UR Volume 2 F_issuu_small.pdf

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INSTITUTUL CULTURAL ROMN NU POATE FI CONSIDERAT RESPONSABIL P ENTRU CONINUTUL ACESTUI MATERIAL.ROMANIAN CULTURAL INSTITUTE CANNOT BE HELD RESPONSIBLE FOR THE CONTENT OF THIS PUBLICATION.

EDITORIAL PROJECT FINANCEDBY THE ADMINISTRATION OFNATIONAL CULTURAL FUND

EDITORIAL PROJECT SUPPORTED BY THCHAMBER OF ROMANIAN ARCHITECTS,UNDER THE ARCHITECTURE REVENUE S

Ech pa Urban Report:Urban Report Team:van Kuc na, Todor Atanasov,

Peter Torniov, Mikl s P terffy,Samu Szemerey, tefan

henciulescu, osmina oagea,onstantin oagea

nst tu partenere:

Partner insititutions:BINA, SAW, ZEPPELIN, KEK,Transformator

u um r pen ru con r u e aR Volumul #2:

Thanks for their contribution atUR Volume #2:Boris erjav, Milica Topalovi,Arch s Intervent ons,Hackenbro ch Arch tekten,

pace yntax Romania, ATU,Valeri yuriov, Levente Polyak,

Club Electroputere, Fabrica dePensule, Luminia Klara Veer,

TEALTH.unlimite Ana Dzokic & Marc Neelen,Srdjan Jovanovi Weiss

u um r pentru otogra :hanks for their photo

contribution to:as Princen, osmin Dragomir,tefan Tuchil,tt la Ma oros , norc.hu,rago Lumpan, Allan iegel,

Gab Bartha, Dacian Groza,uminia Klara Veer, aleria

abot, zabolcs Feleki,rice Guillaume, Claudiu Iurescu,na Dzokic Marc Neelen

e actor:ditor:osmin aciuc

es gn gra c o um :Graphic design UR Volume #2:

adu Manel c

:

ure r e eanu

Identitate vizual proiect:roject visual identity:lexe Popescu

raducer :Translation:Dana Radler, Avgust na Veleva,Magda Teodorescu, Ana ruia

Corectur :Proof Reading:Lorina hian,

ua rea- o orea

e s te, , programare:Website, DVD, programming:Cristian Dorobnescu

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TRANSMITTED IN ANY WAY BY ANY MEANSWITHOUT PRIOR PERMISSION FROM THE

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IVAN KUCINA / SERBIA. ARHITECT, PROFESOR LA FACULTATEA DEARHITECTUR DIN BELGRAD; PROFESOR INVITAT LA PARSONS THE NEWSCHOOL FOR DESIGN, NEW YORK; ORGANIZATOR AL BINA SPTMNAINTERNAIONAL A ARHITECTURII LA BELGRAD.IVAN KUCINA / SERBIA. PROFESSOR AT THE SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE,UNIVERSITY OF BELGRADE AND A VISITING PROFESSOR AT PARSONS THE

NEW SCHOOL FOR DESIGN, NEW YORK; BOARD MEMBER OF BINA BELGRADEINTERNATIONAL ARCHITECTURE WEEK.

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RAN F RMAT RI R ANIZATI N, FIA.

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TEFAN GHENCIULESCU / ROMNIA. ARHITECT, LECTOR LA FACULTATEA

DE ARHITECTUR, UAUIM BUCURETI; MEMBRU FONDATOR AL ASOCIAIEIEPPELIN; REDA T R EF AL REVI TEI ZEPPELIN.TEFAN GHENCIULESCU / ROMANIA. ARCHITECT, LECTOR AT THE FACULTYOF ARCHITECTURE, UAUIM BUCHAREST; FOUNDING MEMBER OF ZEPPELINASSOCIATION; EDITORINCHIEF OF ZEPPELIN MAGAZINE.

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EMBER OF ZEPPELIN ASSOCIATION; DIRECTOR OF ZEPPELIN MAGAZINE.

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Intro t first sight, it looks rather risky: to try anexplain how the so-called chaos works. Amoreover, to foresee the direction of thatwhole chaos this is as risky as any step o

unsafe grounds. After 20 years of transition, indeecertain towns in the region (Romania and otherneighbouring countries) are so full of contrasts,

energy disorders and collisions, that their problemscould hardly be expressed properly. From illegalmansions to collapsing investments, from pirateradio stations to a political instability and varioussocial shortcomings everything points out to adiffi cult urbanity, a non-standard territory, withan unpredictable and worrying progress. At a closerlook (friendly, of course) on the post-socialist trend,one could notice that certain changes occur similar-ly in comparable cases, following an internal logic,adjusted on the way to all sorts of crises and abuses.

While understanding this process under construc-tion, constantly influenced by lots of factors (the

social and political background, the economic evolu-tion, the education, the specific cultural context, theopening to European contemporary values etc.), the2 Volume of Urban Report attempts to imagine thefuture of eastern cities beyond clichs, in a positiveand balanced perspective, following how shortagesturn into opportunities.

We actually started with the observation thatthis is an area with a high urban potential, wherenew views of making use of city could emerge. Ofcourse, what changed the region into an urbanand architectural experimental lab came in

ONDONof traumatic cases: repeated aggres-sions on the traditional urban fabric, demolitions

a prima vedere, pare de-a dreptul hazardat:s ncerci s explici funcionarea a ceea cea fost denumit drept haos. Mai mult, s facipreviziuni pentru direcia n care ne poate

duce tot acest haos iat o aciune la fel de riscan-t ca orice pas pe nisipuri mictoare. ntr-adevr,dup 20 de ani de tranziie, oraele din regiune

(Romnia i rile vecine) sunt att de pline decontraste, dislocri i coliziuni de energii, nct pro-blemele lor cu greu ar putea fi doar formulate corect.

e la conace ilegale la investiii falite, de la posturide radio pirat la instabilitate politic i neajunsurisociale diverse totul indic o urbanitate dificil,un teritoriu non-standard, cu o evoluie imprevi-zibil i ngrijortoare. La o privire mai atent (i

binevoitoare, desigur), asupra fenomenului urbanpost-socialist, se poate vedea c anumite schimbrise produc n mod similar n situaii asemntoare,dup o logic intern, adaptat la rndul ei din mersde-a lungul crizelor i abuzurilor de toate felurile.

Prin nelegerea acestui proces n plin desfurare,nfluenat n permanen de o mulime de factoriclimatul social i politic, dinamica economic, edu-

caia, contextul cultural specific, deschiderea ctrevalorile contemporane europene etc.), Volumul 2ncearc s imagineze viitorul oraelor din Est din-colo de stereotipuri, dintr-o perspectiv pozitiv, ianume: transformarea lipsurilor n oportuniti.

Ideea acestui volum a plecat tocmai de la consta-tarea c suntem o zon cu un mare potenial urban,de unde pot aprea noi idei de folosire a oraului.

esigur, ceea ce a transformat regiunea ntr-un

laborator de experimente urbanistice i arhitectu-rale a venit nONDunor situaii traumatice:

:Cosmina Goagea

OO OO:tefan uchil

1dn,,


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nd nationalizations in the Socialist era,destructions during Balkan wars, the madness ofretrocessions after the 90s, higher destructionsfollowing the peace, in the neo-liberal era. Tingshappened at an astonishing speed, under constantinvestment pressures, the political agenda, urgentneeds of various communities, and a public ad-ministration under a high pressure. Yet one of themost sensitive issues of the post-socialist era wasthe abandon of any kind of city management forthe community. Spontaneously, there are neurotic

reactions of escaping any type of urban planning, aprotest against the idea of a unique fate which onecity could build up equally for its people. Tis trendis accompanied by an explosion of individuality asan expression of freedom.

Te post-socialist city is thus the place whereWild West from american movies meet up the WildEast of housing neighbourhoods. Te inclinationfor a constant start, the permanent contradictionof a previous concept suspended the continuitynecessary in any urban history. Te great conceptsof modern urbanity changed into matchboxes formillions of people, the absence of spaces meantfor community life, conflicting interests, politicalinfluence, media obsessions, and reforms superfi-cially or partially applied have denied any senseof belonging or the experience shared in a city, forits people. A public administration with no vision,following rather weak regulations, paradoxicallyproves rigid in blocking any kind of independentinitiatives of using the city to meet the needs ofvarious communities.

agresiuni repetate asupra esutului urbanradiional, demolri i naionalizri n perioadaocialist, distrugeri n timpul rzboaielor balca-

nice, nebunia retrocedrilor dup 90, distrugeri imai mari pe timp de pace, n perioada neoliberal.Lucrurile s-au petrecut cu o vitez ameitoare, ntare de urgen permanent, sub presiuni investii-nale, agende politice, nevoi stringente ale diferite-or comuniti, o administraie public aflat mereun situaii-limit. Una dintre cele mai sensibile

probleme ale postsocialismului a fost abandonarea

ricrui management urban orientat ctre comu-nitate. n mod spontan, se nasc reacii nevrotice de

vadare din orice form de reglementare urban, unprotest mpotriva ideii unicului destin pe care un

ra l poate crea n mod egal pentru toi locuitoriii. Acest fenomen este nsoit de o explozie a indi-idualitii ca form de expresie a libertii.

Oraul postsocialist este locul n care Vestullbatic din filmele americane ntlnete Estullbatic din cartierele de locuine. Vocaia unuinceput perpetuu, cu contrazicerea n permanen

a oricrui plan anterior, a suspendat continuitateanecesar oricrei istorii urbane. Ideile moderniste transformate n cutii de chibrituri pen-ru milioane de oameni, absena spaiilor comuni-are, interese divergente, politicizare, obsesii media,eforme superficiale i incomplete anuleaz orice

i al experienei mprtite n i si. O administraie publici cionnd dup reguli slabe, se

d adoxal rigid prin blocarea ori- endente de folosire a oraului

p evoilor diferitelor comuniti.

INA BEOGRADSKA INTERNACIONALNA NEDELJA ARHITEKTUREWWW.BINA.RS

INA SPTMNA INTERNAIONAL A ARHITECTURII LA BELGRADNCEPND DI N 2006, SP TMNA INTER NAIONAL A ARHITEC TURII L AELGRAD ESTE O MANIFESTARE DESFURAT PE PARCURSUL A NOU ZILE,U SCOPUL DE A SUPUNE REFLECIEI CALITATEA MEDIULUI CONSTRUIT IE A OFERI UN STIMULENT PENTRU STABILIREA UNOR CRITERII CARE SONTRIBUIE LA MBUNTIREA VIITOAREI PRODUCII ARHITECTURALE. PEARCURSUL A CINCI ANI, BINA A PRODUS O SERIE DE EXPOZIII, CU RSURI,TELIERE, DEZBATERI, CONFERINE, TURURI GHIDATE I PROIECII DE FILMEGATE DE ARHITECTURA I URBANISMUL CONTEMPORANE, DEOPOTRIVIN MEDIUL LOCAL I INTERNAIONAL. EA A DEVENIT O PLATFORM PENTRU

CHIMBUL UNOR PUNCTE DE VEDERE CRITICE I UN PROMOTOR AL UNEI MAIUNE ACCEPTRI A IDEILOR POZITIVE.

