USSR and China:Cultural Revolution and Intellectuals Destiny

Comparison of Makxim Gorky and Hu Feng

Zhang Jianhua

(Beijing Normal University, School of History)

In the first half of twentieth century both Russia and China experienced communist

revolution: The October Revolution of 1917 and The Chinese Revolution of 1949, which are called Cultural Revolution aspired to overturning the traditions and building new system rather than bottom-up and upside-down political revolutions. The American famous political scientist Samuel P. Huntington named the two revolutions as Great Revolutions for their significant impact on development of human history, distinguished from meaningless “Violent Revolution” which wrecks a country and ruins the people. ①

When revolution was accomplished and regime changed，two brothers experienced about a decade of political unrest and sharp transition of social system: In Russia it is from year 1917, when The October Revolution happened, to year 1929, when political line of Stalin（И.В.Сталин,1878-1953）won outright and the Soviet Union entered into Year of the Great Turn (Год великого перелома) ②; In China it is from year 1949, when the People's Republic of China founded, to year 1958, when socialist transformation was accomplished.

Moreover, Lenin（В.И.Ленин,1870－1924）and Mao（1893－1976）, the new leaders of the two countries and the Communist Parties, tried to construct “the proletarian culture”, which is completely different from noble culture and bourgeois culture in this decade, as a historic significance: in Soviet Union to construct “Soviet Culture”, in China --- “New Chinese National Culture”.

There are special concerns that intellectuals of the two countries endured mentally and physically an extraordinary experience in the “Cultural Revolution”. On the one hand, intellectuals were mentally kidnapped by soaring revolution fervor. They tried to realize their dream of political Utopia with the help of new regime. On the other hand, intellectuals always tried to keep their public space and their way of expressing their thoughts and very cautiously to keep a certain distance in time and space away from power.

Moreover, intellectuals used to evaluate revolutionary results by double standards: “revolutionary morals” and “cultural morals”. When the time of great turn is coming,

① John King Fairbank , a prominent American academic and historian of China, in his book《The Great Chinese Revolution1800-1985》(New York, Harper and Row,1986)，gave a monographic study of The Chinese Revolution of 1949; And there are books The Russian Revolution. New York，1990, A Concise History of the Russian Revolution. New York: Vintage Books,1995, The Three "Whys" of the Russian Revolution. New York: Vintage Books,1995 written by Richard Pipes. ② Stalin's article "Year of the Great Turn", published on November 7, 1929, marked the beginning of a full-scale collectivization of agriculture countrywide. At this time Stalin had already been at the height of his power while his political line had become the Bible which whole party and whole county believed in after expelling Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Bukharin from the Party

“revolutionary devil” which they longed for fostered fear into their heart. So they showed up in the mask of commentator and dissenter.

Thus, the Soviet and Chinese intellectuals played three particular roles of comedy-serious drama-tragedy at the same time. At that time of passion, when everything devastated were eager for renaissance, intellectuals acted as multiple roles, like theory planners and practice explorer of new society and system, the benefited and the suffered from them.

Gorky（А.М.Горький，1868－1936）and Hu Feng（1902－1985）are typical characters of

intellectuals during the period of historical changes and regime changes. They are the symbol of the new intellectuals (soviet intellectuals and socialist intellectuals), who were re-educated and set up as examples deliberately by the new regime. They had experienced a very brilliant transformation from ‘knowledge elite’ to ‘political elite’ and the confusion and regeneration in the background of ‘Cultural Revolution’.

Gorky, whose original family name was Peshkov (Пешков), was born in a poor worker’s family in Nizhny Novgorod of Russia on March 28, 1868. He lost his father at the age of 3. When he was 11 years old, he led a vagrant life and worked as an apprentice, porters, and baker and so on. Gorky began his literature career in 1892, when his short story Makar Chudra (Макар Чудра) was published. Gorky is a famous writer and one of representative characters of Silver Age in Russian literature. He devoted himself to exploring in artistic expression and taking part in many literary factions such as “Acmeism” (Акмеизм) and “God Creation” (Богостроительство). Since 1889, he was arrested and exiled by the czar government many times for participating in revolutionary activities. As the eyewitness of the incident of “Bloody Sunday” in 1905, he created January 9th (9 яванря) with full of indignation to crusade against the czar government’s the brutal shooting of workers marching with a petition for reform, and he joined in Bolsheviks and got acquainted with Lenin in the same year. At the same time, he began to create revolutionary literature, such as The Mother (Мать) and The Enemy (Враги), and was honored as “revolutionary sea swallow” by Lenin.

Hu Feng, whose original name was Zhang Guangren①, was born in a peasant family in Ji-chun county of Hubei province, on November 2, 1902. He was enrolled in the English department of Qinghua University in 1926, and was enrolled in the English department of Keio University of Japan in 1931, “but he concentrated on the study of Marxism and Proletarian Literature and the revolution activities”.② In 1933, he was expelled from Japan for organizing progress literature group. Back to Shanghai, he became a professional poet, publisher, literary critics and literature translator. Since 1933, Hu Feng was propaganda minister and administrative secretary of League of the Left-Wing Writers in China. He published what does people require from literature? and put forward the slogan of “the popular literature of national revolutionary war” and got Lu Hsun’s highly award. Every coins has two sides , it resulted in more than half a country of resentment conflicted with “defense literature” by Zhou Yang, another leader of League of the Left-Wing Writers in China. At the beginning of 1945, Hu Feng worked as the chief editor of magazine Hope, which played an active role in cooperating with Rectification Movement in Yen’an. About Hu Feng Lu Hsun wrote in The answer to Xu Maoyong on the problem about anti-Japanese united front: “He is truly a talent young man, he never took part in any organizations against anti-Japanese

① He used Gu Fei, Gao Huang, Zhang Guo as his pen names. ② Memoirs of Hu Feng, Beijing: People's Publishing House, p.420.

movement or a united front.”, “Therefore, I’d understood, Hu Feng’s uprightness is easy to incur hatred and the character made him accessible. By contrast the youth which always tries to frame others such as Zhou Yang made me doubt, even hatred” ①.

The revolution succeeded finally and a new regime will be established, which may be very delighted and may be very disappointed for the intellectuals who used to evaluate revolutionary results by double standards: “revolutionary morals” and “cultural morals”. Revolution itself and regime change, which are often accompanied with sharp political unrest, social damage and negative phenomenon e.g. revolutionists’ conducts against traditional civilization and human ethics, are far from the intellectuals’ imagination. Therefore, the success of the revolution is actually the test of revolutionary outlook and moral outlook for the intellectuals, who devoted himself to the revolution.

