there is no connection with the deity,, the Addressee. The rest of the text is badly damaged which prevents any further thoughtss on the reason for using a demonstrative description instead of a definite noun phrase.

3.4.2.2.3.4.2.2. Do anaphoric demonstratives and discourse nodes belong together?

Inn chapter 2.4. I suggested that demonstratives in languages with defmiteness markers are linkers,, used to create cohesion when the segment containing the demonstrative did not alreadyy provide that cohesion. But since Hittite does not have defmiteness markers, and more generally,, since definiieiiess in Hittite has not been studiCu yet, it is not possiuie to adequately comparee 'definite' NPs with demonstrative NPs.

Despitee this problem, there are a few contexts where Hittite demonstrative NPs should appearr when they are indeed linkers, independent of saliency: (1) at paragraph initial clauses; (2)) in complex sentences with preposed adverbial clauses. Since preposed adverbial clauses aree generally associated with discourse boundaries, they naturally cause a discourse discontinuity;; (3) at discourse nodes which can be identified on semantic grounds (these includee nodes of digressions, and switch from Direct Speech to Narration, see for example the

88 Alp's restoration SIG5[-w pa-ah-ha~as-nu-ut-]ten requires too much space, and even SIG5[-f>! pa-ah-ha-as-]ten]ten does not seem to fit. I therefore suggest SlG5[-ah-he-es-ki-it-]ten instead.

99 Alp's restoration as-nu-[ut-ten] causes incongruency because the commune TÜR is referred to by a neuter objectt sat. Although incongruency sometimes occurs, I would like to suggest something like as~nu~w[a-an-ta-ru).ru). This makes nat the subject commune/neuter plural enclitic pronoun in an intransitive clause.

86 6

discussionss in 3.3.4., and sections 4.5.2.2. and 4.5.3.1.). Indeed there is a strong correlation betweenn discourse nodes and the occurrence of anaphoric demonstratives:

demonstrativee NP occurs inn paragraph initial clause inn preposed adverbial clause att semantically defined discourse node Total l

versus versus other r

ka-ka-7 7 10 0 17 7 34 4

6 6

apa-apa-6 6 4 4 1 1 11 1

5 5

asi asi 10 0 6 6 11 1 27 7

8 8

Total l 23 3 20 0 29 9 72 2

19 9

Tablee 3.4. Distribution of demonstrative NPs over discourse nodes and other positions.

Thee fact that Hittite anaphoric demonstratives often occur on these discourse nodes might indicatee that they are needed to create more cohesion with the preceding unit. They evoke, re-activatee an entity together with the memory representation of the entity's closed discourse unit,, thus creating a link between the new unit and an older one. Of course one should study alll Hittite adverbial clauses with and without demonstratives in order to substantiate this claim. .

3.4.3.. Demonstratives and text genres

Basedd on the observation that the demonstratives are related to person, one can predict when thee Speaker is 'allowed' to use a particular anaphoric demonstrative. First, proximal ka- can occurr whenever the Speaker is actively engaged in the events described in the texts. This includess basically every genre. Only excluded are the laws and other administrative texts with prescriptions.. The anaphoric medial apa- on the other hand should only occur in texts that havee an Addressee, such as letters, vows and oracles. The anaphoric distal demonstrative asi shouldd occur in contexts with a well defined Other. One could think of narrations dealing withh an enemy.

Inn the table below I have collected all anaphoric demonstratives in my corpus (both 80 0

salientt and not salient) and listed them according to the genres in which they appeared. The groupingg of the genres themselves is based on the following considerations. An Addressee is, activelyy or passively, present in the following genres: letter, oracle, prayer, landgrant, instruction,, oath, treaty, vow. Of these the letter, instruction, oath, treaty and oracle require an activee Addressee. The other ones were grouped with the ritual where there likewise is only an activee Speaker. The narration in all its forms only requires an Audience that does not participatee in the narration. Contrary to the other genres, narrations deal mainly with Others besidee the Hittite king and his entourage.

ka-ka- apa- asi_ Passivee or no Addressee Rituall 6 Landgrantt 4 Prayerr 5 Voww L Activee Addressee

Thee totals are different from those in table 3.3. because this time all broken and unclear examples could be included. .

3 3

2 2 2 2

87 7

Treatyy 13 2 — Letterr 1 10 — Instruction ,, Oath — 1 — Oraclee 1 — 16 Activee Other Narrationn 17 —; 23

Tablee 3.5. Distribution of the anaphoric demonstratives over text genres, based on my corpus.

Thee table allows the following observations. The medial anaphoric demonstrative indeed onlyy occurs in genres with an active Addressee. The lack of apa- and the overwhelming use of asiasi in oracles is possibly on account of the fact that one does not assign responsibility to the godss for the events questioned in the oracle. It is much more likely to use a distal demonstrativee in its disassociating function: distancing a referent from both Speaker and Addressee. .

Thee distal demonstrative occurs in narrations (including myths) which necessarily deall with the Other. But since the king is one of the active participants, one finds as often the proximall demonstrative. This is also the reason why the tracking proximal demonstrative occurss in treaties but not in instructions in my corpus. The actions described in instructions andd oaths mainly concern the responsibilities of the Addressee(s), whereas treaties also containn references to responsibilities of the King.

3.4.4.. Summary

Afterr a break in the thematic continuity of the discourse, discourse referents lose their saliency.. In order to 'retrieve' those referents it is not possible anymore to use pronouns, so thee speaker has refer to them by means of definite noun phrases instead. Not surprisingly the samee occurs in Hittite too. We have seen that both definite and demonstrative noun phrases couldd be used to refer to discourse entities across a paragraph line or a direct speech boundary.. Again, as in the section on salient demonstratives, it appeared that the difference betweenn the demonstrative NPs was based on the person-based qualities of the demonstratives.. If the Speaker wants to express his/her opinion on the association of the discoursee entity with one of the speech participants or the Other, s/he can choose the appropriatee demonstrative. The proximal demonstrative ka- is viewed as referring to the cognitivee space of Speaker, the medial apa- is viewed as belonging to the area of the AA / H s H f O C i p a A m n o l l i ; ^rr« ¥ * * ^ - r ^ * » o * f Vl A ^ A i t n i t i t r a r m n j t a *-%+ o f i l l » . * - ! n n v f i f #-Vi A O t l i a f m i + n « s 4 r f c +Vi rt

domainn of both of Speaker and Addressee (or Audience). This assignment to cognitive space wass supported by the correlation between demonstratives and text genres. Only genres with activeAddresseess contained the medial demonstrative apa-, whereas genres with an active Otherr were responsible for the majority of the distal asi-s.

Thus,, discourse grammar prescribes the use of pronouns versus lexical noun phrases, whilee the choice for anaphoric demonstratives or not rests solely with the Speaker. The anaphoricc demonstratives are part of the rhetorical toolbox of the Speaker.