INA BELGRADE INTERNATIONAL ARCHITECTURE WEEKVERY YEAR SINCE 2006, BELGRADE INTERNATIONAL ARCHITECTURE

WEEK IS ORGANIZING A NINEDAY MANIFESTATION TO REFLECT ABOUTHE QUALITY OF BUILT ENVIRONMENT AND TO PRESENT A STIMULUS FORSTABLISHING CRITERIA, WHICH WOULD CONTRIBUTE TO IMPROVINGUTURE ARCHITECTURAL PRODUCTION. DURING THE FIVE YEARS BINAAVE PRODUCED A SERIES OF EXHIBITIONS, LECTURES, WORKSHOPS,EBATES, CONFERENCES, GUIDED TOURS, AND FILM PROJECTIONS RELATEDO CONTEMPORARY ARCHITECTURE AND URBANISM BOTH ON LOCALND INTERNATIONAL SCENE. IT BECAME A PLATFORM FOR EXCHANGINGRITICAL STANDPOINTS AND A PROMOTER FOR BETTER COMPREHENSION OFOSITIVE IDEAS.

K KORTRS PTSZETI KZPONTWWW.KEK.ORG.HU

K CENTRUL MAGHIAR DE ARHITECTUR CONTEMPORAN ESTE ONSTITUIE CULTURAL INDEPENDENT FONDAT I CONDUS DE TINERI

ARHITECI I PROFESIONITI. DE LA FONDAREA SA N 2006, KK A FOSTVRFUL DE LANCE AL DISCURSURILOR ARHITECTURALE I URBANE CUPROGRAME INOVATIVE I ORIENTATE CTRE REZOLVAREA PROBLEMELOR.PROIECTELE NOASTRE INCLUD EXPOZIII, CONFERINE, DEZBATERI,ATELIERE, ITINERARII DE ARHITECTUR I FESTIVALURI. GESTIONM

NREGIST RRILE MA GHIARE N BAZELE DE DATE INT ERNAIONALEDE ARHITECTUR I PARTICIPM LA PROGRAME DE EDUCAIE POSTPROFESIONAL. KK ESTE CUNOSCUT I CONECTAT LA SCENAPROFESIONAL INTERNAIONAL; DINTRE PARTENERI, MENIONM NAI NETHERLANDS ARCHITECTURE INSTITUTE INSTITUTUL DE ARHITECTURDIN OLANDA, ARCHITECTURAL REVIEW, DAZ DEUTSCHES ARCHITEKTURZENTRUM, AZW ARCHITEKTUR ZENTRUM WIEN SAU CCEA CENTER FORCENTRAL EUROPEAN ARCHITECTURE CENTRUL PENTRU ARHITECTUR

CENTRAL EUROPEAN.

KK HUNGARIAN CONTEMPORARY ARCHITECTURE CENTRE IS ANINDEPENDENT CULTURAL INSTITUTION FOUNDED AND OPERATED BY YOUNGARCHITECTS AND PROFESSIONALS. SINCE ITS ESTABLISHMENT IN 2006, KKHAS BEEN SPEARHEADING ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN DISCOURSES WITHINNOVATIVE AND PROBLEMORIENTED PROGRAMS. OUR PROJECTS INCLUDEEXHIBITIONS, CONFERENCES, DEBATES, WORKSHOPS, ARCHITECTURE TOURSAND FESTIVALS. WE CURATE HUNGARIAN ENTRIES TO INTERNATIONALARCHITECTURE DATABASES, AND PARTICIPATE IN POST PROFESSIONALEDUCATION. KK IS WELL KNOWN AND CONNECTED IN THE INTERNATIONALPROFESSIONAL SCENE; ITS PARTNERS INCLUDE THE NAI NETHERLANDSARCHITECTURE INSTITUTE, THE ARCHITECTURAL REVIEW, THE DAZ DEUTSCHES ARCHITEKTUR ZENTRUM, THE AZW ARCHITEKTUR ZENTRUMWIEN OR THE CCEA CENTER FOR CENTRAL EUROPEAN ARCHITECTURE.

SAW SOFIA ARCHITECTURE WEEKWWW.SOFIAARCHITECTUREWEEK.COM

SAW SPTMNA ARHITECTURII DE LA SOFIA ESTE UN FESTIVALINTERNAIONAL DE ARHITECTUR, INIIAT DE PUBLICAIA INDEPENDENT

ORGANIZAII PARTENERE / PARTNER ORGANIZATIONS

ns al aparteneneia ea, pentru locuitorit isit de viziune, fuvedete n mod paeror iniiative indepntru satisfacerea nt a

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Te effervescence of the non-stop society inour Eastern cities has its own imperatives: hugeenergies are forced to find their own dynamics. Inthe absence of an urban strategy with clear rulesand laws valid for all, such disparate evolutiontakes place following internal regulations, clearlypragmatic, without rendering the city something inreturn. Suc -GDprocesses turn into astandard of the new turbo-urbanism, relying in itsturn on a few specific ways: abuses of property andlegitimacy, compromise, expressing the identity

completely outside the designers view, out of stand-ards, tricks pushing the creativity beyond limits;improvisation, hasty decisions without consideringthe public opinion or that of specialists, politicalcontamination; haste, bypassing along extendingthe short-term state, post-construction legalization;no competition for public interest programmes; andeventually, an urban activation through spontane-ous markets or independent cultural programmes.Te way they happen in Belgrade, Sofia, Budapest,Craiova, Cluj and Bucharest or in other cities in theregion indicate that the urban future is away fromideological programmes or the market rules, but it israther influenced by ongoing interactions betweenall urban actors. Te very dynamics and flexibility ofsuch interactions, the potential or the self-regulatedNin the limits of general accepted stand-ards (European ones, we could say) could turn intoadvantages and could support things going forwarin a more balanced and positive way for the peopleof the cities. If this does not happen, it is a tragedy.However, we do not believe in tragedies.

Efervescena societii non-stop din oraelestului postsocialist i are imperativele ei; energii

uriae sunt forate s-i gseasc propria dinami-c. n lipsa unei strategii urbane cu principii clarei legi valabile pentru toi, evoluiile disparatese produc dup reguli proprii, strict pragmatice,r a da nimic napoi oraului. Aceste procese

-devin norma noului turbo-urbanism, bazat la rndul ei pe cteva metodespecifice: abuzuri de proprietate i legitimitate,compromis, exprimarea identitii complet n afara

perspectivei proiectanilor, n afara canoanelor,scamatorii care mping creativitatea dincolo de li-mite; improvizaii, decizii pripite, fr a ine cont deopinia public sau de prerea specialitilor, conta-minare politic; grab, scurtcircuitarea n paralel cuprelungirea strii de provizorat, legalizarea postcon-strucie; ncredinarea direct a proiectrii pentruprograme de interes public, fr concurs; n fine,activare urban prin piee spontane sau prin progra-me culturale independente. oate acestea, aa cumapar ele la Belgrad, la Sofia, la Budapesta, la Craiovai Cluj, la Bucuresti i n alte orae din regiune aratc viitorul urban nu mai ine nici de programe ideo-logice i nici strict de regulile pieei, ci de interaciu-nile continue dintre toi actorii urbani. ocmai dina-mica i flexibilitatea acestor interaciuni, potenialulurbanitii auto-reglementate, dar n limitele unorstandarde general acceptate (europene s zicem) s-arputea transforma n atuuri i ar putea duce lucrurilenainte ntr-un mod mai echilibrat i benefic pentrulocuitorii oraelor. Dac nu e aa, e un dezastru. Darnoi nu credem deloc n dezastre.

SPISANIE 1 / ONE MAGAZINE. ORGANIZAT ANUAL NCEPND DIN 2008,FESTIVALUL SE CONSTITUIE CA O PLATFORM DE DIALOG I SCHIMBDE IDEI NTRE TOI CEI CARE SUNT IMPLICAI ACTIV N PROBLEMELEMEDIULUI N CARE TRIESC ARHITECI, INVESTITORI, ADMINISTRAIAPUBLIC, ORGANIZAII NONGUVERNAMENTALE ETC.. PRIN CONFERINE,WORKSHOPURI, DEZBATERI, EXPOZIII CU PARTICIPANI DIN BULGARIAI DIN STRINTATE, SAW URMRETE S PRODUC I S PROMOVEZESCENARII URBANE CARE S GENEREZE PRACTICI SOCIALE I ARHITECTURALEDE CEA MAI BUN VALOARE.

SAW SOFIA ARCHITECTURE WEEK IS AN INTERNATIONAL ARCHITECTUREFESTIVAL, ORGANIZED BY THE INDEPENDENT MEDIUM SPISANIE 1 /ONE MAGAZINE. ORGANIZED EVERY YEAR STARTING WITH 2008, IT

IS A PLATFORM FOR DIALOGUE AND EXCHANGE OF IDEAS BETWEENPEOPLE WHO ARE ACTIVELY ENGAGED IN THE PROBLEMS OF THEIRENVIRONMENT ARCHITECTS, INVESTORS, PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION ANDNONGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS ETC. THE FESTIVALS AIM IS TOBUILD UP A CRITICAL MASS OF URBAN SCENARIOS WHICH GENERATE GOODARCHITECTURAL AND SOCIAL PRACTICES, THROUGH LECTURES, WORKSHOPS,DEBATES, EXHIBITIONS, PARTICIPANTS FROM BULGARIA AND ABROAD.

TRANSFORMATORITRANFORMATORI.NET

ORGANIZAIA TRANSFORMATORI ARE MISIUNEA DE A REALIZA PROIECTEI INIIATIVE N DOMENIUL URBAN, INTERACIONEAZ CU UNIVERSITI,CU ALTE INSTITUII CARE LUCREAZ CU ARHITECTURA I PROIECTAREAURBAN, CU SCOPUL DE A CRETE NIVELUL DE CALITATE AL EDUCAIEI.DE ASEMENEA, ORGANIZEAZ ACIUNI N DOMENIILE PROBLEMATICE ALEORAULUI I COLABOREAZ LA ORGANIZAREA DIFERITELOR EVENIMENTECULTURALE. ONGUL A FOST NFIINAT LA SFRITUL ANULUI 2009.