Gorky stuck to the socialist belief in his early years and joined the Bolsheviks in 1905, enthusiastically calling for arrival of the revolution with a ‘sea swallow’ image. However, he was confused politically around the October Revolution. In his eyes, “Cultural Revolution”, followed by the October Revolution, is nothing else but “cultural violence”. From May 1917 to June 1918 , Gorky took the charge of the newspaper‘new life’ （Новая жизнь）and opened a column Untimely Thoughts (Несвоевременные мысли) in his newspaper New Life (Новая Жизнь) to discuss about the October Revolution. He believed that the October Revolution is a Russian-style riot without any socialist mentality.② He said: I distrust the Russian in power, they are slaves of yesterday who could immediately turn into unscrupulous tyrant, once getting chance to master others. He criticized: The representatives of the People’s Commissar Government are rude. They treated the citizens same as defeated and just like the tsar police treated the people in the past. He stressed, “”In my opinion, the revolution is in vain and has no meaning unless the revolution immediately begin with the emergency work in culture construction all over the country. The newspaper New Life received lots of complaints about the evildoing such as pilferage, robbery, lynches and cultural destruction and so on. Newspapers published some typical letter, “” on April 3rd, about three hundred Red Guards members entered our village .They robbed all the rich people. Actually, they extorted from the villagers money in amount of from 1000 rubles to 6000 rubles, totally 85350 rubles…..③ In the autumn of 1918, a collection of essays of the columns Untimely Thoughts was published in Petrograd with the title Untimely Thoughts: Reading Notes about Revolution and Culture (Несвоевременные мысли:заметки о революции и культуре)，including 48 articles. Gorky’s speech was criticized by Lenin and the new regime, meanwhile, New Life was closed on July 16th, 1918. Pravda (Правда) attacked fiercely New Life. Gorky responded to《Pravda》: ‘No, I don’t agree as before. What I said about savage and rude, about that the Bolshevik’s extremely cruel, about their uncivilized behavior, about their ignorance of the Russian people’s psychology, about that they use the people to make a disgusting test, and about that they destroyed thoughts of the working class, all what I said is completely effective till now.④ At this moment, Gorky, a great intellectual, who is eager to keep up with the current political situation in the background of revolution, however, in Lenin’s eyes, has turned into “noisy crow” from “the ① Lu Hsun: Last Collection of Qiejieting Essays, Beijing: People's Literature Publishing House, 2006. ② Gorky: Untimely Thoughts，translated byYi-zhongYu, Xiao Dong, Nanjing: Writer Publishing House, 1998, p.38. ③ Gorky: Untimely Thoughts，translated byYi-zhongYu, Xiao Dong, Nanjing: Writer Publishing House,1998, p.36, 43-46, 59. ④ Gorky: Untimely Thoughts，translated byYi-zhongYu, Xiao Dong, Nanjing: Writer Publishing House, 1998, p.36.

revolutionary sea swallow”. In response to Socialist Revolutionary Fanya Kaplan's failed assassination of Lenin on 30

August 1918, “Cheka” (The All-Russian Emergency Commission for Combating Counter-Revolution and Sabotage)( ВЧК-Всероссийская чрезвычайная комиссия) strengthened to fight against the anti-Soviet and anti-Communist activities, a large number of intellectuals were arrested. Gorky tried to protect these intellectuals with the help of his reputation and special relationship with Lenin.

On the 6th Sep. 1919 Gorky wrote a letter to Lenin, talking about the arrest of Tonkov(В.Н.Тонков,1872-1954), the rector of Military Medical College, “We are cutting off the heads of our people and exterminate their brains while saving our own lives….I am firmly against strategy of slaughter the brains of the people, who was in short of vitality….most of the representative personages of exact science are as neutral and objective as the science itself: they never took part in political activities. Most of them are the aged and patients: the prison will kill them, because they were suffering from the starvation, and they were so weak. Vladimir llyich！I ‘d like to stand on their side. I would rather being arrested than participating in the slaughter of the most precious for Russian people.”① Lenin replied Gorky in his letter on 15th Sep.: “Dear Alexei Maximovich: I have granted an interview with Tonkov. In fact, the Central Committee has decided to appoint Kamenev and Bukharin to investigate the arrestment of pro constitutional democrats’ (pro-kadets) bourgeois intellectuals and to release those who might be released before interview with Tonkov and receiving your letter. As we know, we made some mistakes on these matters. At the same time, it’s obviously to us all: generally, it is right and necessary to arrest the constitutional democrats (and pro-kadets) …. We knew that the pro-kadets’ professors always helped the schemers. That’s the truth.”② On October 6, Gorky wrote to Dzerzhinsky (Ф.Э.Дзержинский，1877－1926), the chairman of “Cheka”: “I think it was so brutal to arrest these people. You are slaughtering the elites of our country. I declare at the end of my letter, that the Soviet Union regime is making me dislike it.” Gorky published two articles on the 12th issue of The Communist International (Коммунистический Интернационал) in 1920. He protest against the arrest of kadets. Lenin drafted a resolution of the political bureau of the Central Committee of Russian Communist Party immediately, pointed that there were many anti-communist instead of communist contents in Gorky’s articles. He emphasized: “from now on, anyhow, it’s forbidden to publish those articles on The Communist International ③.

In October 1921, Gorky went to Italy for recuperation, starting his twelve years’ immigrant life. During that time, Gorky still focused on intellectuals’ living condition and treatment in his homeland. In his letter to Romain Rolland in 1922, he expressed his worry about domestic situation of Russia. “Sometimes I felt regretted very much, I do not agree with them on the event of wiping intellectuals out, and I will never say yes to this issue. In my country, the blizzards are roaring, the communists are yelling, and land is covered with snow as well as the crowds’ words like snow. The words are as beautiful as snow. It is not because the words are abundant as snow, but because they are as cold as snow. When the craze cools down, it will be much colder than the polar regions.” ④

① Wang Jiezhi: Autobiography of Gorky, Nanjing: Jangsu Literature and Art Publishing House, 1998, p.336. ② Selected Works of Lenin trans. by Central Compilation & Translation Bureau, Beijing: People's Publishing House 1985, Vol.49, p.87-89. ③Ленин В.И.Полное Собраниесочетания.М.,1957.т.54.с.429. ④ A Letter from Gorky to Romain Rolland, trans. by Wang Jiezhi, Russian Literature and Art, Vol.3,1999.

Differently from Gorky, Hu Feng greeted the new regime and new country with quite positive and devotional mood. On July 2nd, 1949, Hu Feng, being a member of the organizing committee, took part in the First Congress of National Literary and Art Workers. However, the feelings of intellectuals from White Areas were different from intellectuals from Yen’an who entered the assembly hall with liberators’ smile on their faces. Li Hui, Hu Feng’s biographer vividly wrote: “…sincerely felt the weakness of the literature and art, felt fragileness and powerlessness of the pens in their hands. Faced with the artists from Liberated Areas, they really felt ashamed and they envied the glory of those who have drunk the water of Yan River. Compared with the cave of Yen'an, the fog of Chongqing, the attic of Shanghai and the Wall of Nanjing City seem such humble and small. They are people, who need to “be liberated”. This is a self-evident fact, which makes them have a dull pain in their hearts.” Therefore, Ba Jin, the famous writer from Big Shanghai, made a speech We Come here for Learning in Congress. By contrast, Zhou Yang, Hu Feng’s old friend and old rival in literary thought, being one of leaders of the art society in Yen’an and the deputy chairman of the Congress, was seated on the most important place of stage.