Beforee fillin g the slots in table 3.6., the Focus structure of the clauses containing the demonstrativess needs to be addressed. In the examples presented here most demonstratives occurredd in a subordinate clause: a relative clause in ex. 3.42, 3.43, a temporal clause in 3.45, andd a conditional clause in 3.48. In such clauses the Focus structure is not important since theyy provide a background for the narration or introduce a discourse topic. Therefore I considerr all these clauses as Sentence Focus clauses. They are so to speak 'out-of-the-blue*. Ass one can read in the chapters on the individual demonstratives and in 3.4.2.2., anaphoric demonstratives,, like the discourse deictic and recognitional demonstratives, often occur in

88 8

subordinatee clauses that form the start of a new unit. Only in a few examples the anaphoric demonstrativess occur in a main clause, as in ex. 3.46 and 3.47. The referents of these two exampless are also in the Focus of the clause.

Anaphora-CenteringAnaphora-Centering procedure

inn node

E-Top p — —

U-Top p — —

A-Focus s — —

acrosss node

Focus s demN demN

Tablee 3.6 .The Anaphora-centering matrix

3.5.. Discourse Deixis

Beforee discussing the anaphoric or demonstrative pronouns and demonstrative adverbs of mannerr in their Discourse Deictic function, I wil l discuss the ways in which a Hittite could expresss the phrase 'to place under Oath'. The results provide a preliminary framework for the functionn of the different pronouns, demonstrative pronouns and noun phrases and provides moree support for the outline of the functioning of the demonstratives as described in 3.1, that is,, ka- is the Proximal demonstrative and asi is the Distal demonstrative. The demonstrative apa-apa- now also occurs in its function as the emphatic or Focus pronoun, and only rarely in connectionn with the Addressee.

3.5.1.. Introduction: 'placing under Oath'

Inn Hittite, all pronouns can be used as discourse deictic expressions. In order to distinguish especiallyy the demonstratives in discourse deictic use from the other demonstrative uses, I use thee following criteria as specified by, among others, Diessel 1999: lOOff. (see further 2.3.5.):

Discourse deictics refer to the contents of a chunk of discourse: an event, a proposition,, or a speech-act.

Discourse deictics often provide a link between two discourse units. The referent of a discourse deictic expression is immediately adjacent to the clause

containingg the discourse deictic expression.

Thee discourse deictic use of referential expressions can be exemplified by the Hittite phrase 'placingg under Oath'. This formulation generally occurs as the conclusion of a stipulation in a treaty.. The divine oath is used as a safeguard against transgressing that stipulation. The oath expressionn can take the form linkiya kattan dai- 'place under oath' or linkiya kattan ki- 'to be placedd under oath' (CHD L-N p. 65). Both persons and words can be placed under oath, but ourr concern is only the latter formulation with words or conduct as subject. The expression referringg to the words of the stipulation or treaty can take the form 0, -at, apat, kas memias andd apds memias. The question I want to answer is why all these different forms can be used inn the same construction.

89 9

Thee oath formula is either preceded by a conditional clause or by a main clause. As we alreadyy know, demonstratives often bring an object into the center of attention. Conditional clausess do the same for propositional contents, they create a mental world which provides a frameworkk in which the apodosis holds (Dik 1997b: 396. See Erteschik-Shir 1997: 84ff. for conditionalss as stage topics). In cognitive terms, the semantic content of the conditional clausee has already entered the center of attention by being expressed in a conditional clause. Thiss means that if the content of the clause is subsequently referred to, the continuity proceduree may be used. In the apodosis of a conditional clause we therefore expect to find an anaphoricc pronoun, not a demonstrative pronoun. When on the other hand the preceding clausee is not presented as a conditional clause, the propositional content of the clause is not yett in the center of attention. Therefore we expect to find a demonstrative expression in the 'oath'-clause.. One could even consider the 'oath' clause as thematically disconnected from thee stipulations preceding it. The new discourse unit, consisting of only one clause, is then connectedd with the preceding unit by means of a demonstrative. Whether or not the latter applies,, in both cases one needs a demonstrative.

Thiss is indeed the case. After conditionals we find 0, n?at, nu apattza, nu apassza memiasmemias (remember that apa- is often used as the Focus pronoun and not as a

81 1

demonstrative).. The conditional clause with apodosis is often of the form 'If you act evil, lett it (etc.) be put under oath'. But sometimes one encounters 'If you (want to) act evil, don't doo it! Let (it) be placed under oath'. In such a situation the underlined it is anaphoric, not discoursee deictic:

3.499 KBo 4.14 ii 73-77 (lateNH treaty, Tudhaliya IV, CTH 123), ed. Van den Hout 1989: 290-291 1 §§ [m]annzazmuzkan 1 KUR-TUM kuitki GAM-an niiari [n\asma^mu^kan EN.MESS kuiêsqa $ allalla pdnzi [z\ikzmazsmaszkan anda handasi nu kisan memattimematti GESPU-ahhirzuazmu n?at lë DÜ'-si 71 GAM-an MAMIT GAR-ru § Andd if some single country turns away from me, or some lords commit treason against me,, (if then) you join them, and you speak in this way: "They forced me!", you may nott do it! Let (it) be placed under Oath.

Inn this case the neuter subject is not even expressed at all. The next example shows the regularr conditional formula without the 'don't do it' clause:

3.500 KBo 19.44+ rev. 10-13, with duplicate KBo 5.3+ III 38'-39' (MH/MS treaty, Suppiluliumaa I, CTH 42) ' nasmanasma za man apat[( KUR-e nasma URU-a/i)] assuli nasma iddlu para

122 13

huitt[(iian)huitt[(iian) h(armi)] zigzazsmaszat man paitti EGIR-pa[( me)mat(ti)] nz ezttaeztta SAPAL NIS DINGIR.ME S k[ittaru] § Orr (if ) I have singled out that land or city for favor or for harsh treatment, if you go repeatt that (lit . it) to them — [let] it [be] p[laced] under Oath for you.

Treatiess always contain several stipulations which are concluded by oath. The author of the treatyy therefore often uses the phrase 'let that (conduct) too be placed under oath', with Expandingg Focus (see 2.3.3.3.3.).

3.511 KUB 21.1+ ii i 53-56 (NH treaty, Muwattalli, CTH 76), ed. Friedrich 1930: 74-75

!11 One unclear example with ka- is discussed in chapter 6.

90 0

nasmazkannasmazkan LUKÜR^m a KURzKA istarna 53 arha iiatari ziggtan ÜL zahhiiasi 54

nunu kisan mematti... nu a-pad-da-ia NES DINGIR-L/ M GAM-an kittaru Orr (if ) the enemy marches through your country and you do not fight him, saying: "...",, let that too \apadda-ya) be placed under Oath.