TRANSFORMATORI ORGANIZATION ACKNOWLEDGES ITS MISSION TOREALIZE PROJECTS AND INITIATIVES IN THE URBAN FIELD, INTERACTION

WITH UNIVERSITIES, OTHER INSTITUTIONS WORKING WITH ARCHITECTUREAND URBAN DESIGN, AIMING TO INCREASE THE LEVEL OF THE QUALITY OFEDUCATION. IT ALSO ORGANIZES ACTIONS IN PROBLEMATIC FIELDS IN THECITY AND COOPERATE FOR DIFFERENT CULTURE EVENTS. THE NGO WASFOUNDED AT THE END OF 2009.

ZEPPELIN ASSOCIATIONWWW.ZEPPELINMAGAZINE.NET

ASOCIAIA ZEPPELIN ESTE O ORGANIZAIE NONGUVERNAMENTAL FONDATN 2008 DE CTRE ARHIT ECII C OSMINA GO AGEA, C ONSTANTIN GO AGEA ITEFAN GHENCIULESCU. ASOCIAIA DERULEAZ PROIECTE DE CERCETARE

N ARHIT ECTUR, URBANISM, ALTE INDUST RII CREATIV E; ORGANI ZEAZCONFERINE, SEMINARII, ATELIERE, EXPOZIII DE ARHITECTUR,CONCURSURI PROFESIONALE. ACESTE ACTIVITI AU CA SCOP: PROMOVAREAPENTRU UN PUBLIC LARG A EXEMPLELOR DE PRACTIC PROFESIONALDE CEA MAI BUN CALITATE, DEZVOLTAREA COERENT A ORAULUI,PSTRAREA I PROTEJAREA PATRIMONIULUI ARHITECTURAL I URBANISTICCU VALOARE CULTURAL; STIMULAREA ACTIV A REFLECIEI CRITICE NDOMENIUL ARHITECTURII, DESIGNULUI, URBANISMULUI, CULTURII URBANE;SUSINEREA INOVAIEI I A NVRII CONTINUE, CREAREA DE REELEPROFESIONALE INTERNAIONALE.

ZEPPELIN ASSOCIATION IS AN NGO FOUNDED IN BUCHAREST IN 2008 BYTHE ARCHITECTS COSMINA GOAGEA, CONSTANTIN GOAGEA AND STEFANGHENCIULESCU. ITS MAIN OBJECTIVES ARE TO PROMOTE THE GOOD QUALITYOF ARCHITECTURAL PRACTICES, THE COHERENT DEVELOPMENT OF THE CITY,THE PRESERVATION AND PROTECTION OF THE ARCHITECTURAL AND URBANHERITAGE; TO ACTIVELY STIMULATE THE CRITICAL REFLECTION IN THE FIELDOF ARCHITECTURE, DESIGN, URBANISM, URBAN CULTURE; TO SUPPORTRESEARCH AND TO ORGANIZE THE COLLABORATION ON AN INTERNATIONAL

LEVEL, FOCUSING MAINLY ON EUROPE AND THE REGIONAL CONTEXT; TOCREATIVELY ACTIVATE THE CITY.

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Condiiileurbanitii

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Conditions ofSelf RegulatedUrbanity

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ig Cities

rban structures of the big cities reflect, asmaterial facts, the history of the societiesthat were creating them as well as contem-porary social relations. Post socialist cities

are the physical witnesses of the ideologies thathave gone and capitalist ambitions that are loudlystepping ahead. In the past, socialist society pro-

jected the high ideals of universal humanity such asequality, solidarity, unity, onto urban development

by appropriating modernism and following the mostprogressive concepts of modern architecture and ur-

ban planning. Collective values were represented byhierarchical urban structures composed of function-al divisions celebrating social order and healthy en-vironment. New settlements appeared on the openfields at the cities peripheries as groups of monolith

buildings surrounded by greens and parkings con-nected to the urban centers with wide motorwaysand public transport systems. Unfortunately, highideals of universal humanity were realized with lim-ited budgets, undeveloped construction technology,and under rigid administrative control, reducing theutopian horizon to series of repetative standardizedunits that were considered unhuman, alienated anddangerous. Urban planners dreams were turned intothe peoples nightmares.

ransition from socialism to capitalism asdefined by todays neoliberal tendencies towardprivatization, market growth, and profit increasehas effected massive changes in social values. Tenew standard of neo liberal singularity has beenproclaimed in place of the collectivity reducingthe complexity of social relations to a continualcompetition. Orientation towards ultimate per-

sonal success has given suffi cient reasoning for theabandonment of social and environmental issues.Contemporary ur an eve opment as een eter-mined by domination of individual initiatives andinstitutional retreats within the framework of themarket competition. Te result of such process isa disintegrated urban structure compiling glossy

buildings that are exploiting the local environmentin order to radiate a globalized image of luxury.Teir architecture has been reduced toward stand-ardized technological shemes and faade renderingfor self promotion. Te potential variety of buldingtypes has been standardized according to the most

profiting ones, creating a mass of singular units thatare appropriating the best locations in the cities anddominating their surroundings. Once again, but thistime under the neoliberal governence, urban devel-opment did not fulfill social needs and expectations.

Worldwide, big cities have become by disre-specting planning efforts uncontrolled territo-ries of immeasurable dynamics of people, traffi cs,communication, infrastructures, policies, build-ings, services, events, memories, changes, wastesetc. More than half of todays world population isliving in such urban conglomerations, and, what iseven more significant, more than half of the citizen

inhabit unplanned and self regulated urban settle-ments that have become the integral parts of the big

Mar le orae

Structurile urbane ale marilor orae reflect,ca elemente materiale, istoria societilorcare le-au creat, dar i relaiile sociale mo-derne. Oraele postsocialiste sunt martori

fizici ai ideologiilor care au disprut i ai ambiii-or capitaliste care se afirm zgomotos. n trecut,ocietatea socialist proiectase idealurile nalte

ale umanitii universale, de exemplu egalitatea,olidaritatea i unitatea asupra dezvoltrii urbane

prin adecvarea modernismului i urmrirea celormai progresiste concepte de arhitectur i urbanismmoderne. Valorile colective erau reprezentate detructuri urbane ierarhice compuse din elemen-e funcionale care srbtoreau ordinea social i

mediul sntos. Noile aezri au aprut pe terenuriibere i la periferia oraelor ca grupuri de cldiri

monolitice nconjurate de vegetaie i parcri, co-nectate la centrele urbane cu autostrzi i sistemede transport public. Din pcate, naltele idealuriale umanitii au fost realizate cu bugete limita-e, tehnologie de construcie subdezvoltat i sub

un control administrativ rigid, reducnd orizontulutopic la o serie de uniti standardizate repetitiveare au fost considerate inumane, alienante i peri-uloase. Visurile urbanitilor se transformaser nomarurile oamenilor.

ranziia de la socialism al capitalism, definit np neoliberale spre privatizare,

fitul au produs schimbri ma-i le. Noul standard al singulari-

t proclamat n locul colectivi-exitatea relaiilor sociale la o

Orientarea ctre succesul per-onal ultim a oferit suficiente motive pentru aban-

donarea aspectelor sociale i de mediu. Dezvoltareaurban actual a fost determinat de dominaianiiativelor individuale i de retragerile instituio-

nale n cadrul competiiei de pia. Rezultatul aces-ui proces este o structur urban dezintegrat careuprinde cldiri strlucitoare ce exploateaz mediulocal pentru a construi o imagine globalizat a lu-

xului. Arhitectura acestora a fost redus la schemeehnologice standardizate i faade de tip renderingn scopul autopromovrii. Diversitatea potenial aldirilor a fost standardizat dup cele care aduc cel

mai bun profit, ajungndu-se la o mas de unitindividuale ce i apropriaz cele mai bune locaii

din orae i care domin mprejurimile acestora. Dinnou, dar de data aceasta sub guvernarea neolibe-al, dezvoltarea urban nu a mplinit nevoile i

ateptrile sociale.Peste tot n lume, marile orae au devenit

ntr-un dispre total fa de eforturile de planifica-e teritorii necontrolate ale dinamicii nemsurabi-e a oamenilor, traficului, comunicrii, infrastructu-ii, politicilor, cldirilor, serviciilor, evenimentelor,

amintirilor, schimbrilor, reziduurilor etc. Mai multde jumtate din populaia de azi a lumii trieten asemenea conglomerri urbane i, ceea ce e maiemnificativ, mai mult de jumtate din ceteni

ocuiesc n aezri neurbanizate i nereglementate,devenite parte integral a marilor orae.

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9/96

n urmtorii douzeci de ani, aceste cifre sevor dubla, plasnd urbanitatea auto-reglementatdrept tip dominant al locuirii umane i transfor-marea urban necontrolat, drept tendin majora dezvoltrii.

Urbanitatea auto-reglementat

C

heia apariiei urbanitii auto-reglementa-te n toat lumea a fost oferit de exploziaeconomiei gri drept compensare pentru dis-

tribuia ineficient a bogiei. Din cauza in-rastructurii dinamice i a capacitii de producie,

marile orae care au atras imigrani din regiunilenedezvoltate au trecut printr-o schimbare abrupt,devenind un teren complex i instabil n care regu-lile pentru producia cldirilor au fost constant rein-ventate. Aciunea individual nenfrnat a nceputs duc la inovaie realmente n aproape fiecareaspect urban de la comer la producerea locuine-lor i serviciile publice. A aprut un strat nou urban,auto-reglementat, inundnd spaiile publice i cl-dirile existente, dezintegrnd logica urban printr-otransformare cu o serie de mutani care paraziteaznfrastructura motenit. Diversitatea unor invenii

neateptate definete noi teritorii care transformcorpul urban. S-a obinut o nou condiie a orauluicontemporan care, n termeni spaiali i temporali,adreseaz finitul i absolutul existentului.

n cazul Iugoslaviei, de-a lungul deceniilor decrize politice i dezastre financiare, rzboaie itranziii, urmate de colapsul sistemului socialistde planificare i de ridicarea dezvoltrii neolibe-rale arogante, milioane de activiti necontrolatede construcie au avut loc prin folosirea oportuni-tilor oferite de instituii corupte care nu doreau

s parcurg procesul reformelor administrative.xtinderea necontrolat, volatil a cldirilor ne-planificate a transformat mediul urban n toatenoile state aprute i reprezint o form special deurbanizare auto-reglementat. Cel mai mare ora,Belgrad, a trecut printr-o schimbare emergent de lao dezvoltare planificat centralizat la o practic deconstrucie atomizat i necoordonat.

ransformarea oraului a nceput cu embargoulNaiunilor Unite din 1992, n mijlocul unei atmosfe-re de traume de rzboi, obsesii media i politizare.n acest context, ca o compensare pentru dezinte-grarea statului i colapsul instituiilor, economia

gri a progresat de la o strategie de supravieuirepn la a deveni principalul mijloc de producie. Aatins capacitatea de a crea structuri urbane specifi-ce dispersate i conectate la mediul existent. S-adezvoltat o dinamic ntre sistemele distributive icele ierarhice; noutatea a fost creat prin conflict inegociere ntre indivizi i instituii. Diferitele gradede management n dezvoltarea urban, gradeleerarhice i ierarhia relaiilor urbane, precum i

efectul anumitor combinaii de activiti urbanereglementate i nereglementate au relevat logi-ca inerent a proceselor emergente (vezi analizaenomenului pe www.stealth.ultd.net). n timp ce

tiparele acestora erau relativ simple, complexitateape care au generat-o a meninut caracterul temporal

cities. In the next twenty years these numberswill be doubled, posting t self-regulated urbanityas the dominating type of human habitation anduncontrolled urban transformation as a major ten-dency in development.