During the meeting, as a delegate of intellectuals from White Areas, Hu Feng was treated with deep respect. He was also elected one of the ten members ① of the Reports’ Drafting Committee of Literary Representatives and director of the poetry section. The name of Hu Feng was repeatedly mentioned in People’s Daily. Hu seemed to be so successful that he received the highly honor. Whereas, Revolutionary Literature and Art Struggling and Developping under The Reactionary’s Oppression, reported by Mao Dun, the deputy chairman of the Congress, criticized Hu Feng’s literary thought without naming him, which made Hu Feng felt frightened. While on the afternoon of July 6th, the unexpected attendance of Mao and his short speech comforted Hu Feng. Mao declared: “You make such a good meeting which revolution need and the People need. So you are writers of the People, artists of the People, or organizer of the People’s literary and art work. You do good to revolution, to the People. Since the People need you, we do have reason to welcome you. Let’s say it again, We welcome you!”②

As a result, these intellectuals from the White Areas asked themselves to keep up with the pace of revolution and become the real intellectuals of the People through fully ideological remolding. Thirty years later, on October 5th, 1979, Hu Feng wrote something to dissect his mood and feeling at that time in his memoirs: “…entered Liberated Areas, arrived in Peking, after the liberation of the whole country, I just wanted to get over from personnel dispute, to be an ordinary laborer under the guide of Party’s spirit. As one of literature & art’s representatives of the National People's Political Consultative Conference, in burning passion, I wrote The Time Started which headed five episodes of Suffering Epic.” ③ The Time Started which was published in People’s Daily on November 11th, 1949, began with such verses, “Chairman Mao stood at the middle of the stage, he stood on the front of the earth, on the front of China’s topography. He stood like a giant, like a statue…Mao Zedong, Mao Zedong, the first glorious Bolshevik in China…”④ On the other hand, Hu Feng’s wife, Mei Zhi, expressed the similar feeling in her latest fairy poem Little Red’s Adventure, which was published in The People's Daily on October

① Other members were Yang Hansheng, Ye Shenghao, Huang Yaomian, Zhou Yang, Feng Naichao, Mao Dun, Hu Sheng, Zhong Jingwen, Yang Hui. ② The People’s Daily, July 7th, 1949. ③ Memoirs of Hu Feng, Beijing: People's Literature Publishing House,1993,pp.424. ④ The Peoples’ Daily, November 20th,1949.

1st, 1949. She excitedly proclaimed with innocent words, “ Ahh, ahh ahh. The bright red sun is coming out!” Hu Feng’s The Time Started is similar to The Twelve (Двенадцать) written by Alexander Alexandrovich Blok（А.А.Блок）①, the Soviet Russian Laureate Poet, in the same mood at the same time. Li Shenzhi②, Hu’s contemporary, recalled like this in 1999 (50 years later): “The Time Started! Why couldn’t I write such a poem? I absolutely understood Hu Feng’s thought and mind.”③

In the early 1950, Hu Feng asked Hu Qiaomu (the former secretary of Mao Zedong) many times to help him deal with his membership of CPC, because he hadn’t been identified as a the Party member since 1933 when he came back to China. Moreover, he wrote to Zhou Enlai, the then premier of the State Council, for help. He knew well that it was extremely dangerous that one is just a friend but not a member of the CPC in such a strongly political and organizational system. However, his wish didn’t come true. Hu Qiaomu’s reply was that he could consider Hu Feng’s membership.④

Hu Feng was not only the leader of the left-wing literature movement in the former KMT reign, who supported the revolution, but also the typical person of the old intellectuals who were re-educated by the CPC to change their old thought actively. That was why he could receive the ① А.А.Блок (1880-1921), a famous symbolist-poet in the Silver Age in Russia, supported the October Revolution and took part in the Culture Revolution. Turkov, a soviet scholar, remarked like this, “Blok became one of the few persons who were positive about the new society with many difficulties.” (Турков А.М.Александр Блок.М., 1976.C.410.) Blok praised the 12 Bolshevik characters including Lenin in his The Twelve (Двенадцать): “The wind is wandering, the snow is swinging, and the twelve persons in row are walking up. The raffles are tied with the black belts. The fire is everywhere…we will cause capitalists lots of troubles and set a global fire… ”. He regarded the October Revolution as the Religious Revolution, and described people’s welcome and participation as pilgrim. Blok published the Intelligentsia and Revolution (Интеллигенция и революция) in Banner of Labor (Знамя труда) (Jan. 19, 1918), a newspaper of the Social Revolution Party (the left wing). He said, “The revolution and the mother nature are fellow sufferers. Those who wanted to realize their own dreams in the revolution are unfortunate, no matter how noble and good they are. The revolution can always bring about something new and unexpected, just like tornado and snowstorm. It confused lots of people, killed easily the noble persons, and often sent the unrespectable to the safe land. However, this is part of it and can’t change the main trend or swallow the frightening roar that the trend made. ” In 1920, Blok was elected the president of the Petrograd Chapter of the Russian Poet Association. In Feb. 11, 1921, he made a speech the Poet's Mission (О назначении поэта) in the 80th anniversary of Pushkin’s death in Writers’ House (Дом литераторов), Petrograd. The speech created a pubic sensation, so that Blok was invited to give another two speeches in Writers’ House (Дом литераторов) and the Petrograd University, which are the last big speeches he made. Their written copies were published in Vestnik of Literature (Вестник литературы) (No. 1 and 2, 1921). Blok wrote, “Poet! The son of harmony! He can play a role in the development of the world culture. There are three, firstly, he can liberate the sound from the uncontrolled natural environment; secondly, he can make the sound harmonious and give it form; thirdly, he can lead the harmony to the outer world.” (Турков А.М.Александр Блок.М., 1976.C.389.) In May, Blok was diagnosed with the heart attack and scurvy. He made a request to the soviet government for cure abroad but was rejected, and therefore he had to ask for Gorky’s help. In May 29, 1921, Gorky wrote to Lunacharski to ask Lenin to deal with Blok’s request. In July 12, 1921, the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) reached a decision, which rejected the request. In August 7, 1921, 15 days later, Blok died in Petrograd. Pravda (August 9) issued a very shot news, “Poet Alexander Blok died last night.” ② Li Shenzhi (1923-2003) , born in Wu Xi, Jiangsu Province, was a famous philosopher, an expert on International Studies and a senior journalist. He joined the peripheral organization of the CPC when he was at university. In 1948 he was employed as an editor by the international section of the Xinhua News Agency (Yen’an) and joined the CPC in November. From 1954 to 1957 he was Zhou Enlai’s secretary of foreign affairs. In 1957 he was criticized by Mao Zedong because of his remarks about “great democracy” and then categorized as an ultra-rightist, expelled from the CPC and sent to do farm work. In 1979 he was rehabilitated and his membership was resumed. Between 1978 and the early 1980 he joined in the writing group of international studies established by the Central Committee of the CPC. During this period, he visited the USA, accompanying Deng Xiaoping, as a consultant to the delegation. In 1980 he was transferred to the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and established the American Institute of the CASS and was employed as the 1st president. In 1985 he was promoted to the vice president of the CASS. In 1988 he became a member of the CPC Group of the CASS. He was a representative of the contemporary thought of Individualism in China, maintaining that freedom is the most valuable among all the values. In 1999, he wrote an article, Fifty years with ups and downs, widely spread on the internet. ③ ④

very high political and financial treatment and hold very important post in new power system. Since 1949, Hu Feng had become the member of the China Federation of Literary and Arts Circles (CFLAC), the China Writers Association (CWA) and the deputy of the 1st NPC. In 1953-1954, he was elected as member of the presidium of the CWA and became a member of editorial board of People’s Literature, the organ publishing of the CWA, being a leader of the Chinese literature and arts circles. In January, 1951, Hu Qiaomu on behalf of the CPC recommended three vital posts to Hu Feng for his choice, that is, the general editor of People’s Literature Publishing House, the same post of Journal of Literature and Art and professor of the Central Literature Institute. Hu Feng thought that it was his honor if he could hold any one of the three offices, considering he was not a member of the CPC. But it came to nothing. In 1953, Hu Feng moved to Beijing along with his family and became an editor of People’s Literature.