3.522 KUB 21.1+ ii i 56-59 (NH treaty, Muwattalli, CTH 76), ed. Friedrich 1930: 74, emendationss Otten 1957: 29 nasmanasma ERIN.MES ANSE.KUR.RA.MES 57 ANA dUTU-& uëkti LUKÜR kui[nk]i GUL-ahti nuzttanuztta dUTU-^/ 58 ÉRIN.MES ANSE.KUR.R[(A.ME)]S pai zikzman[?m\izan hantezzi ANAANA LUKÜR 59 GAM-fl « pesti nu a-pa-a-as-sa memias SAPAL NE$ DINGIR-L/ M kittaru kittaru Orr (if ) you request infantry and chariotry from My Majesty to fight some enemy, and Myy Majesty gives you the infantry and chariotry, but you would like to betray them to thee enemy at the first opportunity, let also that (apass-a) conduct be placed under Oath. .

Afterr main clauses we find the proximal demonstrative ka-. When a main clause is processed byy the Addressee, the element that might be a further topic of discourse is usually not the propositionall content of the clause, but one of the entities expressed in the Subject or the Object.. The propositional content of the clause is not in the center of attention, and a demonstrativee description is required in order to make the content a discourse topic. The only sentencee type is with the proximal demonstrative ka- in initial position:

3.533 KUB 23.1+ ii 6-7 (lateNH treaty, Tudhaliya IV, CTH 105), ed. Kühne & Otten 1971: 8-9 9 66 tamaizza EN-UTTA lë ilali\ias\i 7 ka-a-aszta memias SAPAL NES DINGIR-L/A f kittarukittaru § Doo not desire another Ruling House. Let tins (kas) conduct be put under Oath.

Summarizing,, the conditional clause introduces its propositional content as a discourse topic. Thatt means that the contents of the clause are already salient when the apodosis is expressed, whichh means that the continuity procedure is used. When the propositional content is not yet salient,, it can either be an Unestablished Topic or in Sentence Focus. In this case I believe that thee fact that the adversative particle -al-ma is absent indicates that we have to do with Sentencee Focus .

Onn the other hand, when the contents are already salient, the Speaker has two options. Eitherr s/he expresses the contents by means of 0 or -a-, the preferred Established Topic expressions,, or s/he chooses 'that conduct too', an Argument Focus expression. This can only bee done when there already have been other stipulations concluded by an oath (see Chapter 8.).. In table form:

DiscourseDiscourse Deixis Continuityy procedure

E-Top p 0,, -a-

A-Focus s apa-apa- (N)

Centeringg procedure

Focus s ka-N ka-N

822 To substantiate my belief it would be necessary to study Initial position with and without -al-ma. In Chapter 9 II wil l only study apa- with -al-ma.

91 1

Tablee 3.7. The Discourse deictic Oath matrix

3.5.2.. Discourse deixis and the centering procedure

3.5.2.1.3.5.2.1. Introduction

Beforee separately discussing the forward and backward referring discourse deictic expressions,, I wil l first compare the distribution of the Hittite forward and backward referring discoursee deictic expressions with those in English. As described by Chen 1990, discourse deicticc that may only be used to refer backward (anaphoric), whereas discourse deictic this mayy refer both backward and forward (cataphoric) (o.c. 140). Chen explains the exclusion of thatthat from cataphoric reference to the 'distancing' effect of the distal demonstrative. This effectt would counter the intention of a cataphoric pronoun, which is centering the attention on aa new piece of discourse. The cataphoric deictic puts the event or proposition expressed in thee following clause(s) on the 'discourse counter, right before the speaker and the hearer.' Thee distancing effect of that and the centering effect of this also explains their different discoursee functions in backward reference:

3.544 there at that littl e spot I have never been there since the war. well there was one street andd that's it (Chen 1990: 140).

Thee distancing effect of that (and those) allows it to be used in constructions like in the above example.. 'The speaker uses that to signal that he will not dwell any more on the subject.' (Chenn 1990: 141). On the other hand, backward referring this or these are employed when the referent,, already somehow present in the preceding discourse, needs to be centered upon in orderr to serve as a discourse topic:

3.555 Last year at this time I talked about some of the rules governing politeness, and I 83 3

pointedd out that these rules, apparently pragmatic ... (Chen 1990: 141)

Chen'ss explanation seems plausible, but does it also work for Hittite? Theoretically a cognitivee motivation based on the person-based demonstrative contrasts could also explain thee differences between forward and backward referring expressions in Hittite. Indeed, the proximall demonstrative is used 1) to introduce something into the discourse, as we wil l see below,, and 2) to center upon a new topic, as already discussed in 3.5.1. The distal (and medial?)) demonstrative should on the other hand not be able to refer forward. In order to investigatee this for Hittite I present the distribution of all the discourse deictic expressions in myy corpus:

Expression n Continuing Continuing

0 0 -at -at apatapat (Foe)

Backward d OS S MH/MS S NH H LateNH H

1 1 1 1

2 2 10 0 2 2

1 1 3 3 16 6

1 1 20 0 6 6

Forward d OS S MH/MS S NH H LateNH H

— — — — — — — —

833 This non-discourse deictic example is also an instance of anaphora after first mention, which was discussed in 2.3.3.4.1.. I cite it here in order to show the difference with backward referring 'that'.

92 2

apa-apa- N (Foc) Centering Centering kilke kilke ka-N ka-N apatapat (Foc) apat apat apa-apa- N(Foc) apa-apa- N eni eni asiN asiN

_ _ 2 2 8 8 4 4

5 5 1 1

— —

I I — —

10 0

— — 5 5

— —

4 4 24 4

— — 5 5 1 1 1 1

3 3 14 4 3 3 2 2

— —

z z 7 7

— — -- -- — —

3 3

— —

— —

3 3 2 2

— —

— —

3 3 1 1 4 4

1 1

1 1

8 8 3 3 9 9

— —

1 1 — —

Tablee 3.8. Distribution of discourse deictic expressions.

Ass the table shows clearly, almost anything can be used almost anywhere, which already showss the difference between Hittit e and English discourse deixis. When the referent is not salient,, ka-, apa- and asi can all be used to refer both forward and backward, with a preferencee for ka-.

Thee lack of texts in the Old Hittit e and Middl e Hittit e periods makes it difficul t to draww any conclusions about the absence of some of the expressions. Especially in the case of enieni or asi + NP one should not jump to conclusions. This demonstrative is already poorly attestedd compared to the others, and given the fact that the discourse deictic demonstratives formm only a small part of the total, it is even likely that nothing whatsoever survived in the earlyy periods.