Self-regulated Urbanity

he trigger for emerging self-regulatedurbanity worldwide was given by the greyeconomy blasting as a compensation for the

on-effi cient distribution of wealth. Due totheir dynamic infrastructure and production capac-ity, big cities that have attracted immigrants fromunderdeveloped regions, experienced an abruptchange becoming a complex and unstable groundon which the rules for the building production wereconstantly reinvented. Te unleashed individualaction started to produce innovation in literallyevery urban domain from commerce, to housingproduction and public services. A new, self-regulatedurban layer appeared, flooding the public spaces andexisting buildings, disintegrating the urban logic

by upgrading it with a serial of mutants parasitingthe inherited infrastructure. Varieties of unexpectedinventions are defining new territories that aretransforming the urban body. A new condition forthe contemporary city has been achieved which, inspatial and temporal terms, addresses the finitenessand the absoluteness of the existing.

In the case of ex-Yugoslavia, in the decades ofpolitical crises and economical crash, wars andtransitions in ex-Yugoslavia followed by the collapseof the socialist system of planning and the rising ofthe arrogant neo liberal development, millions of in-dividual uncontrolled building activities have taken

place using the opportunity given by the corruptedinstitutions that were unwillingly going throughthe process of administrative reforms. Te wild,volatile spread of unplanned building structurestransformed the urban environment in all new-

born states and represents a particular form of selfregulated urbanization. Te biggest city, Belgrade,underwent an emergent change from a centrallyplanned development to an uncoordinated atomized

building practice.Te transformation of the city has started under

United Nations embargo in 1992, amidst an atmos-phere of war traumas, media obsession and politi-

cization. In this context, as a compensation for thedisintegrating state and collapsing institutions, greyeconomy has evolved from the strategy of survivalto the main mean of production. It has performeda capacity to create specific urban structures dis-persed and plugged into the existing environment.Teir dynamics occurred between distributed andhierarchical systems; newness was created throughconflict and negotiation between individuals andinstitutions. Different degrees of management inurban development, degrees of heterarchy and hi-erarchy in urban relations, and the effect of certain

blends of non-regulated and regulated urban activi-

ties uncovered the inherent logic of emergent proc-esses (see analyses on ww.stealth.ultd.net). While

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al sistemului auto-reglementat, precum iterogenitatea i structura sa vie. n aproape toate

procesele urbane, s-au obinut structuri vibrante iflexibile, asemntoare formelor profund simbioticei care erau adeseori mai sofisticate dect cele pro-

duse convenional. Potenialul lor autonom a oferiterenul ideal pentru stabilirea unor viziuni urbane

alternative care confrunt att modernizarea utopi-, precum i globalizarea treptat.

Procesele auto-reglementate includ un grademarcabil de energie i inovare n construire i

deschid, prin urmare, posibilitile de redefinire aparticiprii instituionale i profesionale n creareapaiului urban. nelegerea oraului ca un sistemomplex auto-reglementat pune n discuie dac

arhitectura i urbanismul pot fi flexibile n interac-iunea cu mediul urban n schimbare i pot trece dea reacia punctual de sus n jos i unilateral ctre abordare de jos n sus i de tip deschis. O direc-ie aparent pentru arhiteci i urbaniti se afl nnfluenarea, stimularea i transformarea proceselornsei ceea ce nseamn o schimbare de direcie,

de la conceperea obiectelor la conceperea instru-mentelor pentru parcurgerea proceselor. Din acestmotiv, trebuie dezvoltate o nou metodologie ipractic specifice de a monitoriza, vizualiza i, pna un anumit nivel, prezice schimbrile spaialei organizaionale.

Cutarea indicatorilor pentru viitorul urbanal etodologii i practici legated isajele culturale i urbane alea i de Vest (recenta invenie a lapsul cadrului instituional

ase practici inovative la nivel nomic (vezi www.europelos-andfound.net). Evolund n contexte geopolitice

dificile, aceste practici emergente i auto-reglemen-ate au fost ndemnate s i redirecioneze perspec-iva activitilor lor pentru a rspunde condiiilornstabile. Din acest motiv, pot fi considerate dreptitale i factori-cheie pentru stimularea discuiilor

asupra programelor care prevd un viitor alternatival oraelor europene care parcurg crize economiceevere ce indic incapacitatea instituiilor de a iden-ifica un model durabil pentru viitoarea dezvoltare.

Mai mult, dac implementarea tehnic a standar-delor reprezint unificarea crescnd a oamenilori locurilor prin combinarea proceselor de schim-are economic, politic i cultural, atunci acele

practici divergente ale Balcanilor de Vest ar puteadeveni o contraaciune de integrare i omogenizare

heir patterns were fairly simple, the complex-ity arising from them maintained the time-basedcharacter of the self regulated system and its het-erogeneous and vivid structure. In nearly all urbanprocesses, pulsating and flexible structures wereachieved, resembling profound symbiotic forms thatwere often more sophisticated than conventionallymade ones. Teir autonomous potential provided afruit full ground for the establishing of an alterna-tive urban visions that is confronting utopian mod-ernization as well as progressive globalization.

Self-regulated processes feature a remarkabledegree of building energy and innovation and there-fore open possibilities for redefining institutionaland professional participation in the creation ofurban space. Understanding city as a complex selfregulated system, questions whether architectureand urban planning can be flexible in interactionwith their changeable urban environment and shiftfrom the top-down, unilateral and project-basedresponse towards an bottom-up and open-endedapproach. An apparent direction for architects andurban planners lies in influencing, steering andshifting the processes themselves which meansa change of focus from designing objects to de-signing instruments for navigating the processes.For that reason a new methodology and a specificpractice to monitor, visualize and to a certain levelpredict spatial and organizational changes haveto be developed.

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11/96

efectelor globalizrii. Aceasta nseamn cnoiunea de local poate fi ntrit de conceptele

site n dezvoltarea urban auto-reglementat re-cent n jurul Balcanilor de Vest; ceea ce mut sensulde la interpretrile negative iniiale la potenialulviitor. Condiiile urbanitii auto-reglementate carese dezvolt din forele centrifugale ce domin forelecentripete devin praguri pentru gsirea unui terencomun pentru iniiativele individuale.

O diversitate de concepte complementare au fostdentificate n Balcanii de Vest i recunoscute drept

tipare de creare a alternativelor (vezi www.provi-sionalfutures.net). Acestea sunt aplicabile la oricescar urban i locaie ca o politic strategic i canstrumente de design ale proceselor i bunurilor.

Cultivarea lor ar putea oferi condiiile specifice pen-tru orice program cultural urban:

Fragmentare reducerea autoritii i cretereaniiativelor auto-reglementate Linie ca-ru nchiderea pronunat a teritoriului privati-

zat Acord implicaiile spaiale ale diferitelorstadii de existen simultane Hibridizare onvenie rezultat din intersectarea unor influene

multiple Spaiu comun minim un strop decoexisten acolo unde nu e nimic de pierdut, darse poate aduga totul Ierarhie temporar abilitatea de a prelua o anumit aciune spaialpentru o durat limitat de timp Elementeconvertibile potenialul distorsionrii limitelorntr-un spaiu al schimbului Compensare schimbarea serviciului ateptat cu un serviciu de alttip Expandare capacitatea de gzduire a unuicorp pentru a se adapta la diviziuni externe neco-ordonate Scurtturi o ntrerupere rapid i

mprevizibil prin congestie Para-surs explo-rarea energiei din surse existente Rest spaiulliber dintre dorinele mplinite Final brut re-zultatul neintenional al aplicrii celei mai literalea instrumentelor de construcie de baz n cursde construcie o ntrziere continu ca urmare aregulilor nedeterminate de dezvoltare

Un v tor urban alternat v

lobalizarea dezvoltrii urbane a dus laespingerea iniiativelor auto-reglemen-

ate care sunt ncrcate de stereotipuriprea negative. n timp ce se consider cactivitile instituionale s-au desfurat civilizat,rezonabil i tolerant, auto-reglementarea, pe dealt parte, a fost declarat necontrolat, iraionali conflictual. Acest stereotip a dus la credina coraul nu poate fi dezvoltat i susinut fr planifi-care i mecanisme de control definite de instituiilepublice. otui, urbanismul este n prezent ntr-odilem asupra ritmului creterii urbane, i pune subsemnul ntrebrii exact modul n care s se creezeun organism urban nou i durabil. Pericolul constn faptul c urbanismul instituionalizat poate pur

i simplu mbrca mantia unui aparat administrativrigid metaurban, satisfcut de ordinea i confortul

Te search for indicators for alternative urbanfuture, new methodologies and practices related toit starts in the cultural and urban landscapes of the

so-called Western Balkans (the recent politicalinvention), given the fact that the collapse of theinstitutional framework gave rise to numerous in-novative cultural, spatial and economic practices(see www.europe ostan oun .net). Evolving indiffi cult geo-political contexts, these emergent andself-regulated practices have been urged to redirectthe prospect of their activities in order to respond tothe unstable conditions. For that reason they may

be considered as a vital and important trigger forempowering discussions on programs envisioningan alternative future of European cities that are un-dergoing severe economical crises that reveals theincapability of institutions to identify a sustainablemodel for future development.