Those years was the peak of Hu Feng’s works, as he wrote three long verses in 1950: the Ode to Joy, Requiem, and the Ode to Glory. In 1951, he created such long verses as For North Korea, for the Human Race, For Tomorrow, From Source to Current and Together with New Figures.

Before the new era came, Gorky had turned into “a noisy crow” from “a revolutionary swallow” while Hu Feng had turned into a writer of people from an old intellectual, which revealed once again that intellectuals who held double standards: “revolution morals” and “culture morals” had to make their choices facing the uncomfortable social and political reality. However, their fate dramatically changed again with the progress of political movements and ups and downs of the society in Soviet Union and China. They once again played tragic roles of nobody in the great serious drama of their age, showing the progress of the relationship between intellectuals and ruling parties and governments of Soviet Union and China.

Gorky lived abroad for a long time as the leader of red emigrants and led a superior life that was impossible for most of white emigrants. In the early 1922, Gorky was confronted with financial problems. Therefore, the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) reached a decision (Feb.25): 1. to instruct the People’s Education Committee to purchase the copyright of Gorky’s works; 2. to instruct the People’s Foreign Trade Committee and F.A. Krestinsky (Ф.А.Крестинский) to sign the above-mentioned contract in order to support Gorky financially as soon as possibly.①

Since 1928, Gorky came back to Soviet Union every summer for a few months’ stay and returned to Villa Sorento, Italy in autumn. When he was in Soviet Union, Stalin made him live in a villa near the Kremlin which belonged to capitalists before, but now to the nation. Besides, the state arranged other two lux villas for him in the suburban of Moscow and the summer resort Crimea.

During Gorky’s stay in the homeland, he was encouraged by the trend of the overall agricultural collectivization which started in 1926. He wrote to Stalin like this: “More than half of the peasants have joined the collective farm…which reveals that the peasants in Soviet Union are leaving away from the slavish, poor, foolish life, which made them live for thousands of years as inferior people.”② In the letter to Stalin, Gorky expressed his support to the overall agricultural collectivization: “…the social revolution has begun to possess real quality of socialism, since the Communist Party resolutely led the countryside to collectivization. This revolution can be compared to a geological change. It is incomparably much stronger and profounder than all that

① РЦХИДНИ.Ф.17.Оп.3.Д.272.Л.2. ② Горький М,Собрание сочинений,М.,1953. Т.26.С.43.

the party had done. The old life style existing for thousands of years is being eradicated, which resulted in those people with special defects. They have conservative thought like animals and the private nature, which made us frightened. There are over 20 million like those people. It seems to be an unwise task to transform them in a short time. However, it is being really fulfilled.”①

In the struggle of political lines in the Soviet Communist Party (since 1924), Gorky stood on the side of Stalin resolutely. The Pravda of Nov. 15, 1930, when the struggle between Stalin and Trotsky, Zinovyev and Kamenev was just fierce, published a famous article of Gorky, If the enemies do not surrender, they will be exterminated (Если враг не сдается, его уничтожают), which led to the biggest argument about Gorky's personal morals. Gorky wrote like this: “In our country, crafty enemies fight against us through creating famine. The rich peasants threatened the peasants of the collective farms via assassination, arson and other despicable means. Those whose historical fates have been doomed are against us, which entitles us to think that we are still in the civil war. So we can come to a conclusion that if the enemies don’t surrender, we must exterminate them. ”② The soviet government held an open trial about the anti-party group of “the Industry Party”, which included the engineering technicians under the former Russian reign before the October Revolution. Gorky determinedly supported the decision of the government, and he wrote, “Reading the stories about those villains, I was filled with fury.”③

On May 1933, Gorky returned to his own country for permanent residence. In Moscow railway station Gorky was received by Stalin. That was a supremely grand and extremely high level welcome. From then on until he suddenly died on June 18th, 1936④, Gorky took an active participation in social and political activities, made speeches in various kinds of meetings, often published articles to disclose the internationally increasingly rampant fascist forces, criticized the anti-soviet views in western bourgeois newspapers, and reminded people to pay attention to the danger of war. In August 1934, in the first Soviet Writers Congress, Gorky was deservedly elected as the chairman of the just founded Soviet Writers Association. He declared “If here, just in this hall, founded the grand coalition of Soviet Union literary circle, thus, after the end of this Congress, we must start to practically join up to make sure that our collar work could make progress, must continue this work and increasingly broaden and deepen it in order to establish a powerful literature not only needed by our country, by people of all ethnic groups, but also, I dare say, by the whole world.”⑤ He announced to regard socialistic realism as the only principle and method for literature and art works. In the same year, he published Proletarian Humanism (Пролетарский гуманизм), clamored for Stalin’s political struggle and Great Purge. He put forward that “Formed in history and proved by science, The Marx, Lenin, Stalin’s authentic all mankind proletarian humanism aims at completely liberating laboring people of all racial and ethnic from capitalistic iron claw.” He stressed “this revolutionary humanism historically gave proletariat the right to relentlessly fight with capital, the right to destroy and wipe out every ugly basic in bourgeois world. Before this article was formally published, It had been asked for Stalin’s

① Известия ЦК КПСС.1989.№7.С.215. ② Горький М. Собрание .сочинений.т.25.М.,1955.С.228. ③ Горький М. Собрание .сочинений.т.27.М.,1955.С.521. ④ The cause of Gorky’s death is unknown till today, there are a lot of speculations. Many people agree with the Interior Minister of Soviet Union, Yagoda (Г.Г.Ягода,1891-1938). they think it was a murder, but no one have found any concrete evidence. See also: Павел Басинский. Горький. М., 2005.; Никифоров С. Максим Горький. Мать: несовершенный роман.М.,2011. ⑤Liu Fengqi, Document abstracts of the Soviet Union’s first congress, Beijing, Capital Normal University Press, 2004.

opinion, and Gorky highly valued the assessment “comrade Stalin quite agree with this article.”① In the article On Culture (О культуре) Gorky once again stressed his proletarian humanism

understandings. “Proletarian humanism required us to harbour an eternal hatred to babbittry, capitalists and their minions, parasites, fascists, executioners, and all regimes consisted of working class traitors, required us to hate everything that forced people to suffer torments, hate anyone who lived on the misery of millions of people.”② On December 1st, 1934, member of Politburo Soviet Union Communist Party (Bolshevik), central secretary, secretary of Leningrad committee Kirov (С. М.Киров，1886－1834) was assassinated, which led to the beginning of the Great Purge. On January 2nd, 1935, Gorky appealed on Pravda: “We must relentlessly destroy enemies without any mercy, never pay attention to the professional humanists’ breath and moan.”③ By now Gorky had completely grown into a spokesman for Soviet Culture and Soviet intellectuals.