Thee discussion below starts with a description of the demonstrative adverbs of manner kissan,kissan, apenissan and enissan. The hypothesis is that these adverbs do not differ that much fromm the use of discourse deictic ka-, asi and apa-. After that the forward and backward expressionss wil l be treated. The discussion of the backward referrin g expressions links back too the introduction, where it was proposed that demonstratives are used when the content of thee discourse is not salient, and anaphoric pronouns (zero, enclitics, Focus-pronouns) when thee prepositional content is salient.

3.5.22.3.5.22. The demonstrative adverbs of manner

Thee first type of discourse deictic expressions to be treated is the demonstrative adverb of Manner.. According to Diessel (1999: 74), manner demonstratives have not yet received attentionn in the literatur e on deixis, apart from being glossed as 'in this/that way' or 'lik e this/that' .. It seems that they are involved in some sort of comparison. As I wil l show here, thiss only turns out to be valid for the adverb apenissan, related to apa-.

Thee demonstrative adverb of manner referrin g forward in all periods is kissan , while enissanenissan refers backwards (see already Hrozny 1917: 135, Friedrich 1926: 73, 1974: 134). Bothh adverbs can modify verbs of communication (memiya-, te-ltar-, hatrai-), perception (istamass-,(istamass-, aus-), treaty or oath establishing verbs (link-, ishiya-), and a rest class of verbs (iya-,pahs-,(iya-,pahs-, hark-). The clauses containing these adverbs always form a link , a discourse node,, between the preceding and following text, and do not constitute themselves relevant informationn pushing the discourse forward. These clauses therefore are usually very short:

Withh apat or apa-N I mean Addressee oriented apa-, not Focal apa-855 With a very few exceptions. See chapter 6.

93 3

3.566 KBo 3.4+ iii 82, 86-87 (NH annals, Mursili II , CTH 61 I), ed. Grélois 1988: 69 mmPihhuniiaszmazmuPihhuniiaszmazmu BGIR-pa ki-is-sa-an hatraës ... nuzmu ma[h]han 87

mmPihhuniiasPihhuniias e-ni-is-sa-an EGIR-pa I$PUR Pihhuniyaa wrote to me in return in this way (kissan): '...*. After Pihhuniya had writtenn to me in return in that way (enissan), ...

Thiss example nicely shows the division of labor between both adverbs. Another opposition off adverbs can be found in the letter of the widow of Tutanchamon from Egypt to King Suppiluliumaa of Hatti, in which she expresses her disappointment in Suppiluliuma's reaction onn her request for a Hittite husband:

3.577 KBo 5.6 ii i 45 - iv 4 (NH annals, Mursili II, CTH 40), ed. Giiterbock 1956: 96 nunu ABUzYA kuuapi mG,SGIDRU.LU-m 46 IN A KUR URUMezri ISPUR man kissan 4?

kuitkuit uatarnahta DUMU EN-SUNUtuazsmas kuuatqa êsii ammuk z ma ï ua 49

appaleskanziappaleskanzi nuzuazmu DUMU zYA LUGAL-uëznanni ÜL uekiskanzi nu ANA ABUzYAABUzYA 51 MUNUS.LUGAL URUMizri tuppiiaz EGIR-pa ki-is-sa-an52 hatraizzi kuuatzuakuuatzua a-pé-ni-is-sa-an TAQBI appaleskanzi z ua z mu ammukzmanzua 54

kuuapikuuapi DUMU-K/4 ësta ammuk zman z ua ammel II iv [R]AMANI Z YA ammellza "" 1 ** 3

KVR-easKVR-eas tepnumar tametani KUR-e hatranun nuzuazmuzkan para ÜL iiashattaiiashatta nuzuazmu e-né-es-sa-an imma TAQBI Whenn my father had sent Hattusaziti to Egypt, given that he had ordered him in this way:: "Is there somehow a son of their lord to them? Do they deceive me (somehow) andd do they not want my son for kingship?", the Queen of Egypt wrote back to my fatherr on a tablet in this way (kissan): "Why have you spoken in that way (apenissan):(apenissan): "Do they deceive me?" . Would I have had a son, would I have written myy own and my country's shame to another country? You did not believe me and have spokenn to me in that way (enessan)\"

Thiss time not kissan but apenissan refers forward in ii i 52 while enissan refers backward to thee same piece of text: "Do they deceive me?". As I wil l discuss below, apenissan is the Focuss form of the demonstrative manner adverb, and can as such be used instead of either kissankissan or enissan, that is, it may refer forward and backward. As for the justification of my interpretationn of apenissan as a Focus adverb: of course the Queen of Egypt would never have dreamtt of receiving such a distrustful answer on her unique request. The answer of Suppiluliumaa must have been completely contra-expectational: 'Why did you write like that (Focus)) instead of...'.

3.588 KBo 16.98 ii 10 (lateNH oracle, Tudhaliya IV, CTH 577), ed. Van den Hout 1998: 98-99 9 §§ 10 dUTU URUPÜ-Aia kuit e-né-es-sa-an teshaneskittari Concerningg the fact that the Sungoddess of Arinna thus (enessan) keeps showing herselff in my dreams: (If I, My Majesty, will come up from the country of Kummanni, wil ll I sit down in kingship,...).

Althoughh enissan usually refers to the preceding discourse, this paragraph is the first one dealingg with the accession ceremony of Tudhaliya IV and his journeys to Kummanni and Nerik.. Being a Sammeltafel (Van den Hout 1998: 95), this is an excerpt from a probably muchh larger oracle inquiry, so we might conclude that the dreams referred to are described in

94 4

thee larger oracle inquiry. It is therefore possible to interpret enissan as a backward discourse deicticc adverb, referring to a portion of discourse on the original tablet.

Nott one attestation of kissan and enissan in my corpus is used in a setting involving comparison.. This is however completely different for the clauses containing apenissan and its Akkadographicc writing QATAMMA. Another important feature that distinguishes apenissan fromm the others is the fact that kissan and enissan usually refer to Direct Speech whereas apenissanapenissan does not. The following examples show both properties at the same time, comparisonn and the reference to preceding narration as opposed to Direct Speech:

3.599 KBo 6.2 ii i 16-20 (OS law, CTH 291), ed. Hoffner 1997: 67 §§ 16 man DUMU.MES VRVHATTI LÜ.MES ILKI uer ANA ABI LUGAL aruu[dnzi] ll nu tarsikanzitarsikanzi küsanznaszza natta kuiski iez[zi] nuzuaznnas mimmanzi LÜ.MES ILKIzuaILKIzua sumes nu ABI LUGAL [(tuliia an)da tiiat] nzus anda sittariet Itten mahhandamahhanda are[(sz(s)mes)] 20 sumessza a-pé-ni-is-sa-an iste[n] § Whenn (a delegation) of Hittites, men owing sahhan-seivices, came, they did