Furthermore, if technical implementation of standards represents the increasing unification ofpeoples and places through converging processesof economic, political, and cultural change, thenthose divergent practices of Western Balkan could

become a counter action to the integrating andhomogenizing effects of globalization. Tat meansthat the concept of local could be empoweredwith the concepts found in the latest self regulateurban development around the Western Balkans;

this truly shifts the meaning from their originallynegative interpretations to constructing poten-tial. Conditions of self regulated urbanity that areemerging when the centrifugal forces outweigh thecentripetal forces within are becoming thresholdsfor cultivating commons among individualized

building initiatives.A variety of complementary concepts have been

found around Western Balkan and recognized aspatterns for creating alternatives (see www.provi-sionalfutures.net). Tey are applicable to any urbanscale and location as a strategic policy and as de-signing tools for creating processes and asets. Teir

cultivation could provide specific conditions for anyarchitectural and urban program:

Fragmentation the reduction of authority andthe growth of self regulated initiatives FrameLine the pronounced enclosure of the priva-tized territory Concurrency spatial im-plications of the various simultaneous statesof existence Hybridization an inventionresulting from the crossover of the multiple influ-ences Minimal Commons a bit of coex-istence where theres nothing left to lose but a

lot to add Temporary Hierarchy the abil-ity to take over particular spatial action for the

HIBRIDIZAR

HYBRIDIZAT

SPAIU COMUINIM

MINIMALCOMMONS

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limited time Convertibles the po-tential of distorting limitations into a spaceof exchange Compensation exchang-ing expected service with a service of anothersort xpandability the capacity of a hosting

body to adapt to the uncoordinated external parti-tions Shortcutting a fast and unpredictable

break through congestion Para Source t escratching the energy from the existing sourc-es Leftover the free space in between fulfilleddesires Raw End the unintentional result of

the most literal application of the basic buildingtools Under Construction a continual delaydue to undetermined rules of development

Alternative Urban Future

lobalization of urban development has cre-

ated a rejection of self-regulated initiativesthat are loaded with too negative stere-otypes. While institutional activities have

been taken as civilized, reasonable and tolerant,self-regulation on the other side, has been declaredas wild, irrational and conflicting. Tis stereotypehas created a belief that city could not be developedand sustained without planning and controllingmechanism defined by public institutions. However,urban planning is currently in a dilemma aboutthe pace of the urban growth and questions exactlyhow to create a new sustainable urban organism.Te danger is that institutionalized urban planning

may simply assume the mantle of a rigidly adminis-trated meta-city apparatus impressed with its own

IERARHIETEMPORAR

TEMPORARYHIERARCHY

EXPANDARE

EXPANDABILIT

SCURTTURI

SHORTCUTTIN

ELEMENTENVERTIBIL

CONVERTIBLES

COMPENSARE

COMPENSATION

PARASURS

PARA SOURCE

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order and comfort, unable to compete with thedynamic evolution and flexibility of the self-regu-lation. On the other hand, self-regulated urbanityis still bound by the political, social and economi-cal problems and is disconnected from the generalstandards. Both seem to lack a convincing visionof future. Te fact of today massive environmentalerosion might finally help both of them in finding anew consciousness.

Contemporary urban conditions reveal theineffi ciency of the urban planning system and the

missing formulation of the development strategythat would recognize potentials of self-regulatedurbanity. Cultivated knowledge about conditions of

proprii, i incapabil s concureze cu evoluiadinamic i flexibilitatea auto-reglementrii. Pe dealt parte, urbanitatea auto-reglementat este nclegat de problemele politice, sociale i economi-ce i neconectat la standardele generale. Ambelepar s nu aib o viziune convingtoare a viitorului.Problema evident a distrugerii mediului ar putea ncele din urm s le sprijine pe amndou n gsireaunei noi contientizri.

Condiiile urbane contemporane indic inefici-ena sistemului urbanistic i lipsa unei formulri a

strategiei de dezvoltare care s recunoasc poten-ialul urbanitii auto-reglementate. Cunoatereacondiiilor urbanitii auto-reglementate ar putea

oferi un model inovativ de dezvoltare urban prinproducerea unui sistem de interaciuni ntre con-cepte. Potenialul apare din multiplicitatea inii-ativelor individuale care capt un avantaj asupraregulilor proclamate, crend un sistem dinamic icomplex auto-reglementat.

Dezvoltarea urban care se bazeaz pe cultivareaurbanitii auto-reglementate pretinde planificrii

s devin o parte a unui proces continuu i viu, ncare producia oraului este mprit ntre rezi-deni, experi, instituii i dezvoltatori. Urbanismulnu se mai desfoar doar prin programe ideolo-gice sau presiuni ale pieei, ci urmeaz impulsulactorilor urbani care iniiaz noi moduri de produ-cere a cadrului n care s triasc. Entropia asigu-rat continuu prin interaciunile actorilor urbanieste resursa venic pentru o producie materiali o transformare a mediului n care urbanita-tea auto-reglementat cultivat devine cea maimportant manifestare.

Cultivarea urbanitii auto-reglementate nu cau-

t s elimine dinamica urban existent, ci s ne-leag cum s menin active controversele, n loculconflictelor fatale, cum s creeze mijloace inteligen-te pentru un schimb constructiv ntre diferite stadiide existen. Aceasta nu presupune permanen, cio serie deschis de iniiative temporare. Odat ce epus n micare, viitorul urban i descoper propriadinamic prin interaciuni oportuniste ntre actoriiurbani. Reexaminrile reciproce n cadrul proceslornteractive pun continuu sub semnul ntrebrii di-

recia de dezvoltare. Aceast punere sub semnul n-trebrii creeaz un flux n care orice moned poatenteraciona cu alta. Reelele de interaciune devin

orma actual de exprimare a potenialului viitor.

self-regulated urbanity could provide an innovativemodel of urban development by producing a systemof interactions among found concepts. Its potentialcomes out from the multiplicity of individual initia-tives that are taking advantage over proclaimedregulations, creating dynamic and a complexself-regulated system.

Urban development that is based on cultivation

of self-regulated urbanity lays claim on urban plan-ning as part of an ongoing life-full process in whichproduction of the city is shared among its residents,experts, institutions and developers. Urban plan-ning is no longer taking place thanks to ideologicalprograms or mar et pressures a one, ut un er t eimpulse of the urban actors that are initiating newways of producing frameworks in which to live.Entropy that is delivered continually through theinteractions of urban actors is the eternal resourcefor material production and environmental trans-formation in which cultivated self-regulated urban-ity becomes the largest manifestation

Te cultivation of a self-regulated urbanity doesnot seek to eliminate existing urban dynamics, but tounderstand how to maintain lively controversies in-stead o deadly quarrels, how to create smart meansfor constructive exchange among the divergentstates of existence. It does not presume permanency

but an open serial of temporary initiatives. Ones theyare on the run, urban future unfolds its own dynamicthrough opportunistic interactions among urbanactors. Mutual reexaminations within the interactiveprocess are continuously questioning the direction ofdevelopment. Continual questioning creates a flowin which any currency could interact with any other.

Networks of interactions are becoming the presentform of expressing future potentials.

N CURS DEO NS TR UC I E

UNDERCONSTRUCTION

REST

LE FT V ER

FINAL BRUT

RAW END

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Construcii

informale

n lume, n Serbia i la Belgrad: fapte, principii iprovoc ri pentru un nou tip de urbanism.

Caut textul original n englez pewww.urbanreport.ro i pe DV

:Boris erjav

ILUSTRAIA ESTE PRELUAT DIN PROIECTULBELGRAD, BELGRAD: O ARHI V CONTINUASUPRA PRACTICII INFORMALE IVAN KUCINA,DUBRAVKA SEKULIC.MATERIAL PREGTIT N CADRULWORKSHOPURILOR CU STUDENII FACULTRIIDE ARHITECTUR DIN BELGRAD N 2007I 2008. CERCETAREA A FOST INCLUS N

EXPOZIIA ITINERANT BACANOLOGY, NOIEN M ENE AR HITE TURALE I UR BANE

N EUR OPA DE SUD ES T, ORG ANI ZAT DECTRE SWISS ARCHITECTURE MUSEUM I

R H IT E T R E E NT RE V IE NA .

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Informal

Construction

in the world, in Serbia and Belgrade: facts, princi-ples and challenges to planning.

Go to ww.urbanreport.ro and on the DVD fora full-length English text

THE ILL TRATI N I FR M B EL R AD E,BEL RADE: N IN AR HIVE F INF RMALPRACTICEIVAN KUCINA, DUBRAVKA SEKULIC.MATERIAL PREPARED DURING THEW RK H P WITH T DENT F FA LTY FAR HITE T RE IN BEL RADE IN 2 7 AND2008. THIS RESEARCH HAS BEEN INCLUDED INTHE TRAVELLING EXHIBITION BALKANOLOGY,NEW A R H IT E T UR E AND UR BA N PH EN M ENAI N U TH EA T ER N EUR P E , R A NI ZEDBY SWISS ARCHITECTURE MUSEUM ANDARCHITECTURE CENTER VIENNA.

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17/96

his text is an excerpt from an essay Bricknd Gold: Te Urbanism and Architecture

of Informal Belgrade by Milica opalovi inelgrade. Formal / Informal: A Research

on Urban Transformation. Te book was initi-ated in 2006 and produced by the Studio BaselContemporary City Institute and published in 2011

by Verlag Scheidegger & Spiess from Zrich.

Periphery

reets are quiet, pedestrian friendly, and yetpedestrian pavement is missing. Actually,n entire bandwidth of street-connected

elements is missing; there are no greenstrips, bicycle paths, or painted traffi c lines, noconcrete curbs, parking places, or raised and loweredsurfaces. Tere is just the street, a narrow gutterwinding between the houses, occasionally quite

beautiful. Te surface of the terrain, a former field,is clearly visible and stretches continuously beneaththe buildings, unaltered. Gardens, without precisely

balanced poles of activity the front and back ap-pear as neutral grass carpets on which houses aresimply and somewhat accidentally placed.

Tere is a bewildering quality to the informal

periphery of Belgrade: it is strikingly similar to aWestern style single-family suburb. Nothing about

Acest text e un fragment din eseul Brickand Gold: Te Urbanism and Architectureof Informal Belgrade de Milica opalovi,nBelgrade. Formal / Informal: A

Research on Urban Transformation. Vo umua fost iniiat n 2006, produs de Studio BaselContemporary City Institute i publicat n 2011 deVerlag Scheidegger & Spiess din Zrich.

Peri eria

S

trzile sunt linitite, pietonii, amicali, itotui trotuare nu exist. De fapt, o ntreaglime de band dedicat elementelor legate

de strad lipsete: nu sunt benzi verzi, cipentru biciclete, linii de circulaie marcate, opritoridin beton, zone de parcare. Este doar o strad, unan ngust ntre case. Suprafaa terenului, un fostcmp, este clar vizibil i se ntinde continuu ntrecldiri, nealterat. Grdinile, fr poli clar delimi-tai de activitate, cum ar fi faa i spatele, apar dreptcovoare de gazon neutre pe care casele sunt plasatepur i simplu i uneori n mod accidental.

