UNIVERSITY OF GHANA COLLEGE OF HUMANITIES A …
Transcript of UNIVERSITY OF GHANA COLLEGE OF HUMANITIES A …
UNIVERSITY OF GHANA
COLLEGE OF HUMANITIES
A ROUSSEAUEAN JUSTIFICATION OF PUNISHMENT
BY:
HILLARY AGBENOSI
(10213696)
THIS THESIS IS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GHANA,
LEGON IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT
FOR THE AWARD OF MPHIL PHILOSOPHY DEGREE
AUGUST, 2019
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DECLARATION OF ORIGINALITY
I hereby declare that this research is my original work produced under supervision, and
has not been produced in part or in full elsewhere.
……………………………. …………………………….
HILLARY AGBENOSI DATE
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CERTIFICATION
Hillary Agbenosi, a student of the Department of Philosophy and Classics, School of
Arts, College of Humanities, University of Ghana, Legon, has satisfactorily completed
the programme of study for the degree of Master of Philosophy in Philosophy.
………………………………………. ……7th
August, 2019…………
PROF. HENRIETTA MENSA-BONSU DATE
(Principal Supervisor)
DR. RICHMOND KWESI ……7th
August, 2019……………
(Co-Supervisor) DATE
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DEDICATION
I would like to dedicate this thesis to Almighty God, for giving me the strength to
persevere through my Master‟s Degree programme.
To Archbishop Charles Gabriel Palmer-Buckle for the opportunity to further my studies.
Finally, to my supervisors, my family, friends, and loved ones who have been of
immense help throughout my studies
This is dedicated to you all.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
In undertaking this study, I received a lot of assistance from various individuals to whom
I express my sincerest gratitude and would like to take this opportunity to thank everyone
that played a role in completing this dissertation.
I want to acknowledge the numerous help from my Supervisors, Prof. Henrietta Mensa-
Bonsu and Dr. Richmond for their intellectual assistance, support, valuable inputs in my
work and for being patient and understanding.
I am indebted to God for His Grace which kept me going always, Most Rev. Gabriel
Charles Palmer-Buckle for giving me this opportunity to further my education. I cannot
forget to appreciate the contribution of Rev Frs. Francis Arthur, Joseph Okine-Quartey,
Ebenezer Akesseh, Emmanuel Nartey, John Doe, Paul Agbodza, Francis Lemaire, Fr.
Wisdom Larweh, Emmanuel Obeng Cudjoe, Emmanuel Salifu, Aaron Agbeshie-Agorsor,
Edmund Donkor-Baine and Derrick Dowuona-Hammond for their encouragement and
support in various ways in my quest to climb the educational ladder.
I wish to also express my profound gratitude to Mr. and Mrs. Narh who introduced to me
a book that inspired this thesis and Angela Dadson, Anna Lisa Osei-Baidoo and Vincent
Sackitey for helping with proofreading at various times.