Of. Of.

rever[ence]] to the father of the king, and said: "Not one of us makes wages! They refusee us (saying): 'You are men required to perform your jobs as a sahhan-servicel' " Thee father of the king [stepped] into the assembly and instructed (?) them: 'Go! Just

87 7

ass (mahhanda) your colleagues (do), so (apenissan) you too must do ! 3.600 KBo 15.10+ ii 12-16 (MH/MS ritual, Tudhaliya & Nikalmati, CTH 443), ed. Szabo

1971:22-23 3 [QAD]U[QAD]U kurdali idaldmus EME.HI.A arha suhhair [nu k]issan mêmir kë

mahhanmahhan harkanzi 14 [fZ\is?a BELAM QADU DAM-Su D\JMUME[S-]$U kuit issista ,5

[nu[nu $]A {Zi aluanzatar^set iddlu udddrzset OA-TAM-MA [hara]kdu nzatzapa EGIR-paa lê uizzi § [Wit] hh the kurdali-vessel they threw away the 'evil tongues'. They spoke as [fjollows: "Justt as (mahhan) these ones are destroyed, now, given the fact that Zi(plantawiya, thee sister of the lord) regularly acted against the lord, his wife (and) children, may likewisee (QATAMMA) the sorcery [o]f Zi (and) her evil words [be destroy]ed, let them nott come back!"

Besidess the construction mahhan ... apenissan 'Just as ... likewise/in that same way' there 88 8

aree also several examples of comparison without mahhan, although the sense is not altered . Thee 'Just as ... likewise/in that same way' construction is an example of Expanding

Focuss (see 2.2.3.2.2.). The contents of the remainder of the clause containing apenissan is usuallyy presupposed, either because it is literally mentioned before or derivable from the context.. What needs to be stressed is the promise, wish or warning that some kind of behaviourr should be expected of a second party 'just in that same way'. As a result of this typee of discourse function, apenissan is not restricted to the verbs mentioned above.

AA last remark about the demonstrative adverbs of manner: there are no attestations of adverbss of manner accompanying the possible demonstratives sua- and anni-. There exists an adverbb annisan (single -s) 'in the past, in his time', but it is unlikely that it may be compared

Hoffnerr differently: 'No one pays us a wage.'

'77 Hoffner: 'You too must perform (jaMa/i-services) just like your colleagues!'. 888 See chapter 5.4.2.

95 5

too ki-ssan (neuter sg. of the demonstrative ka- and suffix -ssan), eni-ssan (neuter of demonstrativee asi) and apeni-ssan (not attested neuter *apeni- of the demonstrative apa-). Bothh form and function are different from the other demonstrative adverbs.

Summarizing,, kissan refers forward, enissan refers backward, and apenissan can do bothh as a Focus adverb. The latter is a true demonstrative adverb of comparison and can thereforee occur with every predicate.

3.5.2.3.3.5.2.3. The forward referring discourse deictic demonstratives

Tablee 3.8. showed that all demonstrative pronouns and noun phrases can refer both forward andd backward, and are therefore somehow different from the demonstrative adverbs of mannerr kissan and enissan. The question which will be addressed in this section is: what distinguishess the three forward referring demonstrative pronouns and noun phrases from each other.. In trying to solve this question however, we must keep in mind that the discourse deicticc demonstratives are rarely used compared with the adverbs.

Thee forward referring discourse deictic expressions occur with the following predicate types:: of speaking or writing (memai- 'to speak', hatrai- 'to write'), of knowledge (sak- 'to know'),, achievement predicates (iya- 'to do, make'), directive predicates (watarnahh- 'to order')) etc. These predicate types are generally the same as the ones of the manner adverbs kissankissan and enissan.

Thee first question is, can forward referring discourse deictic ka- be used with all speechh participants, and in all kinds of emphatetic environments. In the following example ka-ka- is Speaker oriented, but Speaker orientation does not explain why ka- is used in connectionn with the Other in ex. 3.62 and the Addressee in ex. 3.63.

3.611 KUB 1.1 i 36-37 (NH egodocument, Hattusili III , CTH 81), ed. Otten 1981: 6-7 ddlSTARzmazmulSTARzmazmu GASANzYA V-a[(t)] 37 nuzmu it-it HA memista Butt Istar, My Lady, appeared to me in a dream. She told me this (ki) by means of the dream:: (T wil l leave you to a Deity. Do not fear.')

3.622 KBo 2.6+ ii i 60 (lateNH oracle, Tudhaliya IV, CTH 577), ed. Van den Hout 1998: 210-211 1 §§ nu kiAzma kisan DV-anzi Orr wil l they do this (ki) as follows: ...

3.633 KUB 26.1 iv 49-50 (lateNH oath, Tudhaliya IV, CTH 255.2), ed. Von Schuier 1957: 17 7 §§ nasma kH kuiski memai këdanizuazkan tuppi kë INIM.MES ÜL GAR-ru ... Orr (if) someone (of you) says this (ki): "on this tablet these affairs are not put down,

Besidess the fact that ka- may occur in combination with the Speaker, Addressee or Other, it is alsoo used in neutral (3.62), positive (3.61) and negative contexts (3.63). It is therefore possiblee that discourse deictic forward referring ka- is unmarked both in respect to person and too emotional attitude.

96 6

However,, in almost every case discourse deictic ka- introduces something that is of importancee for the Speaker. It is therefore also possible that ka- has become more or less neutrall and that the Speaker only uses another demonstrative to express strong dis association. Theree are two clear examples of forward referring asi illustrating this, of which one is cited heree (both are discussed in chapter 4).

3.644 KUB 19.29 iv 11-15 (NH annals, Mursili II , CTH 61 II) , ed. Götze 1933: 18-19 kêzzmakêzzma mHannuttis kuis KUR.KUR.MES 5[APUTl] '2 maniiahhiskit nu IN A KUR VRi]VRi]IshupittaIshupitta kuuap[i ...] nzas apiia BA.US nu mahhan enizia $A mHannutt[i ÜS-ö/ii ] istamassir nzatzzazkan apêzzizia EGlR-an [EGlR-pa"] esandat nuzmunuzmu e-ni AWATEMES apadda hatres\kir\ § ("Noww the one who would have impressed me, [would have] be[en] your eldest brother,, [who] managed the troops and charioteers for his father and (who) knew the treatiess of his father. [He used to be] a h[ero]. If you would impress me, [you] would [be]] he for me." [But when] they saw [my brother] ill, ) Hannuttii who managed the L[ower] Lands at this time, when he [...] in Ishupitta, he diedd over there/then. When they heard of also that [death] of Hannutti, because of that tootoo they became rebellious. Because of that they wrote those (= the following, eni) words:: ...