Hu Feng’s political fate completely changed because of a vigorous and longtime political movement which began in 1952. Later generations assessed this campaign as a “political trial” which came from “literary criticism”.④

On June 8th, 1952, People’s Daily published “Learn Speech at the Forum on Literature and Art in Yan An again” and “A public letter to Lu Ling” by Shu Wu⑤, Hu Feng’s friend, an editor of People's Literature Publishing House. These two articles mentioned Lu Ling and Lv Ying by name. Then People’s Daily published partial contents extracted from letters Hu Feng wrote to Shu Wu in before liberation and Hu Feng’s My self-criticism, both added editor’s comments, which appointed that “according to materials which Shu Wu’s article revealed, readers can see how Hu Feng and his anti-party and anti-people literary group hate the Communist Party of China and non-party’s progressive writers.” A lot of people, including Shu Wu himself haven’t expected that this material would put Hu Feng’s problem to such an extent. Shu Wu’s materials generally had three parts: first extracted and classified from letters Hu Feng wrote to him; second added notes for this abstracts; third Shu Wu’s comments. On May 30 of the same year, Hu Feng mentioned Shu Wu in a letter wrote to his friend Lv Yuan, “We all think that Shu Wu is just a intellectual, now it seems that the pure intellectuals are we.”⑥

From March to July 1954, with his friends’ support, Hu Feng began to write Report on the practice and state of art and literature in recent years. The report included four parts: 1.brief status report; 2. explaining materials about several theory problems; 3. examples with the facts and about party spirit; 4. Attachment: suggestions for reference. This book had 270 thousand words, also known as Three-hundred-thousand-word letter. Later CWA printed this book, and renamed as Hu Feng’s suggestions to literary and art problems, this book circulated in a small area without open publication.

① Горький М. Собрание .сочинений.т.27.М.,1955.С.558. ② Горький М. Собрание .сочинений.т.27.М.,1955.С.464-466. ③ Правда. 20.мая.1935. ④ Xu Weidong, Let the died revive, make the alive speak, Southern Metropolitan Daily, June 30th, 2008//Ding Shu, Open conspiracy: around the anti-rightist campaign, Hong Kong, Nineties magazine office, 1991,pp.97. ⑤ Shu Wu(1922-2009),autonym Fang Guan, style name Chongyu. Chinese contemporary writer, famous literature critic. In his youth years, Hu Feng thought and praised highly of him, like published his “On subjectivism” which caused great disputation at that time on magazine July, and Hu Feng was the chief editor of this magazine. After 1952, Shu Wu was appointed as People’s Literature Publishing House’s editor, deputy director and senior editor, social science in China magazine house’s senior editor. Shu Wu had a substantial writing life,representative books Shu Wu’s collections, (8 volumes), Shijiazhuang, Hebei people’s publishing house, 2001. Shu Wu’s oral autobiography, XuFulu take down, Beijing, China social sciences publishing house, 2002. Reture to May 4th, Shenyang, Liaoning education publishing house,1999. ⑥ Li Hui, The Whole Story of Unjust Case of Hu Feng Clique, Beijing, People’s Daily Press,1989,pp.107.

On July 27, 1954, Hu Feng entrusted Xi Zhongxun, the head of Publicity Department of Central Committee of CPC and secretary-general of the government administration council to submit his Report on the practice and state of art and literature in recent years to Mao and the Politburo of CPC, trying to defend himself against the criticism which came from literary and art circles after June 1952. In Report he pointed that since 1949, Chinese culture didn’t lay its foundation on Mao and party’s principle. Instructions from Mao and the Party were twisted by several cultural officers. He criticized these officers forced writers to learn Marxism-Leninism before any writings, the style of literary and art creation must be national, the contents of creation must be the good aspect, ignore the seamy and backward side. He thought this kind of works were not true. He suggested that writers should reform themselves according to their own needs, but not by officers. He also insisted that writers should publish several magazines to take place of the numberable official magazines for encouraging diversity. Hu Feng criticized the leader of Publicity Department of Central Committee of CPC Zhou Yang and so on. CFLAC and presidium of CWA immediately convened 8 meetings to fight against Hu Feng, Zhou Yang made a report: We must fight, all the criticisms couldn’t convince Hu Feng, he still insisted on his opinion.

On January 20, 1955, the Publicity Department sent a report to Central Committee of CPC, asking to criticize Hu Feng’s thoughts. On January 26, the Central Committee approved this report, pointed that Hu Feng “covered with the Marxism coat, in a long period struggled against Party and the People, cheated some authors and readers, must be criticized thoroughly.”① From February, various regions began to criticize Hu Feng’s thoughts through forums and seminars participated by writers, showfolks, college teachers and students. Newspapers and magazines such as People’s Daily, Journal of Literature and Art, Guangming Daily began to publish articles about this. In April 1955, Shu Wu sent letters Hu Feng wrote to him to the Central Committee, the Publicity Department weaved these letters into a material, sent it to the Central Committee together with Hu Feng’s My self-criticism. After reading this, Mao agreed to publish it on People’s Daily.

On April 14, 1955, Shu Wu published The anti-party and anti-people essence of Hu Feng’s literary and art thoughts on People Daily. Then on May 13th, 24th, and June 10th, People’s Daily published Materials about Hu Feng’s counter-revolutionary group in three parts. At this time Hu Feng and his supporters were first called anti-party group. The editorial note on People’s Daily pointed out “Hu Feng and his anti-party and anti-people literary group hate the Communist Party of China and non-party’s progressive writers.” ② Then a nationwide campaign aimed at denouncing Hu Feng’s anti-party group began.

On May 25th, the presidium of CFLAC and CWA held a joint meeting. Guo Moruo chaired the meeting and made a brief opening speech Please deal with Hu Feng according to law on behalf of the party and literary and art circles. He expressed that “intellectuals like Hu Feng covered with the Marxism coat, conducted organized internal damage, there’s no way to tolerate them.”③The 700 people who participated in this meeting voted through the follow decisions: dismiss Hu Feng’s CWA membership, cancel his CWA director and senior editor of People’s Literature, cancel his CFLAC national committee membership, ask the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress for cancelling Hu Feng’s representative qualification according to constitution article 38, suggest the Supreme People’s Procuratorate to punish Hu Feng’s counter-revolutionary crimes, warn all the potential “Hu Fengists”(people like Hu Feng or have ① Li Hui, The Whole Story of Unjust Case of Hu Feng Clique, Beijing, People’s Daily Press,1989,pp.140. ② People’s Daily, May 24th, 1955. ③ Li Hui, The Whole Story of Unjust Case of Hu Feng Clique, Beijing, People’s Daily Press,1989,p.240.

contact with him) to draw a demarcation line with him as quickly as possible, reveal his crime, strive for leniency.