Exist o calitate surprinztoare a periferi-ei Belgradului: este izbitor de asemntoare cuo suburbie unifamilial de tip occidental. Nimic

din acest loc nu e instabil, totul e panic, normal,prosper. otui, senzaia e ocant: asemnarea e

O VILINFORMAL N

ADIN A, BEL R A2006FOTO: BAS PRIN

AN INFORMALILLA IN PADINA

BELGRADE, 2006PHOTO:BAS PRINCEN


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t is precarious, everything peaceful, normal,well off. Still, the sensation puzzles; the similarity isestranged, uncanny. At a second glance, differences

begin to reveal themselves and the picture starts tolook like a carefully orchestrated subversion. Housesare large, expressing affl uence. Tey appear unfin-ished, even though the setting is calm and looks

long-since settled. Building volumes give an impres-sion of homogeneity, sameness, but even after acareful search, a precise repetition of a detail, ele-ment, or geometric form seems impossible to find.

Te wild suburb doesnt reproduce or evokeany known urban or suburban models it is nota garden city or cul-de-sac, not even a village itreplicates nothing but itself. No prevalent culturalthemes are invested here, not even a desire for ahome of ones own. Identity is generic, conform-ing, and even individualized expressions quicklycome together into a recognizable and mostly pre-dictable murmur of references where local historic

narratives, rural, folk, and neo-folk themes, and(some say) tele-novellas dominate.

lienat, ciudat. La o a doua privire, diferen-ele ncep s apar de la sine i imaginea ncepe s

arate ca o subversiune orchestrat cu grij. Caseleunt masive, exprimnd bogie. Par netermina-e, chiar dac locul e n mod clar locuit de o bunucat de vreme. Volumele dau impresia omoge-

nitii, asemnrii, dar o privire atent nu las loc

unei repetiii precise a detaliilor, a elementelor sau aormelor geometrice.Suburbia slbatic nu reproduce sau nu evoc

nici un model urban sau suburban cunoscut: nuste un ora-grdin sau o fundtur, nici un sat

nu copiaz altceva dect pe sine. Nu s-a investit nnici o tem cultural predominant, nici mcar ndorina pentru casa cuiva. Identitatea e generic,onformat i chiar expresiile individualizate seopesc rapid ntr-un murmur recognoscibil i destul

de predictibil al referinelor n care naraiunilestorice locale i ruralul, temele etno sau neo-etno ispun unii) telenovelele domin.

D IS TR IB U I ACL DIRILOR ILEGALE

N BEL GRA D.SURSA: PLANUL

RBANI TI ALELGRADULUI, 2021

DISTRIBUTIONF IL LE A LUILDIN IN

BELGRADE. SOURCE:MASTERPLAN OF

E L R AD E, 1

CENTR UL OR A ULUICITY CENTRE

V E H I UB UR BI I IEXTINDERIOLD SUBURBS AND

DERN EXTEN I N

M ODERN E; AEZ R IINFORMALE IORAESATELITNFORMALETTLEMENT AND

SATELLITE TOWNS

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and

I

nformal construction never starts from a tabularasa; there is always a pretext or alibi, usually un-settled land rights. Tough in Belgrade troubles

with land ownership are apologetically back-dated, even as far back as Ottoman and Hapsburgrule, present problems are mainly connected to thesocialist land nationalization of 1945 and the start ofdenationalization in the early 1990s.

Te development of Padina, located on the out-skirts of Belgrade, can serve as a perfect example ofthe genesis of an informal quarter; ever since World

War II agricultural land has been steadily sold herefor housing. Tis habit has escalated in recent years,to the point where all private agricultural land inthe city is said to be subdivided into pseudo-plots,sold out, and now circulating in the informal land

market, only at far higher value. In Belgrade, suchconstruction of private houses on former agrarian

erenu

C

onstrucia ilegal nu ncepe niciodat cu otabula rasa; exist ntotdeauna un pretextsau alibi, de obicei drepturi de proprietate

neclarificate. Dei n Belgrad problemele deproprietate a terenurilor sunt scuzabil plasate ntrecutul otoman i dominaia habsburgic, proble-mele actuale apar n principal ca urmare a naiona-lizrii socialiste din 1945 i demararea retrocedrilorla nceputul anilor 90.

Dezvoltarea Padinei, localizat la periferiaBelgradului, este un exemplu perfect de natere aunui cartier informal; ncepnd cu perioada dup

l Doilea Rzboi Mondial, terenul agricol a fost nmod repetat vndut pentru locuine. Acest process-a intensificat n ultimii ani, pn cnd tot terenul

gricol particular din ora se spune c a fost sub-

mprit n pseudoterenuri care au fost vndutei circul acum pe piaa imobiliar neoficial, dar

UN CARTIERN F R MAL DIN E L R AD UL UI ,

FOTO: BAS PRIN

A N IN F R MA LEI HB RH

IN THE SOUTHOF BELGRADE,2001PHOTO:BAS PRINCEN


20/96

land constitutes what is considered classicillegal construction, viewed relatively benignly asa result of necessity. Te occupation of public landor someone elses land, when builders took theirchances in parks, forests, and sports fields, on side-walks, landslide terrains, waste disposal sites, and ininfrastructure corridors, is considered a more prob-lematic and dangerous category of usurpation.

Still, the situation contains intrinsic potentials.For example, the rapid occupation of land on afirst-come-first-serve basis has produced areas that

seem immune to the plagues of lifestyle or incomesegregation. In an improbable proximity and in anoverall high density,farms can be found next tored-brick houses, marble mansions next to illegalrental apartments. Belgrades wild rich live nextto farmers and the poor, in a relaxed configura-tion accidentally, informal urbanism realized as asocial project.

Backbones

he conceptual gulf between the unstablecollectivism of the 1960s and the 70s and

the ethos of self-realization of the 1990scorresponds to a physical demarcating spacethat can be easily followed in Belgrade, even drawnas a map. Tis divider attaching the red-brick beltsto the citys modern extensions is comprised strictlyof infrastructure. Built as fast boulevards, meant tosmoothly bring a socialist worker from the centerto his high-rise flat on the periphery overlooking anunspoiled landscape, they have now been over-hauled as axes of provision; at once too ordinary andtoo picturesque, lined up with improvised business-es under red roof tiles, concrete towers, and gypsumvillas. Along this inner frontier, end-of-the-line bus

stops surrounded by kiosk assemblages stand likegates into the planned city.

numai la costuri mult mai ridicate. n Belgrad,onstrucia caselor particulare pe fostul teren agrareprezint ceea ce e considerat o construcie ilegalclasic i e privit n mod relativ benign dreptez . Ocuparea terenului public sau

al r, prin care constructorii auac ri sau terenuri sportive, alei,er cutremure, gropi de gunoi io cturii, e considerat o catego-ie i periculoas de uzurpare.

Oricum, situaia conine un potenial intrinsec.

De exemplu, rapida ocupare a terenului pe bazaprincipiului primul venit, primul servit a produsone care par imune la boala life-style-ului sau laea a segregrii datorate veniturilor. ntr-o vecin-ate improbabil i n condiii de maxim densitate,ase rneti pot fi vzute lng locuine de cr-

mid roie, conace cu marmur lng blocuri ilegalede apartamente. Bogaii Belgradului, fermierii iracii locuiesc unii lng alii ntr-o configuraieelaxat; un urbanism informal realizat ca proiectocial accidental.

oloanele vertebrale

olul conceptual dintre colectivismul instabildin anii 60 i 70 i etosul autorealizrii dinanii 90 corespund unui spaiu fizic de de-marcaie care e uor de observat n Belgrad

i se preteaz chiar la o reprezentare pe hart. Acestpaiu de diviziune, care leag centura de crmidoie de extinderile moderniste ale oraului, estetrict compus din infrastructur. Construite ca ar-ere pentru o circulaie rapid i lin a muncitorilorocialiti de la centru spre blocurile de la periferie iuprapuse unui peisaj intact, cile de circulaie auost acum convertite n axe ale cerinei; n acelai

imp prea comune i prea pitoreti, aliniate cuafacerile improvizate sub acoperiuri de igl roie,

UN SENSGIRATORIU PESTRADA USTANIKA,L A MA R I NE A

ARTIER L IMODERN KONJARNIK,CU POARTA ESTICA BELGRADULUI NFUNDAL, 2001 FOTO:BAS PRINCEN

A R UNDAB UTAT USTANI KASTREET ON THE EDGEOF THE MODERN

EI HB RH DONJARNIK, WITH

EASTERN GATE OFBELGRADE IN THE

ACKGROUND,2001 PHOTO:BAS PRINCEN

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ultatul necesitii.terenului particulaparat parcuri, pdrenuri n pericol laidoare ale infrastr rmai roblematic


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Infrastructures

he time of totalizing networks has expired;nfrastructures are becoming extremely lo-

cal. Looking across the edges of Belgradesodern periphery, there is nothing but

predictable contrast: plugging into regional roadsand street grids, more and more parasitic swerves.Inherited modern infrastructures have been treatedas a source of public revenue, accompanied by plentyof controversy.

Te meeting points of public and private infra-structure are easy to recognize, places where streetssuddenly shrink, pavements vanish, and massivetangles of cables appear in the air: exact limitswhere desire to control meets the desire for autono-my and the urban domain breaks up into a capsularworld. In attempts at control, governments suppliedinformal builders with connections to the electric-ity network, with a silent if clearly political approvalgiven behind the urbanists backs. At the same time,in attempts to capture local independence, residentsof informal neighborhoods self-organized to buildmissing infrastructures themselves. As more andmore illegal mansions are plugging into commu-nal plumbing, self-made infrastructures are beingstretched to their thresholds and fear of paralysisis constantly looming. For the time being though,such a crisis lies on a distant horizon; Belgrades in-formal settlers feel secure in their gray, partly legastatus, satisfied with the living conditions they havachieved, and revenue from illegal construction hashelped maintain this status quo.

Housing

edundancy is the basic attribute of informalhousing. In a city where building specula-tion is a rare way to make a profit, assessingneeds is a risky enterprise and supply easily

exceeds demand. Serbia (including Belgrade) hasdecreasing demographic expectations and an agingpopulation, coupled with industrial standstill. Teprojected need until 2021 (the scope of the presentmaster plan) is for 50,000 houses approximatelyequal to the number of already existing illegal andsemi-legal flats, built for speculation in a city that isnow stagnant.

It might come as a surprise that this projection

has not been used as an argument against illegalconstruction; to the contrary; in the transitionalsetting informal construction, even if redundant,has become a factor in social, economic, and hencepolitical stability. Informal housing occupies thelower end of the housing market, in a stable seg-ment on its own. In this situation, legality is morea tool for deliberate social and economic balancingthan an all-encompassing necessity. Troughout thetransition period, informal construction has effec-tively amounted to an unoffi cial social policy, undera tacit assumption that brick laying and buildingmany unnecessary houses is at least an engagement

in a correct, creative activity.

turnuri de beton i vile cu stucaturi. De-a lun-ul acestei frontiere interioare, capetele de linie de

autobuz nconjurate de ansambluri de chiocuri seprofileaz drept pori ale oraului sistematizat.