Thee 'following words' refer to the contents of the next paragraph: "You are a child, and you knoww nothing. [You do not] imp[ress (me).] At this time your country is devastated and [your]] troo[ps and horses] have dwindled. I have more troops than you, I have more horses thann you. [Your father on the other hand] had many troops and horses. As for [you] who are a child,, when will you go taparuna him (= them)?". These are clearly statements the Speaker wouldd want to disassociate himself from.

Thee difficulty with discourse deictic apa- is that it can be Addressee oriented or Focal, orr both at the same time. In favor of Addressee orientation is that forward referring apa- only occurss in an Oath (CTH 255) and a Letter (CTH 177) in my corpus, that is, genres with activee Addressees (see also section 3.4.3.). It is remarkable that both texts are from the time off Tudhaliya IV, and that CTH 255 contains all but one attestation of forward referring apa-.

Ann example of Focal apa- is:

3.655 KUB 26.12+ ii 2-9 (lateNH oath, Tudhaliya IV, CTH 255.1), ed. Von Schuier 1957: 24,, with emendations from Otten 1958: 389. §§ 2 nasma kan [...] 3 nasma SES d[UTU-S/ SA MUNUS.LUGAjL h[assanza nasma] 4

SES.MESS DUMU.MES MVNI}SNA[PTA]R[T]I anda i[stamaszi] 5 nu kH memai EGIR-ftft 7

anzuazmuanzuazmu tï[ia] apaszma a-pa-a-at memai EGIR-anzuazta ÜL tiiami hantiziazuazssihantiziazuazssi ÜL tiiami % huhhupassza^uatssP. 0]L kishahari ... Orr (if ) [ ] or a brother of [My Majesty], offspring or] brothers [of the Quee]n, l[istens]] to sons of con[cubine]s, (and) says this (ki): "Side with me", but he says this insteadd (apat): "I do not step behind you, and I do not step before him, and I [do no]t becomee evil [against him ?]" ....

97 7

Insteadd of ki as in ii 5, apat is used in ii 6. This is not the same as the contrast which can be expressedd in English by means of 'this and that' because in Hittite such contrasts are expressedd by means of apa- ... apa~ or ka~... lea- (see chapters 5 and 6). Of course there is somee notion of contrast, but this is inherent to the Focal function of apa- and would also have beenn present without the nu kij. memai clause. The discourse deictic apat is used in its functionn of Replacing Focus pronoun, as explained in chapter 8. In order to express the differencee with English 'this and that' I have translated apat as 'this', with the italics indicatingg stress, in contrast with unstressed Id in ii 5. Addressee orientation of apa- is unlikely.. It might explain the use of apa- but not of Id.

AA possible example of Addressee orientation might be the following example, althoughh it could also, or just, be Focus (indicating a surprising, unexpected action).

3.666 KUB 26.12+ ii 29-32 (lateNH oath, Tudhaliya IV, CTH 255.1), ed. Von Schuier 1957:: 25

nammanamma a-pa-a-at kuit ëssatteni nu KUR.KUR.HI.A BA[L d]apianda 1-ëtta naiskittinnaiskittin 31 nu K[UR.KUR].HI.A LUKÜR dassanuskittin 32 KUR.KUR URlJHAITItma maliskunuttin maliskunuttin Furthermore,, as for thai {apat) what you do: You turned [a]ll defectiv[e] countries intoo one, you made the c[ountr]ies of the enemy powerful, while the countries of Hatti youu made weak, ...

Summarizing,, forward referring ka- is, like kissan, unmarked for person and emotional connotation.. The demonstrative asi is used in disassociating context, in line with the temporal distancee expressed by enissan, and apa- can occur as the Focus pronoun in contrast with Focuss neutral ka-, thus parallelling Focal apenissan.

3.5.2.4.3.5.2.4. The backward referring discourse deictic expressions

Inn 2.3.5. I referred to the difference between the English demonstrative pronouns that, this versuss the demonstrative description that/this story etc. It seems that the pronoun is used to nominalizee the contents of the immediately preceding proposition, whereas the demonstrative descriptionn refers to larger parts of discourse. For Hittite I could not find a difference betweenn the demonstrative pronoun and the demonstrative description (see chapters 5 and 6).

Thee next question is, is the choice for one of the demonstratives dictated by assignmentt to a cognitive domain as with the Anaphoric use? First, it must be noted that the attestationss of the proximal demonstrative far outnumber the other two.

Everyy propositional content or each act of behavior described in treaties, instructions, prayers,, oaths, rituals etc. almost always concerns the Speaker. Only text genres where other peoplee act or speak without being explicitly related to the Speaker should provide us with discoursee deictic expressions that can be compared with each other.

Besidess the influence of genre, also Focus is important. As we will see in Chapter 8, apa-apa- usually functions as the emphatic pronoun, occurring in Focus function. In backward referringg discourse deictic use it usually is accompanied by the enclitic zya, 'also', the Expandingg Focus marker. It is the equivalent of English that as the emphatic form of it, and of thee English emphasized demonstrative that. Most, and possibly all, attestations of discourse deicticc apa- (+ N) are Focal, or at least emphatic:

3.677 KBo 19.44+ rev. 26-27 (MH/MS treaty, CTH 42) 98 8

266 dannazmazanzza lê ilaliiasi ÜLzat ara apëUzzkan)] uddanaz ar ha akkiskanzi akkiskanzi (Iff at some time a sister ... of your wife comes to visit you, give her to eat and to drink.. Eat, drink and have fun (pi.).) b ut d o n ot desire to take her. That (lit . it) is not right!right! Because of that (apez) behavior people die.

Afterr restricting ourselves to non-Focal, non-Speaker genres only a few examples remain. Onlyy in letters, oracle and annals we might find references to people who act on their own responsibility.. In the end everything relates to the Speaker, usually the king, but in these genress the king can decide to consider an event of speech as being outside his domain. A very clearr example of this was already presented in ex. 3.46, partially repeated here:

3.688 KUB 6.41 i 34-35 (NH treaty, Mursili II , CTH 68), ed. Friedrich 1926: 110-111 §344 mahhanzma dUTU-5/ u-ni memian ASME nu dUTU-& m?lS.TUR-an 35 ÜL kuitki HUL-iia/imm sanhun Butt when I, My Majesty, heard about that (uni) affair, I, My Majesty, did not seek evil againstt Mashuiluwa at all.

Thee conclusion was that uni memian was used to indicate that the affair described in the precedingg paragraph did not concern the king at all at first sight. This is one of the very few exampless of the distal demonstrative in discourse deictic use.