In order to prove the connections between Hu Feng and the KMT regime in Taiwan, on June 15, June 30, 1955, People’s Daily specially published two articles named “traitor Chiang’s newspaper expressed depression about Hu Feng counter-revolutionary conspiracy’s exposure” and “Taiwan newspapers disclosed that Hu Feng had relations with Chiang Kai-shek’s spies for a long time” April 25, 1956, on enlarged meeting of Political Bureau of the Central Committee of CPC Mao made a speech named On the Ten Major Relationships. In this speech Mao particularly pointed that people like Hu Feng, “We don't have them executed, not because their crimes don't deserve capital punishment but because such executions would yield no advantage... Counter-revolutionaries are trash, they are vermin, but once in your hands, you can make them perform something good for the people”①

In 1957, Mao made instructions for Hu Feng’s case. “In so doing Hu Feng and company attracted attention. After careful investigation of many of these persons, this clique was found to be of some size. Previously they were known as "a small group". No, that's not so, there are quite a few of them. Previously they were known simply as a group of men of letters. No, that's not so, they have wormed their way into political, military, economic, cultural and educational departments. Previously, they seemed to be a group of revolutionaries operating in broad daylight. No, that's not so, most of them have a very shady background. The main force of the clique consists of imperialist and Kuomintang secret agents, Trotskyites, reactionary army officers, or renegades from the Communist Party; with these persons serving as the backbone, a counter-revolutionary faction hidden in the revolutionary camp, an underground independent kingdom, was formed. This counter-revolutionary faction, this underground kingdom, has set itself the task of overthrowing the People's Republic of China and restoring imperialist and Kuomintang rule.”②

Hu Feng and his wife Mei Zhi were arrested with the approve of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress in August 18th,1955, Beijing Higher People’s Court sentenced Hu Feng to 14 years in prison. At the end of December, 1965, Hu Feng was released from Qincheng Prison. In 1966, Hu Feng’s couple were sent to the MiaoXi penal farm, in Lu Shan county of Chengdu to undergo Laogai which means “reform through labor” under supervision. In November, 1967, Hu Feng was thrown into the prison again. In January, 1970, because Hu Feng wrote poetries in the blank of the paper, he was sentenced to life imprisonment and not allowed to appeal on the charge of writing reactionary poetry and writing reactionary poetry on the portrait of Mao by the Sichuan Revolution Committee.

Finally, Hu Feng was released from prison in 1978. Hu Feng refused to obey the sentence of 1965, and he appealed to the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, but he was completely rehabilitated after his death. After being politically free Hu Feng once served as the member of the sixth session of the Standing Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, the China Federation of Literary and Art Circles, China Writers' Association, the adviser of the institute of Arts of the Ministry of Culture and so on.

2100 peoples involved in Hu Feng’s case. 92 persons were arrested. 62 persons were separated. 73 persons were suspended for reflection.

① Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung Beijing. People's Publishing House 1991.Vol. 5, p.279. ② Preface and Editor's Notes to Material on the Counter-Revolutionary Hu Feng Clique, May 1957

At the end of 1956, many of the people cleared their crime in the name of influenced by Hu Feng’s thoughts, the members of the Counter-Revolutionary Hu Feng Clique were formally 78, including 32 members of CPC. There were 23 persons listed as the key members of the Counter-Revolutionary Hu Feng Clique. Many writers and poet were listed or involved in the Counter-Revolutionary Hu Feng Clique, such as Hua Gang, Lu Ling, A long, Lu Li, Niu Han, Lv yuan, Peng Pai-shan, Lv Ying, Jia Zhi-fang, Xie Tao, Wang Yuan-hua, Mei Lin, Liu Xue-wei, Man Tao, He Man-zi, Lu Dian, Peng Yan-jiao, Zeng Zhuo, Geng Yong, Zhang Zhong-xiao, Luo Luo, Hu Zheng, Fang Ran, Zhu Huai-gu, Wang Rong and Hua Tie.

In the following large-scale anti-rightist campaign in 1957, the Counter-Revolutionary Hu Feng Clique was been infinitely expanded. 29320 counter-revolutionaries and evildoers, 12488 counter-revolutionary suspects and many small cliques were been discovered in only two months.① In the report to the Soviet Union of Lu Ding-yi, the alternate member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the CPC, the head of the Publicity Department of the Central Committee of CPC, it planned to investigate 12 million people. The investigation started from June 1955. 2.22 million people had been carefully investigated till September. In the 2.22 million, it was ascertained 118 thousand counter-revolutionaries, traitors and major criminals and 11 thousand cliques and factions.②

Hu Xiao-feng, Hu Feng’s daughter, had said the Hu Feng’s case was the first literacy inquisition of the history of PRC. ③The Hu Feng’s case was the biggest foreshadow of the large-scale anti-rightist in 1957.

Rehabilitation of case of the Counter-Revolutionary Hu Feng Clique has experienced three ups and three downs and difficult process. On July 21, 1980, the Ministry of Public Security, the Supreme People's Procuratorate and the Supreme People's Court jointly awarded that there is no facts prove Hu Feng was headed organized counter-revolutionary clique, there was also no evidence proved that Hu Feng had opposed the socialist system, took counter-revolutionary activities for the purpose of subversion proletarian regime. Thus, Hu Feng was not a counter-revolutionaries, there was also no counter-revolutionary clique led by Hu Feng. The case of the Counter-Revolutionary Hu Feng Clique should belong to a case who was falsely charged④. On September 29, 1980, the Central Committee of the CPC issued documentation No.76, forwarding this communique, announced that the case of the Counter-Revolutionary Hu Feng Clique was under the historical condition at that time, confusing the two different types of contradictions.......the Central Committee of CPC decided to rehabilitate it. However, it also stressed that Hu Feng and others people had wrong speeches and partisan activities.⑤ Hu Feng once held so called reactionary position, wrote anti-communist article and issued anti-revolutionary propaganda, these political and historical problems was retained. After Hu Feng died on June 8,1985, according to the request of his families, the Ministry of Public Security issued documentation with the approve of Secretariat of Central Committee, officially withdrew wording of “historical problem” in the first documentation of rehabilitation in 1980. On January 15,1986, Hu Feng's memorial service held in the Babaoshan Revolutionary Cemetery. Zhu Mu-zhi, the Minister of Culture, said: Hu Feng was a modern revolutionary literature and art warrior,

① Li Hui, The Whole Story of Unjust Case of Hu Feng Clique, Beijing, People’s Daily Press, 1989,Vol. 3. ② АВПРФ,ф.0100,оп48,д.9 ,п.393,л.195-197 ③ Xiao Feng, My Father: Hu Feng, Hubei People's Publishing House, 2007. ④ Li Hui, The Whole Story of Unjust Case of Hu Feng Clique, Beijing, People’s Daily Press, 1989,Vol. 3.p.1. ⑤ Li Hui, The Whole Story of Unjust Case of Hu Feng Clique, Beijing, People’s Daily Press, 1989,Vol. 3.p. 2-3.

famous literary theorist, poet and translators of our country in the eulogy. He also said that comrade Hu Feng’s life was a life pursuing light and making progressive, was a life loving homeland and people, working hard to make great contribution to the art and literacy.① On June 18, 1988, General Office of the Central Committee of the CPC issued No.16 documentation (1988), Supplementary Notice about Further Rehabilitation of Comrade Hu Feng. The documentation withdrew the accuse of “five knives” remained in the 1980’s rehabilitation, which blamed Hu Feng’s communist world outlook, lives of workers, farmers and soldiers, ideological reform, national forms and subject. At that time, the case of the Counter-Revolutionary Hu Feng Clique had been officially completely rehabilitated.