In rastructurile

E

ra reelelor totale s-a terminat; infrastructu-rile devin extrem de locale. Privind deasupramarginilor periferiei moderne a Belgradului,

are doar un contrast previzibil: din ce n ce

mai multe ci de acces parazite ce se conecteaz laoselele regionale i reelele stradale. Infrastructuramodern motenit din timpul socialismului a fosttratat drept o surs de venit public, fenomen nso-it de o controvers considerabil.

Punctele de ntlnire ale infrastructurii publicei private sunt uor de recunoscut drept locuri ncare strzile se ngusteaz brusc, trotuarele dispar,iar grmezile uriae de cabluri atrn n aer: aici,dorina de a controla ntlnete dorina de autono-mie, iar domeniul urban se descompune ntr-o lumecapsular. n ncercarea de a rectiga controlul,guvernul srb a permis constructorilor neoficialis se conecteze la reeaua electric o aprobarediscret, ns cu caracter politic clar i pe la spateleurbanitilor. n acelai timp, rezidenii cartierelorneoficiale s-au organizat n ncercarea de a-i afirmaindependena local i au nceput s construiasc einii infrastructurile care lipseau. Pe msur ce dince n ce mai multe conace ilegale se leag de reeauade canalizare comunal, infrastructurile improvi-zate ating punctul-limit, iar teama unei paraliziicomplete este o alarm continu. n acest momentns criza se afl la un orizont ndeprtat; locuitoriineoficiali ai Belgradului se simt siguri n statusul

lor gri, parial legal, satisfcui de condiiile de traiobinute, iar venitul din construciile ilegale a ajutatla meninerea acestui status-quo.

Locuinele

Excedentul e un atribut de baz al construci-ilor informale. ntr-un ora n care specula-iile imobiliare sunt o cale atipic spre profit,evaluarea nevoilor este o ntreprindere

riscant, iar oferta depete uor cererea. Serbia(inclusiv Belgradul) are o rat demografic n scde-re i o populaie n curs de mbtrnire. Aceasta se

combin cu un declin industrial. Nevoia previziona-t pn n 2021 (elul prezentului plan urbanistic)este de 50.000 de case aproximativ numrul uni-tilor de locuine ilegale i semilegale care existdeja, construite prin iniiative speculative ntr-unora care acum stagneaz.

Poate aprea ca o surpriz faptul c aceast previ-ziune nu a fost folosit drept argument mpotrivaconstruciilor ilegale; din contr, n mediul de tran-ziie, construciile informale, chiar dac redundante,au devenit un factor de stabilitate social, economi-c i prin urmare politic. Locuinele informale ocu-p partea marginal a pieei imobilare de locuine,

formnd un segment stabil n sine. n acest caz,legalitatea e mai degrab un instrument deliberat

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eing permanently unfinished and continu-ously under construction are aesthetic keys to theinformal dwelling, and key features in its eco-nomic success. In Belgrade as elsewhere in Europe,mass-production eagerly encounters a do-it-yourselfmentality in the housing market, developers deliverapartments in a gray phase, and housing stand-ards remain open for negotiation.

Public

hroughout the era of wild expansion, a relat-ed jungle quality dominated the broadcast-ing and telecommunication sectors. Duringthe 1990s, with partial or temporary licenses

or as pirate outposts, as many as 1.500 radio and Vstations are believed to have battled for an on-airpresence and for stronger frequencies in Serbia. Tevolume-explosion of this mediatized public spacewas in direct proportion to an escalation of col-lective media obsession, exacerbated by national-ist fervor, frontline news, and hypnotic turbo-folkrhythms. As if in a precise complementary opera-tion, Belgrades actual physical public imploded, itsauthority discharged, its place in the city progres-sively filled up with rough and ready shops andgrass-carpet cafes with sponsored umbrellas.

In the citys informal settlements, the public isscarce; few actors including and citizen groupsare active here, concerned with improvement ofpublic amenities and infrastructures, rather thanpublic space. Still, informal areas of Belgrade do notlack space: redundant land, plots locked in specula-tion and failed investments, heaps of constructionmaterial and scattered carcasses of concrete foun-dations, floor slabs the space is everywhere, but

instead of the public, the citys informal settlementsseem pervaded by the residual.

Planning

practice of making plans after the facts ofconstruction surfaced in Belgrade in themid 1990s, by when it had become evidentthat informal construction was becoming a

mainstream. In place of ineffective and costly demo-lition, the focus shifted to improving infrastructure,and providing services and public transport. Butthe individual examples of post-factum planning

have revealed diffi culties with that procedure. Forinstance, Belgrades wild rich neighborhood ofPadina offers an almost satirical scenario. Between1995 and 2005, the neighborhood boomed, with anarrival of approximately 1,500 wealthy families. Tepeculiar profile of Padinas case points to a situationin which the newcomers have been able to operate

both bottom-up and top-down, having controlof the land as well as considerable political influ-ence. As a result, a near-absurd negotiating processunfolded between the frantic-building reality anda plan that lagged behind. Te builders operatedtactically, keeping close to provisional outlines of

their future legality (building height and distances,and street positions defined by the plan), while

de echilibrare social i economic dect onecesitate atotcuprinztoare. n cursul perioadei deranziie, construcia neoficial s-a ridicat efectiva o politic social neoficial, sub ipoteza tacit czidirea i construcia multor case inutile sunt cel

puin o angajare ntr-o activitate corect, creativ.Stadiul de continu neterminare i cel de con-

truire constant sunt cheile estetice spre locuireanformal i trsturi majore ale succesului eco-

nomic al acesteia. n Belgrad, ca i n alte pri dinEuropa, producia de mas ntlnete entuziast

mentalitatea de tip artizanal de pe piaa imobiliar,dezvoltatorii furnizeaz apartamente ntr-un sta-diu gri, iar standardele locuinelor rmn deschisepentru negociere.

Pu l c

timpul perioadei de extindere necontrolat, onumit calitate de jungl a dominat sectoa-ele comunicaiilor i telecomunicaiilor. nnii 90, cu licene pariale sau temporare sau

a posturi-pirat, se crede c au fost pn la 1.500 detaii radio i V care s-au btut pe prezena n aeri pentru frecvene mai puternice n Serbia. Explozian volum a acestui spaiu public mediatizat a fost

direct proporional cu escaladarea obsesiei colectivemedia hrnite de fervoarea naionalist, tirile deprim pagin i ritmurile turbo-etno hipnotice. Cai peraie complementar trasat

l public fizic al Belgradului asa a sczut, locul su n ora

a de magazine improvizate i erzi i umbrele sponsorizate.

ale ale oraului, spaiul publicste rarisim; cei civa actori care se afl acolo,

printre ei -uri i grupuri de ceteni, sunt maidegrab ngrijorai de mbuntirea serviciilor infrastructurilor publice dect de spaiul public.i totui zonelor neoficiale ale Belgradului nu leipsete spaiul: teren redundant, loturi blocate npeculaii i investiii falite, muni de material deonstrucie i carcase mprtiate ale fundaiilor deeton, dale spaiul este pretutindeni, dar, n loculpaiului public, cele neoficiale ale oraului par s fie

dominate de o logic a rezidualului.

Plani carea

practic de redactare a planurilor dupconstrucia efectiv s-a nscut n Belgradla mijlocul deceniului 90, moment n careera evident c aceste construcii neoficiale

deveneau trendul principal. n locul unei demolrineficiente i costisitoare, accentul s-a mutat pembuntirea infrastructurii, servicii i transpor-ul public. Exemplele individuale de planificare

post-factum indic dificultile implicate n aceastabordare. Zona bogiei dezlnuite din Padina

fer un scenariu aproape satiric: ntre 1995 i 2005,artierul a nflorit, aprnd aproximativ 1.500 de fa-

milii bogate. Profilul special al cazului Padina relev

ituaia n care nou-veniii erau capabili s opere-e att de jos n sus, ct i de sus n jos, avnd

#2

cum ar fi urmat oprecizie, domeniuiplodat, autoritatet

fost treptat acoperit ifenele cu covoare v o vn a ezrile infor


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simultaneously, at the planners desk, factorsof political authority and corruption helped inte-grate recent facts from the construction sites andissue ever more updated plans.

In this planning inflation, the negotiationseffects begun to crystallize: design had graduallyexited, streets shriveling into organic zigzags andintended public surfaces timidly migrating towardthe edge of the settlement. With urban planninginstitutions lacking any actual authority, to planflexibly and negotiate has meant legitimizing, for

example, Padinas rampant villas, while giving upon urbanism.

Legalization

uring the past decade in Belgrade legaliza-tion process has been ineffective. Instead, itrepresented a typical example of a populistpolitical strategy, for example creating a

situation in which it was far more cost-friendlyto legalize illegal constructions than build legallyfrom the start. With the 200,000 300,000 infor-mal builders in Belgrade, and 150,000 requests forlegalization in the city, it appears that legal statushas been a political trade off.Instead of bringingits theoretical benefits (clarity, tax income, supplyof data, security, planning) the legalization proce-dure has been hampered by unclear land ownership,missing documentation, and overloaded institu-tions. (For instance, one premise of legalization wthat illegal homeowners would have to hire archi-tects to produce retroactive building documenta-tion. A quick calculation of the time needed to docment Belgrades 200,000 illegal buildings suggestthis would provide full employment for an entire

generation of the Belgrade Faculty of Architecture(roughly 100 architects) over the course of theirprofessional life.)

Underscoring the informal citys Darwinianqualities, most of the smaller structures the familyhouses meant to undergo legalization have beencaught in bureaucratic deadlock while the strongerinformal developers managed to exceed all regula-tions. Te relevant legislation of 2003 was supposedto bring about a general end to illegal construc-tion; instead it has opened a field of possibilities fornew illegal but nonetheless realizable buildingproduction. Even protests broke out in Belgrade by

investors in legal structures who felt discriminatedagainst: wild construction in the suburbs has con-tinued to flourish under the cover of applicationsfor legalization. Te entire process of obtaining a

building permit has become senseless in the contextof post-factum building licenses that created easyroute to vastly cheaper construction.

controlul terenului, dar i o influen politicconsiderabil. Drept rezultat, un bizar proces denegociere s-a petrecut ntre realitatea frenetic aconstruciei i planul urbanistic care continua srmn n urm. Constructorii au acionat strategici au rmas aproape de cadrul temporar al viitoareilegaliti (nlimea cldirilor, distana dintre ele itrasarea strzilor dup plan). ntre timp, la birourileurbanitilor, autoritatea politic i corupia au susi-nut integrarea noilor realizri de pe antiere, rezul-tnd n redactarea unor serii continue de actualizri.