Inn letters we find a few discourse deictic apa-s that are possibly not Focal. The Medial demonstrativee apa- might be used here to indicate that something done or said by the Addresseee is not of further importance for the Speaker (see further 5.4.3.2.2.2.):

3.699 HKM 54 obv. 4-24 (MH/MS letter, Tudhaliya III , CTH 199), ed. Alp 1991: 220-221 § 44 SA NUMUN.yi.A^mw uttar kuit 5 hatraes NUMUN.tJI.A^wa 6 A.SA terippiias 7

NU.GAL L §§ 8 nu muTapigga9xi™Anziliia 10 muHariia u Ü ANA v™Haninqauuaia n SE-AM UU ZiZzia 13 [k]ue anniian I 4 ësta man ÜL 15 apëz datta l man apê A.SA terip[p]iterip[p]i anlr §§ '8 SA VKVKasipüra GUD.gi.A 19 kue A.SA terippi 20 A.S[A] terippiiat 21 nuztta uuanziuuanzi K a-pé-e-d\a]-ni uddam 23 I$T[U] É.[GA)L-UM ÜL U punu[ss]a[n]zi §§ 25 kinuna apëz da 26 nu apë NUMUN.91.A annua Ass for the fact that you wrote to me about the affair of the seed: "There is no seed for thee plowed fields". Ass for the grain and wheat which were (to be) sown in Tapigga, Anziliya, Hariya and Haninqauwaya,, had you not taken (it) away from there, they would have sown those plowedd fields! Ass for the oxen from Kasipura with which you plowed the plowed fields, it won't happenn that they will question you from the palace in that (apedani) matter (of yours). Takee now from there/that, sow those seeds (you have)!

Comparee this with the next story which deals with people other than the Speaker but which is takenn up by her and acted upon:

3.700 KUB 21.38 rev. 7-11 (NH letter, Hattusili III , CTH 176), ed. Edel 1994: 222-223

99 9

§ 77 SESzYAzmazmu kuit kisan TASPUR NIN-M^wa^m w l$PUR DUMU.MUNUS KUR ^KARDUNIYASZUÜ^KARDUNIYASZUÜ kuis KUR VRVMISRI 8 \p\iianza ësta nuzuazssi GlU-an LVMEÈLVMEÈ TEMETEME EGlR[-an]da pair nuzuarzat EGIR-pa I$TU IKU arantat 9 [nuzm]u ku-u-unu-un memiian LVTEMU LUGAL KUR URU mdEN.LIL.EN.UKÜ.ME S memistamemista l [ammu]kzma memiian kuit ASMI man z an ANA SESzYA ÜL A$PUR kinunkinun z ma z mu z za SESzYA kuit markiiat [n]zat ÜLnamma iiami Ass for the fact that my [br]other wrote to me thus: "My sister wrote to me: 'The daughterr of Babylon who was given to Egypt, when the messengers later went to (visit)) her, they had to stay back by an IKU (= 150 mtrs.)!' ". The messenger of the kingg of Babylon, Enlil-bel-nise, told me this (kun) story. As for the fact that I (only) heardd the story, I should not have written it to my brother. But now that my brother hass expressed disapproval to me, I won't do it again.

3.5.3.. Discourse deixis and the continuity procedure

Ass was illustrated in 3.5.1., the enclitic pronoun -a- and the Focal pronoun or determiner apa-apa- occurred mainly in the matrix clause of a preceding conditional clause. Conditionals enhancee the saliency of the propositional content of their clause, and as a result the propositionall content may be denoted by means of expressions that indicate a high cognitive status,, such as 0, -a- or Focal apa-.

Butt not only the presence of a conditional clause conditions the use of referential expressions,, also the nature of the verb should be taken into account. If the verb requires a 4 , 3rd,, or 2nd order entity, then the Addressee immediately searches for respectively a speech-act, propositionall content or event in the adjacent preceding discourse (see 2.3.6.).

Too repeat from earlier sections, verbs that take speech-acts (4l order verbs) as its complementt are te-ltar- 'to speak', memai- 'to tell', hatrai- 'to write'. Verbs that take propositionss as complement (3r order verbs) are sak- 'to know', mali- 'think, contemplate', butt also verbs of mental perception as istamass- 'hear'. In the next example we have both a

89 9

verbb of speaking and a verb of knowing :

3.711 KBo 6.26 i 22-27 (OH/NS law, CTH 292), ed. Hoffner 1997: 130 §§ takku suppalazsset kuëlqa sieuniahta tzat parkunuzi mat arha pënnai 244 .w l i ' l -v J - - 25 v v _ . jyT . LÜ vv 26 fyT

isuuanauiisuuanaui z ma z nan isuuan aai un sssi s rru* = ui UL tezzi grass z a VL "** 27

sakkisakki suppalazsset pennai nzat aki sarnikzil § Iff anyone's animals are smitten (with disease) by a god, and (the owner) performs a purificationn ritual upon them, and leads them away, but puts the mud (?) on the mud

90 0

pilee (?), while he doesn't mention it {-at) to his colleague, and also , the colleague doesn'tt know (about it) so drives his animals (there), and they die, there shall be compensation. .

Thee verb te-ltar- 'to mention, say' in i 25 requires 4th order entity. The only possibility is 'he doess not mention that he has put the mud on the mud pile'. In the next clause the verb sak-

899 See for example also MH te-ltar- IBoT 1.36 i 35-37 (instruction, CTH 262), istamass- 'to hear' KBo 5.3 + ii 300 (treaty, CTH 42), lateNH sak- KUB 26.12+ i 30 (CTH 255).

900 See Chapter 7 for the translation of the clausal coordinator -ya as 'and also'.

100 0

'too know' appears. The interpretation 'the colleague does not know him3 is impossible in vieww of the context, which leaves only 'the colleague does not know that he has put the mud

91 1

onon the mud pile'. Inn the preceding section I listed some examples of ka- N, asi N and apa- N with verbs

off speaking, writing and perception. The difference with -a- in the same environment is that thee demonstrative description only occurs on discourse nodes. And as we have seen, discourse nodess dramatically lower the saliency of a discourse entity. So even if the verb would lead the Addresseee to expect a 4th or 3rd order entity, there is no one salient enough to be referred to by meanss of -a-.

Besidess after conditionals and as objects of 4th or 3r order verbs, salient discourse deicticc expressions are also attested in other contexts. In most cases the saliency of the referentt of the pronoun can be determined on the basis of the preceding context, as in the next examples: :

3.722 KUB 16.32 ii 14-18 (lateNH oracle, Tudhaliya IV, CTH 569), ed. Van den Hout 1998:178-181 1 §§ 14AAWdUTU-$/ kuit ANA DUMU.MES mUrhi- dU-up f slsKV*manta[llii]a 15 IGl-anda arhaarha BAL-uanzi UL SlxsA-at ULzas kuit [dUTU-£]/ #UL-ahhun ' #UL-ahtazas

"" 17

kuiskuis UN-os mas nüua kuit Tl-za nu [ap]el kuit Tl-za UL uarsiianza nu siSKVRsiSKVRmantamantamm arha B[AL-u(anzi)] 18 a-pé-ez UL SlxsA-at § Whyy has it not been ascertained for His Majesty to complete mantalli-niwdXs to the sonss of Urhi-Tessub? Because I, [M]y [Majesty] had not wronged them, (and) because thee person who did wrong them is still alive, and because h[i]s soul (has) not (been) pacified,, because of that it was not ascertained to complete the mantalli-vitual.