Finally, I say thank you and God bless you to all who in direct or indirect ways helped
me make this thesis a reality.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
DECLARATION OF ORIGINALITY ................................................................................. i
CERTIFICATION ............................................................................................................... ii
DEDICATION ................................................................................................................... iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................................................ iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS ..................................................................................................... v
LISTS OF ABBREVIATIONS.......................................................................................... vii
ABSTRACT ..................................................................................................................... viii
Introduction .......................................................................................................................... 1
Chapter One ......................................................................................................................... 7
Literature review of some attempted solutions to the problem of the justification of
punishment ........................................................................................................................... 7
1.1 The Consequentialist Solutions ........................................................................... 7
1.2 Retributivist Solutions ....................................................................................... 12
1.2.1 Desert-Based Retributivism ........................................................................ 13
1.2.2 Forfeiture-Based Retributivism .................................................................. 16
1.2.3 Fairness-Based Retributivism .................................................................... 18
1.2.4 Debt-Based Retributivism ........................................................................... 18
1.2.5 Revenge-Based Retributivism ..................................................................... 19
1.3 Hybrid Solutions to the Justification of Punishment ......................................... 20
1.4. Other Non-Traditional Solutions ....................................................................... 25
1.4.1 The Consent Solution.................................................................................. 25
1.4.2 The Reprobative Solution .............................................................................. 27
1.4.3 Punishment as Education ................................................................................... 27
CHAPTER 2 ...................................................................................................................... 31
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FREEDOM AS BASIS FOR THE JUSTIFICATION OF PUNISHMENT ..................... 31
2.1 Freedom: Essential to Human Nature ................................................................ 31
2.1.1 What is Freedom? ....................................................................................... 32
2.1.2 Freedom and the Notion of the Individual ................................................ 34
2.1.3 Freedom and the General Will ................................................................... 36
2.1.4 Rousseau’s Freedom and the Concept of Dependence ............................. 37
2.2 How the Law Establishes Freedom .................................................................... 41
2.3 Freedom and Reason .......................................................................................... 43
CHAPTER 3 ...................................................................................................................... 46
PUNISHMENT AS “BEING FORCED TO BE FREE” ................................................... 46
3.1 The Possibility of not Willing the General Will ................................................ 47
3. 2 The Law ............................................................................................................. 50
3.3 Punishment ......................................................................................................... 53
CHAPTER 4 ...................................................................................................................... 58
A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF ROUSSEAU‟S THEORY AND OTHER MAJOR
THEORIES OF JUSTIFICATION FOR PUNISHMENT ................................................ 58
4.1 Rousseau‟s and the Retributivist Theories ......................................................... 58
4.2 Rousseau‟s and the Utilitarian Theories ............................................................ 61
4.3 Rousseau‟s and the Hybrid Theories ................................................................. 63
CHAPTER 5 ...................................................................................................................... 67
CONCLUSION .................................................................................................................. 67
References .......................................................................................................................... 73
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LISTS OF ABBREVIATIONS
SC – Social Contract
DI – Discourse on Inequality
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ABSTRACT
This thesis is an attempt to arrive at a more suitable justification for the institution of
punishment. The problem arises because punishment discriminates between those who are
considered offenders (one who has broken the law) and those considered non-offenders.
Punishment also goes beyond distinguishing between the offender and the non-offender to inflict
some pain or deprive some right to the one considered as an offender. Both the discrimination
and the pain inflicted or right deprived to the offender require a justification to be acceptable.
This is what has engaged many theorists in penology. There are various positions on the matter.
One of the traditional positions like the desert-based retributivists, a variant of the Retributivists
justification for punishment says the offender deserves to be punished because he or she has
committed a crime and deserves a punishment that inflicts a pain which is equal to the crime that
has been committed. The other traditional position is the utilitarian position which suggests that
it is justifiable to punish the offender because such a punishment will preserve the society by
maintaining social control. This thesis proposes a rational contractarian approach based on the
ideas of the contractarian Jean Jacques Rousseau. This thesis suggests that a more plausible
justification for punishment could be based on freedom as an essential characteristic of the
human being. When a person is deprived of his or her freedom the person loses their humanity.
The thesis further suggests that when a person lives according to rational nature, they will live
according to the general will, which is always good and makes him free. However, a person who
lives according to the will of another or according to one‟s passions, will live in subjugation to
another person‟s will or passions against the general will and by so doing is not free. The actual
will of a person rises against the general will (the person‟s real will), and this results in a split
will. Such a split will is one which makes a person commit a crime and become an offender and
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unfree. This thesis proposes that punishment remedies this situation when the laws which are
based on the general will are applied. The rational will of the person discerns the general will
and from that makes the laws. When a person is punished based on the law, then, one punishes
oneself and is thus subject neither to another nor to one‟s passions and so is free; there is no
distinction between the sovereign who makes the law and the offender who has broken the law.
Punishment is thus applied to make a person free since by going against the general will one has
made oneself unfree. This thesis seeks to pick some positive attributes of the traditional
positions, while avoiding some of their major criticisms and adding its own unique features like
concentrating on human freedom as an essential basis to give a more suitable justification for
punishment.