Efectele acestor negocieri au nceput curnds se cristalizeze: designul urban a ieit ncet-ncetdin scen, strzile s-au contorsionat n zigzaguriorganice, iar spaiile publice intenionate au migratctre marginea aezrii. Deoarece instituiile res-ponsabile pentru urbanism nu aveau nici o autorita-te operaional, flexibilitatea urbanistic i nego-cierea au nsemnat pur i simplu legitimarea vileloraflate n cretere, n exemplul Padina, concomitentcu abandonarea urbanismului.

Legal zarea

Pocesul de legalizare petrecut n Belgrad n

ultimul deceniu nu a fost eficient. A repre-zentat, mai degrab, un exemplu tipic destrategie politic populist, crendu-se de

exemplu o situaie n care era mai puin costisitor slegalizezi construciile ilegale dect s construietilegal de la bun nceput. Existnd cam 200.000 300.000 constructori ilegali n Belgrad i mai multde 150.000 de cereri de legalizare n ora, rezult cstatutul legal a constituit un compromis politic.nlocul beneficiilor rezultate cum ar fi claritatea, taxape venit, furnizarea datelor, securitate i planificare,

procedura de legalizare a fost slbit de proprietateaneclar, lipsa documentelor i instituiile ncrca-te. (ex: procesul de legalizare a cerut deintorilorlegali s angajeze arhiteci care s furnizeze docu-

mentarea retroactiv a cldirilor. Un calcul rapidal timpului necesar pentru a furniza documentelea 200.000 de cldiri ilegale sugereaz c aceastaar da de lucru permanent unei generaii ntregi aFacultii de Arhitectur din Belgrad, aproximativ100 de arhiteci, de-a lungul vieii lor profesionale.)

Subevalund calitile darwiniene ale orauluinformal, majoritatea structurilor mai mici lo-

cuine de familie care intenionau s parcurg

legalizarea au fost prinse n blocajul birocratic, ntimp ce dezvoltatorii neoficiali mai puternici aureuit s depeasc toate reglementrile. Legislaiarelevant din 2003 urmrea s aduc sfritulconstruciei ilegale; n loc de asta, a deschis unntreg set de posibiliti pentru producia de cldirinoi ilegale, dar nu mai puin realizabile. Au existatproteste ale investitorilor din structurile legale cares-au simit discriminai pe msur ce construcianecontrolat din suburbii continua s nfloreascsub acoperiul aplicrii legalizrii. ntreaga proce-dur de obinere a unei autorizaii de construcie adevenit inutil n contextul licenelor de construc-

ie post-factum care ofereau o cale uoar pentru oconstrucie mult mai ieftin.

1s-


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fficiency

n contrast to highly organized building proce-dures following European standards marked

by participation of investors, urban planners,architect-designers, bankers, city authorities, us-

ers and developers Belgrades simplified infor-mal-development scheme, in which regulations areprovisional and design, credits, and professionalconstruction unnecessary, is surprisingly more ef-ficient and stabilized as a bubble inside the market,planning process, and legal framework. Te effi -

ciency of the informal development process is basedon economic rationality: Belgrades illegal building

E ciena

omparativ cu procesele de construcie foartebine organizate dup standardele europe-ne, care sunt caracterizate de implicareainvestitorilor, urbanitilor, arhitecilor/

designerilor, bancherilor, edililor, benficiarilor idezvoltatorilor, schemele de dezvoltare neoficialimplificate ale Belgradului n care reglementrileunt temporare, iar designul, creditele i construcia

profesionist inutile, sunt, surprinztor, mai efi-iente. Ele s-au stabilizat asemenea unei bule n in-

eriorul pieei, al procesului urbanistic i al cadruluiegal, iar eficiena procesului se bazeaz pe raiuni

M D RI DE LE AL IZA RE LA BEL RA D.CONSTRUCIILE ILEGALE DIN ORA CONTINU

NT RU N C AD RU STR ATE GI C: RM N NDAPROAPE DE LEGE SAU ANTICIPNDVIITOARELE REGLEMENTRI PENTRUCONSTRUCII, CONSTRUCTORII SE ATEAPTLA O LEGALIZARE RAPID. ACESTE TRASEEPRIN PROCESUL DE CONSTRUCIE NEOFICIAL I C TR E LEGALIZARE AU AP R UT DATORITLEGII PLANIFICRII I CONSTRUCIEI DIN2003. PENTRU MOMENT SE MENINE ACEST

TATU U , DE ARE E N UA LE E DINNU A INTRAT NC N VIGOARE.

WAY T ET LE AL IN BEL RA DE.ILLEGAL BUILDING IN THE CITY STILLCONTINUES, IN A TACTICAL FRAMEWORK:

Y KEEPIN L E T THE LAW RANTI IPATIN F T RE B ILDIN RE LATI NBUILDERS EXPECT QUICK LEGALIZATION.THESE PATHWAYS THROUGH INFORMAL

UILDIN PR E AND LE ALIZATI N WEREENERATED BY THE LAW N PLANNIN AND

CONSTRUCTION OF 2003. FOR THE TIME BEINGTHE STATUS QUO REMAINS, AS THE NEW LAW

F H A N T Y ET TA KE N E FF E T.

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has been as much as four times cheaper thanits legal counterpart and construction-time cut inhalf; even further, adherence to regulations prom-ised unparalleled benefits through security againstdemolition. Illegality has been cheaper, faster, andnot too much of a risk, which made its appeal highlyattractive: when compared with housing markets inEuropean countries, informal Belgrade has won.

economice: construcia ilegal este n Belgradde patru ori mai ieftin dect contrapartea sa legal,iar timpul njumtit; mai mult, respectareareglementrilor promite beneficii incomparabileprin securitatea mpotriva demolrilor. Ilegalitatea adevenit mai ieftin, mai rapid i mai lipsit de risc,ceea ce a fcut-o extrem de atractiv. Atunci cndeste comparat cu pieele de locuine din rile euro-pene, Belgradul informal ctig ntotdeauna.

ROCESUL DE CONSTRUC IELEGAL: DUP CE UNTEREN E CUMPRAT LEGAL,DEZVOLTATORUL TREBUIE SATEPTE AUTORIZAIA DE

N T RU IE TI MP DE D I AN I.N TRU IA E PR FE I NI T

FCUT I TERMINAT NTRUNAN. APARTAMENTELE SE VNDLA 1.000 /M2, ADUC ND UNPROFIT SUBSTANIAL. NTREGULPROCES DE LA ACHIZIIONAREATERENULUI LA LIVRARE CTRECUMPRTOR DUREAZ TREI ANI.

ADINA, 2006.

E AL B ILDIN PR E : AL T F LAND I P R HA EDEGALLY FROM A DEALER, AFTER

WHICH THE DEVELOPER WAITSFOR TWO YEARS FOR A BUILDING

ERMIT. N TRU TI N IR FE I NAL AND FINI HED

WITHIN A YEAR. APARTMENTSARE SOLD AT 1000 /M2, STILL

RIN IN A HI H LEVEL FETURNS. THE PROCESS TAKESHREE YEARS BEFORE MOVING IN.

PADINA, PHOTO: 2006.

PROCESUL DE CONSTRUC IEILEGAL: SE CUMPR UNTEREN ILE AL DE LA NFERMIER I E DEZVOLTAT DEO FAMILIE, CARE DE MULTEORI LUCREAZ CU PRIETENII.P RE U L A E I A JU N E L A450 /M2, IAR LEGALIZAREA EATEPTAT N VIITOR, LA UNCOST DE 30 /M2. CONEXIUNILELA INFRASTRUCTUR SUNTOBINUTE LEGAL. PROCESULDUREAZ 1,5 ANI NAINTE DEMUTARE; VENITUL A TEPTATESTE DE 200300%. PADINA, 2006.

ILLE AL B ILDIN PR E :PL T F LAND I P R HA EDI LL E A LLY FR M A FA RM ERAND DEVELOPED BY A FAMILYOFTEN WORKING TOGETHERW IT H FRI END . T HE P RI E FTHE HOUSE REACHES 450 /MAND LEGALIZATION IS EXPECTIN THE FUTURE, WITH A FEEOF 30 /M2. INFRASTRUCTURCONNECTIONS ARE BOUGHTLEGALLY. THE PROCESS TAKEYEARS BEFORE MOVING IN; THEXPECTED RETURN IS 200 0PADINA, PHOTO: 2006.

LEGAL ILEGAL / ILLEGAL

E FI IEN APROCESELOR DECONSTRUCIELEGAL I ILEGAL.

EFFICIENCYOF LEGAL ANDI LL E A L B UI LD INPR E E .


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uilding

lthough there is perhaps some aestheticprecedence to the heterogeneous buildupof informal constructions now indigenousto Belgrade, forming a seductive contrast to

any other European city, its treatment as an archi-tectural phenomenon seems particularly gratuitous.Informal architecture is populist, supremely badand therefore likeable in fact it occupies a culturalrather than architectural domain. It has served

almost exclusively to satisfy individual inclinationssuch as display of wealth and a need to evade thelaw. Both architecture and craftsmanship as valueshave been subverted by a dependence on a limitedrange of available industrial building elements andreadily available typical plans. Unskilled laborand improvisational construction techniques haveproduced personalized outcomes, regardless of scale.At the start of the informal boom, contingencies ofsocial and economic transformation have removedarchitects from the process entirely, only to returnthem in slightly later stages semi-incognito, nowemployed by tycoons of the transitional era.

Te creativity of Belgrades informal architecturemainly lies in a tactical maneuvering of the legalfield, calculated in terms of stretching its limits. Tetactics at work here are numerous and form-gener-ating. Te forms anticipate laws and upcoming reg-ulations, have an inhibiting effect on both (throughan appearance of power or the power of multitude),conform to them (through a markedly normal look),camouflage excess (e.g. many extra floors), and seekalibis (by extending in all directions around parts ofstructures that have permits) but they always stayclose to that which is or can become legal.

Typology

espite all its idiosyncrasies the informalrchitecture of Belgrade does come togethernto distinct urban forms and typologies.

Te typologies are simple, bold; they dependon the program (almost exclusively housing orcommerce), relative size of investment, presence ofarchitects, and basic context (urbanized or not). Tetypologies of Belgrades informal architecture haveentered the vernacular, in a manner encapsulat-ing its physical and ethical qualities: red-brick,

mushroom, kiosk, turbo, and sin. Lower-end housingin Belgrade is closest to the classical understandingof informality dusk-till-dawn housing construc-tion on sites adjacent to the city, with a significantproportion based on migrant flows. Te owner ismost often pivotal to a red-brick houses comple-tion, making it often ownable in a traditionalsense and built to last, each floor reserved for onefami

UR Volume 2 F_issuu_small.pdf

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