Thee reason why the rituals were not completed is given in the three explanatory kuit clauses, followingg a question, the first kuit clause. The propositional contents of the kuit clauses are thee most important information, and not one of the persons mentioned in these clauses. The ablativee apez therefore refers to salient information. The emphatic pronoun is used because it providess and summarizes the requested information: apez is the Completive Focus. The rest off the clause is presupposed, and a repetition of ii 14-15. The question was: 'Why was there noo ritual?', and the answer was: 'apez = Because of that (referring to the three kuit clauses) (theree was no ritual)'.

Inn the following example the propositional content of the clause preceding the clause withh -at is salient because it is expressed as a (rhetorical) question.

3.733 KUB 21.38 obv. 16' (NH letter, Hattusili III , CTH 176), ed. Edel 1994: 216-217 SESzYAzmaSESzYAzma ammedaza NIG.TUKU-/ / kuitki ÜLzat SUM-an ishassaruatarr z a Wil ll my brother somehow become rich on my account? That (lit. it) is neither (good) reputationn nor lordly behavior.

Itt seems that in older language a a, the allophone of a ma, conditions the use or non-use of the enclitic pronoun -a-,-a-, A sequence apas + a + at gives a-pa-(a-)sa-at> which is indistinguishable from the sequence apas- + at > a-pa-(a-)sa-at.a-pa-(a-)sa-at. I think that the need to structure the discourse, which is one of the functions of -al-ma, overruless the need for an enclitic pronoun, especially when the verb itself already delimits the possible referents. . 22 See also for example NH KUB 1.1 iii 61 (Egodocument, CTH 81).

101 1

3.5.4.. Summary and conclusions

Off the demonstrative adverbs of manner kissan referred forward, enissan referred backward, andd apenissan could do both as a Focus adverb. As a true demonstrative adverb of comparisonn apenissan could occur with every predicate. The adverbs were not marked for person. .

Forwardd referring ka- was like kissan unmarked for person and emotional connotation. Thee demonstrative asi was used in disassociating context, in line with the temporal distance expressedd by enissan, and apa- could occur as the Focus pronoun in contrast with Focus neutrall ka-, parallelling Focal apenissan.

Withh backward reference one needed to distinguish between reference to salient and non-salientt propositions. I used the following criteria to distinguish between salient and not-salientt discourse propositions.

Conditional clauses and questions can raise the level of saliency of propositional contents s

Verbs that require 3r and 4l order complements raise the saliency of propositional contents. .

Afterr applying these criteria it became clear that demonstratives were used if an event or propositionn of the preceding discourse needed to be put in the center of attention. If the discoursee content was already centered upon, the enclitic pronoun -a- or its Focus counterpart apa-apa- were used.

Theree seemed to be a correlation between demonstrative and cognitive domain. This wass especially seen with asi in contexts where the Speaker explicitly stated his non-commitment. .

Thee distribution of demonstratives and pronouns is:

DiscourseDiscourse Deixis Continuityy procedure

E-Top p .. 0, -Ö-

A-Focus s // . KT \

upu-upu- y-r i^ y apenissan apenissan

Centeringg procedure

Focus s demdem (+ N)

ki$san(forward) ki$san(forward) enissanenissan (backward)

Tablee 3.9. The Discourse deictic matrix.

3.6.. Summary and conclusions

Hittit ee has a three-way person-based demonstrative system (3.1). The Proximal demonstrativee is ka-, the Distal demonstrative is asi, and the Medial one is apa-. The middle termm denotes 'location near Hearer/Addressee', and not 'medial distance from Speaker'. Visibilit yy or non-visibility is probably not a part of the semantic contents of the Distal Demonstrative. .

Thee organization of the Hittite deictic demonstrative system around Speaker, Addressee andd Other is mirrored in the recognitional use of demontratives (3.2). The proximal ka-,

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mediall apa- and distal asi are all allowed in constructions where the Speaker wants to evoke inn the mind of the Addressee some pre-existing mental representation of an entity or event.

Thee same could be observed for the Tracking demonstratives. These demonstratives occurredd both in salient (3.3) and non-salient contexts (3.4.). Non-salient contexts were those wheree there was a clear marker present that a discourse unit was closed. In order to refer again too something in a closed unit, or even across one, demonstrative descriptions were used. However,, the choice for a demonstrative depended on assignment to the cognitive space of Speakerr (ka-), Addressee (apa-) or Other (asi).

Trackingg demonstratives in salient context also signalled that a new discourse unit had started.. Thus, tracking demonstratives were clearly connected with new discourse units, independentt of the level of saliency.

In-nodee reference on the other hand was the domain of 0, -a- and apa- (3.3.) The differencee between 0, -a- and apa- was that 0 and -a- only denoted Established Topics, whereass apa- denoted all types of Argument Focus and the Unestablished Topic.

Finally,, discourse deictic demonstratives (3.5.2.) followed more or less the same pattern,, although the assignment to cognitive domains was not as clear as with the Recognitionall and Tracking use of demonstratives. By their nature demonstrative discourse deicticc expressions are linkers and occurred therefore on discourse nodes.

Sometimess however prepositional contents were salient (3.5.3.). The expression used inn such a case was again 0, apa- or apa- N. Reference to salient propositional contents always occurredd in-node.

Combiningg all the tables results in (more detailed tables are found in the chapters 4,5 andd 6):

geographical geographical parameter parameter Deictic c

Recognitional l

Anaphora a in-node e across-nodc c

Discoursee Deictic in-node e

across-node e

cognitivecognitive parameter continuityy procedure

E-Topic c

dem dem

— —

demN demN

(-a-) (-a-)

~— ~—

U-Topic c

dem dem

— —

apa-apa-demN demN

0 0

—

A-Focus s

dem dem

— —

apa-apa-(dem(dem ?)

apa-apa- (N) apenissan apenissan

—~ —~

centeringg procedure

U-Topic c

— —

— —

— — demN demN

— —

demdem (N)

Focus s

demN demN dem.dem. adverb

demN demN

demN demN

— —

demdem (N) dem.dem. adv.

Tablee 3.10. The Hittite referential matrix.

Thiss concludes part I. In part II I wil l present the individual demonstratives (chapters 4, 5 and 6).. In part HI I will present the accented pronoun apa- and start with a description of the Topic-Focuss structure of Hittite .

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