In the 20 century, both the communist revolution happened in the Soviet Union, China, North Korea, Cuba or East Europe, Southeast Asia, and the political transformation under the influence of communism and socialist idea with the characteristics of Communist and Socialist which happened in some countries and peoples, showed that the social transformation was not only great political revolution, but profound “ideological revolution”and more difficult “cultural revolution”. It seemed to be the tradition of the world socialist movement and the communist movement in the 20 century. In addition, the first decade of new regimes and countries were often the critical period of new ideology and political culture. As the innovators and disseminators of ideology and social system of values and culture, the intellectuals played an important role in the rapid transformation of society. They physically and mentally experienced double impact of the “political revolution” and “cultural revolution”, they were not only the main body of the new culture construction, but also were the object remolded by the new culture.

Gorky was a writer struggled from the bottom of the society, he lived his life in strive for the happiness and interests of Russian people. However, he firmly opposed Bolshevik to seize power with violence, opposed the Soviet regime to launch the Cultural Revolution in violent forms after the revolution accomplished. The phenomenon and confusion happened on the Gorky was caused by the characteristic and value of himself and also caused by the gap between Gorky’s humanitarian ideals and that era. Just like the letter wrote by Lenin to Alexander Gavrilovich Shliapnikov (А.Г. Шляпников,1885-1937) in September and October, in which Lenin criticized Gorky on the standpoint of Yearbook (Летопись) magazine. Lenin said Gorky always had no definite view on politic and he is emotional.②

In the first 10 years after the October Revolution, Gorky himself, like other old Russian intellectuals, had experienced painful process of politically turning and positioning in the new society. At that time, Gorky for the reasons of conscience of Russian intellectuals, cooperated with the new regime and also struggled to maintain himself, the spirit world and the actual status of intellectuals. At the same time, he also had to move with the trend, subjectively strive to adapt to the rapid social change and political movement, even against his will to tell some timely words, do some timely thing. Gorky was once had a frank conversation with his friends Korney Ivanovich Chukovsky (К.И.Чуковский，1882－1969), a famous poet. Gorky said to him: I know people have reasons to dislike me and they will not like me. I have endured that. That is my role. In fact, I am often equivocal. However, At any time I am not the first to play tricky, and now because of our regime, I have to play tricky, insincere and phony. I know, there is no other choice.③ Yevgeny

① The People’s Daily, January 16th,1988 ② The Letters between Gorky and Lenin translated and complied by Soviet Literature Research Section of Anhui University, Beijing, Foreign Literature Press, 1981, p.401. ③ Чуковский К.Дневник.1901-1929.М.,1991.С.148.

Ivanovich Zamyatin (Е.И.Замятин,1884－1937), the author of the famous dystopian novel We (Мы) suffered adversity because of this book, he and his wife left motherland with the help of Gorky. He wrote Recall Gorky. In this book, he used very respect tone to tell about the help Gorky gave to himself and other writers. He believed that Gorky embodies dual personality: one was a ordinary Peshkov, the other was a great writer Gorky. Two characters lived in one person, cannot be separated. They were similar to each other but were not exactly the same. Sometimes they quarreled with each other and sometimes they got along with each other in real life. They went separate ways just not long ago. In June 1936, Alex Peshkov died, and Maxium Gorky is still alive. I knew this two men, but I did not feel it is necessary to talk about writer Gorky and his works. Here I just wanted to sincerely recall an ordinary man and his life①.

During 30 years of the case of the Counter-Revolutionary Hu Feng Clique, the Chinese intellectuals’ attitude to the case became the touchstone of their political moral. Many of the intellectuals felt in danger. They used various forms to draw a clear demarcation with Hu Fengists. The other intellectuals such as Shu Wu, Zhou Yang, Ai Qing, Shao Quan-lin, Hu Sheng, Qiao Guan-mu, Hu Qiao-mu, Lin Mo-han, He Qi-fang, Guo Mo-ruo, had a variety of purposes and played a helper’s role. Undoubtedly, Shu Wu was key person and initiator of the case. In Shu Wu’s youth, his literary creation was repeatedly supported by Hu Feng. But when Hu Feng was critisized, he played a not very glorious role. So he carried a infamy of Judah in his life, until he died on August, 2009. The member of the Counter-Revolutionary Hu Feng Clique, famous poet, Lv Yuan said that to study Hu Feng’s problem and lessons for Chinese cultural circle and intellectuals, it has to study Shu Wu. We should not only study the material he discovered, but should research his character more from the materials, research the example set up from leadership through Shu Wu to intellectuals, and through the example to study the essence of intellectual modification.② In 1999, Shu Wu tried to explain his behavior in the subsequent of his book Return to May,4th. He stressed that the first title of article was About Hu Feng’s Sectarian, later the title had been changed several times into Some Materials About the Counter-Revolutionary Hu Feng Clique, that was unexpected. He reflected himself with pains. “30 years after liberation, I took a road of remolding, firstly being a remolder, I tried to remold others; then in order to became super-revolutionary, I tried to remold myself on the sub-revolutionary position. However, I was remolded on the position of anti-revolutionary. Anyway, the one, who had Marxist, would have the right to remold others. The standard of remolding, the standard of truth was practice. The practice of the highest level was the politics of Republic, policy and strategy of the proletarian party”③. In Shu Wu’s last years, he confessed his behaviour again. But “it (the Hu Feng’s case) led to a so big unjust charge that many people were persecuted, separated from their families, even lost their intellectual distraction and went insane. All kinds of tragic death, including almost all of the friends of my youth time, especially Hu Feng who always taught me and cared about me. For their suffering, I had to bear sense of guilt”④. He also profoundly reflected himself: “Before liberation, I thought I had grasped the Marxism, but the authority denied me. After liberation, I used Mao Zedong Thoughts to measure myself, also came to an conclusion that ‘it is indeed not Marxism’, then I reached an agreement with the authority. After

① Замятин Е. Воспоминание о Горьком //Сочинения, М., 1988,C.541-542. ② Hu Xiao-feng, I and Hu Feng: The Memory of 37 people of Hu Feng’s Case (supplement edition), Yinchuan, Ningxia People Press, 2003, p. 578. ③ Shu Wu, Return to May, 4th, Shenyang, Liaoning Education Press, 1999, pp. 725-726. ④ Shu Wu, Return to May, 4th, Shenyang, Liaoning Education Press, 1999, pp. 5-6.

liberation, I thought I had grasped Mao Zedong Thoughts, but I gradually became rightist and an anti-revolutionary clique’s upriser though studying. ‘The more reading, the more reactionary’, it was true! Looking back, I didn't learn any Marxist. Once I believed that Marxism and the spirit of May 4th are consistent. Now it seems to be wrong. Actually, I didn’t know what Marxism was”①.