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INTRODUCTION
My motivation for this thesis arises from how some people have a negative conception of
punishment and fear, disapprove of, or even sometimes, hate those who inflict them. Some also
use their influence to elude the grasp of the law and thus escape the punishment they deserve for
such crimes. I see in the ideas of Rousseau a shift towards a positive conception of punishment
not only for the society but the individual who is at the receiving end of the punishment.
Punishment, first, discriminates between some people considered as offenders and others
considered as non-offenders, which without moral justification is unacceptable. If all persons by
nature are equal, then they must be treated equally, if they are to be treated differently, a very
good reason must account for that. Again, punishment inflicts some forms of pain on some
people which cannot be tolerated without moral justification. It is morally unacceptable to act in
such a way that will harm another person. The ethical principle non-maleficence for instance
enjoins us to do no harm to another, at least not intentionally (primum non nocere). If
punishment is therefore an intentional harm that is meted out to another person, then punishment
would be ethically unacceptable. Providing moral justification for this problem of discrimination
and infliction of harm is the preoccupation of many theorists in penology.1
The desire to satisfy a demand for justification of punishment has given rise to two major schools
of justification for punishments among others; the utilitarian and retributive theories of
justification for punishment.2 According to the Retributivists, every offence must be punished in
proportion to the offence committed. It seems when asked why an offender should be punished,
such theorists will only say that justice demands it, which by itself will not suffice because one
1Cf., Boonin David,The Problem of Punishment, Cambridge University Press, New York, 2008, p 28-29.
2 Cf., Michael Lessnoff, “Two Justifications of Punishment” in The Philosophical Quarterly (1950-), Vol 21, No.
83, Oxford University Press, 1971, accessed from www.jstor.org on 12-01-2018, p 141.
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would ask why justice demands it. This will most likely require some further justifications. On
the other hand, Utilitarians justify punishment from the angle of its consequences on the society.
In their view, punishment deters the criminal and discourages others from committing same or
similar offences; thus, punishment acts as a deterrent; it may be specific deterrence or general
deterrence.3 Punishment is seen as justified because it brings about the greatest happiness for the
greatest number. This will certainly be disastrous if pushed to the extreme.
Henrietta Mensa-Bonsu defines punishment as “a phenomenon that entails the infliction of
suffering or some other unpleasant consequence by an agency in a position of authority on an
offender for an offence, i.e. the doing of a prohibited act”.4 David Boonin also defines
punishment as an “authorized reprobate retributive intentional harm”.5 From these definitions,
few characteristics of punishment may be discerned. Punishment is first a harm that is
deliberately inflicted. Secondly, punishment is meted out only to one who has broken the law or
done some wrong. Thirdly, punishment is to be exacted by an authority within a certain legal
framework, and is meted out by an authority that legally possesses that responsibility.
Both authors also talk about some form of harm or suffering which is done deliberately. While
Boonin refers to “intentional harm” as an essential element in the idea of punishment, Mensa-
Bonsu talks about the “infliction of suffering or some other unpleasant consequence”. This is
important to make clear the point that it is not something to be enjoyed, but rather intended to be
unpleasant. It is also supposed to be deliberate so that we do not end up absorbing all kinds of
3Specific deterrence occurs when the offender after the punishment resolves not to and does not commit the offence
again while General deterrence occurs when others who are potential offenders upon seeing the punishment meted
out on the offender resolve not to and do not commit the offence.
4 Henrietta J. A. N. Mensa- Bonsu, Criminal Law Series; the General Part of Criminal Law- A Ghanaian Casebook,
Vol 1, Black Mask Ltd, Accra, 2001, P 89.S 5 Boonin David, Op. Cit., p 23.
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harm into the punishment domain. When this characteristic of punishment is upheld the pain that
the dentist causes for instance will not be considered a punishment because, while it is
unpleasant it is not carried out with the intention of causing pain to the patient. The kind of
uncomfortable, unpleasant, harmful treatment must be intended and carried out purposely to
cause some harm or pain. A pleasant consequence cannot pass for punishment because, once it is
enjoyed it may most likely not bring about the desired effect of specific or general deterrence, or
even the expressive function of unequivocally making a clear statement to the offender that his
or her actions are unacceptable.