Even famous writer Ba Jin who has a lofty and unyielding character had issued Must be Thoroughly Beaten the Counter-Revolutionary Hu Feng Clique on the People's Daily, May 26, 1956. He declared that “now their shameful attempts have been completely exposed, their plot activities have caused widespread indignation from the national literary and art circles, cultural communities, and even the whole nation. All the people universally require to thoroughly fight with Hu Feng and his Clique. in the future there will be more materials to expose, but just these two "material" are enough to illustrate the crimes of the reactionary clique. The struggle has begun. We must completely destroy his entire clique, so that they have no chance to comeback. We would like to fully expose their face from false mask, stripped of their camouflage, so that everyone in this clique could have to stand out from the dark corners, put down ‘the rubber-wrapped wire’ whips and other secret weapons, honestly and sincerely surrender to the Party and the People, and try to be a new man from now on. This is their only way out”. After many years, Ba Jin wrote Recall Hu Feng, frankly admitted that he owed the Hu Feng's debt in conscience, in order to pay his debts he wrote this recall article. Liu Zaifu, a literacy critic, evaluated that “”Hu Feng’s problem has always affected Chinese intellectuals’ mind for decades. Its shadow covered on the heart of Chinese intellectuals, still not completely disappeared. If nothing else, just Hu Feng's problem, I don't know how much spiritual energy of our nation is losing; I don't know how much spiritual energy of Chinese writers and intellectuals is losing. Our generation and the last two generations that suffered internal friction struggle often feel tired in heart. Actually the spirit energy was almost spent up. In addition to meaningless spiritual loss, the erroneous judgement of Hu Feng’case also deeply hurt the intellectuals’ quality of the thinking independently, which make this quality suffered a historic crisis. Hu Feng’s problem is liberated legally, but the hearts shocked by Hu Feng's problem can’t be liberated fast. And Chinese intellectuals’ quality of the thinking independently is not able to recover its splendor and vigour immediately. The intellectuals’ morbid psychology formed in the class struggle can not be cured immediately.②

Hu feng himself experienced ups and downs for nearly 30 years. His personal feeling was thought-provoking. In his last years, he didn’t blame Shu Wu and others who brought bad luck to himself, his family and his friends. When Zhou Yang, then the Minister of Culture, personally came to the hospital to convey instructions to Hu Feng that the Party admitted its mistakes, the the Party central take responsibility. Hu Feng wrote The Greet to the Friends and Readers on Wenhui Monthly, on November 15th,1980. He said that “I was isolated and just like a dead man in more than 20 years. Now I pick up a pen to meet with thousands of readers, the mood is complicated, the feeling is even more. I think of the Party .......In quarter of the century, it is the faith to the Party that support my life. I believe that the Party has the courage review carefully and comprehensively all historical events. Anyone even a nobody like me, an ordinary laborer, will get a fair historical evaluation”. When he mentioned the people who suffered from his case, he said that “today, thinking of those friends whom I have ever seen and have never seen, but have ① Xu Fulu wrote down, Dictation of Shu Wu: I and Hu Feng, Beijing, China Social Sciences Press, 2002, pp. 89-90. ② Li Hui, The Whole Story of Unjust Case of Hu Feng Clique, Beijing, People’s Daily Press, 1989,Vol. 3.p. 1.

suffered because of me, the feeling quilt gradually occupied my whole soul. But I know the apology isn't what they need. What these survivors and the deads needs is to be brave and to move on”①. In his memorial, he briefly described the plaint of his life. He said: “in the isolated life of quarter of the century, the spiritual world went through rise and fall outside, also went through burning and freezing inside. However, life is always saved up by the feeling guided by faith to the principal of the Party”②. Here, Hu Feng still held tightly conjunction between his own destiny and the Party. This may be his plaint after he finally got a new political life, and may be his confusing that he didn’t compromise with reality.

There was no doubt that Lenin and Mao Zedong once had intellectual identity and they were proud of the identity in their whole life. They were red leaders with obvious intellectual qualities. But in the political and social life, they were framers of political struggle and rules of political game. They were controller of the intellectuals’ destiny. In the great framework of the Cultural Revolution and ideologically remolding intellectuals that they built, real experiencers were the intellectual group. As the innovators and disseminators of ideology and social system of values and culture, the intellectuals played an important role in the rapid transformation of society. They physically and mentally experienced double impact of the “political revolution” and “cultural revolution”, they were not only the main body of the new culture construction, but also were the object remolded by the new culture.

In USSR, the Soviet regime tried to train politically loyal Soviet intellectuals (Советская интеллигенция) , qualified in technique specialization, which was basically completed in 1920s. Mikhail Nikolayevich Pokrovsky (М.Н.Покровский ， 1868 － 1932), famous historian, academician, a member of the Central Executive Committee of the Soviet Union and the first Dean of Red Professor College, declared in 1928 that “we had entered the era of scholars who need to be admitted by the Soviet regime ... ... Now we need scholars who actively participates in Socialist construction”③. In China, the regime of CPC also tried to train politically loyal Socialistic intellectuals, qualified in technique specialization, which was basically completed in the early 1960s. On January 20th, 1956, People’s Daily issued Chen Yuan’s article My Opinion to the Problem of Intellectuals, who is the rector of Beijing Normal University. Chen Yuan, who served as Vice Minister of the Ministry of Education of the Republic of China in 1921, declared that: “every revolutionary intellectuals should set strict demands on themselves according to standards of Communist”. Guo Moruo, then the president of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and chairman of the China Federation of Literary and Art Circles, made the report The Mission of Intellectuals in the High Tide of Socialist Revolution at the second plenary meeting of the Second session of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference on January 31th, 1956. He said in the report that the gong and drum of socialist revolution rings so loudly. We believe that our intellectuals must not allow ourselves to stand by and do nothing. In the great era of socialist revolution, the patriotic intellectuals must be willing to try all their best in the construction of the motherland. The scientific and cultural level of Chinese intellectuals is generally not high, but if we can work together, and serve the People wholeheartedly and honestly, we will make certain results④.

① Li Hui, The Whole Story of Unjust Case of Hu Feng Clique, Beijing, People’s Daily Press, 1989,Vol. 3.p. 411-142. ② Memories of Hu Feng, Beijing, People's Literature Publishing House, 1993, p.425. ③ Вестник Коммунистической Академии.1932.№4-5.С.47. ④ The People’s Daily, February 1st, 1956.

Ilya Grigoryevich Ehrenburg (И.Г.Эренбург，1891－1967), a famous writer who experienced many storms in the history of Soviet Union, wrote in his autobiography Human·Years·Life (Люди, годы, жизнь) that “the one, who remembers everything, feels heavy”（Тому тяжело, кто помнит все）①. Perhaps it is the common feelings between the intellectuals of Soviet Union and China before the great era comes.

① Эренбург И. Г. Люди, годы, жизнь. М.: Текст, 2005. Т.1.С.12.