Both authors talk about punishment as inflicted on one who has offended or broken a law or
done what is judged to be wrong, especially by a legal adjudicating body. This is what Boonin
calls the retributive requirement; it must be meted out to one who has in the past done some acts
that are prohibited. Boonin, however, mentions “reprobative”, which means that the punishment
must serve as an unequivocal statement disapproving the act. Mensa-Bonsu says that such
treatment is meted out to “an offender for…the doing of a prohibited act”. This affirms the fact
that punishment discriminates between those who do wrong and those who do not, and the harm
that is meted out is supposedly to express disapproval of the action. Joel Feinberg refers to this
expression of the disapproval of an action through punishment as the “expressive function of
punishment”.6
Both definitions of Mensa-Bonsu and Boonin also suggest the presence of an authority. This is to
avert any form of anarchy that may result in people taking the law into their own hands and
exacting their own measure of vengeance or violence on others.
6 Feinberg Joel, “The Expressive Function of Punishment” in Philosophy of Law (9
th Edition), Wadsworth, Boston,
2014, 789-799.
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It is important to talk about the idea of freedom because it is essential to understanding
Rousseau‟s contractualism and crucial to the thesis proposed for the Rousseauean theory of
punishment. Isaiah Berlin defines freedom in two ways; negative and positive freedom. In
defining negative freedom, Berlin says “By being free in this sense I mean not being interfered
with by others.”7 He also talks about positive freedom which is also called autonomy: desire of
the individual to be his own master. He wishes to be moved by his reason, by his own conscious
purpose not by some causes which affect him.For Rousseau, freedom is being free from the
constraints of another person‟s will and or your own passions, and obeying laws that one has
made for oneself. It is this conception of freedom from Rousseau which will undergird the
justification for punishment that will be espoused by this thesis.
Essential to human nature is the freedom of man. Once this freedom is taken away, he is treated
like a brute or any other thing except human. The problem is that, punishment inflicts some harsh
treatments on an individual or prevents him or her from enjoying some rights, that way, it
curtails his freedom and thus seems to be opposed to the liberty of the individual. This will mean
that punishment makes or treats a person like an animal. Such a treatment of persons cannot be
allowed without a good justification for it. Would it then be justified to punish people if it will
rob them of their freedom and thus their nature as humans? Especially considering that many
human rights organizations stress that the rights of the prisoner or the criminal should be
respected, a basic right like one‟s freedom should be maintained. Fortunately, while there have
been many good attempts at justifying punishment, most attempts at justifying punishment do
not focus on the freedom of the individual offender as grounds for such justification. While the
Restorative and the Rehabilitative theories at least focus on the individual who has committed
7 Berlin Isaiah, “Two Concepts of Liberty” in Liberty: Incorporating Four Essays on liberty, edited by Henry
Hardy, Oxford university press, Oxford, [1958] 2002, p 170.
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the crime, they do not do so by considering one‟s freedom or liberty which is essential to him or
her as human.
I wish in this thesis to propose a justification of punishment which is focused on the nature of
human as free. I will also suggest that punishment in fact promotes such freedom, and thus rather
than dehumanizing a person, it rather makes a person truly human, and truly free.
This thesis will seek to answer the questions:
1. Is freedom essential to being human?
2. Does punishment deprive a person of his or her humanity?
The study aims at attempting to eradicate the altogether negative assessment of punishment by
presenting the positive side of it; both the penal system and the schools will focus more on the
offender and the individual‟s freedom and bringing one back to conformity with the general will,
rather than inflicting mere suffering on the individual. This positive side flows from the very
nature of man or woman as free and how punishment helps to foster such freedom by forcing a
man or woman who does not wish to be free (human) tobe free (human). As one obeys the laws,
he or she has set for himself or herself, an individual obeys no one else but himself or herself and
is thus free and truly human.
This thesis will use the argument analysis method. It will analyze the arguments that have
already been proffered in defense of punishment. It will then analyze what J. J. Rousseau puts
forth as a good argument in defense of punishments, and analyze the arguments of those who
have commented on the work of Rousseau. It will also do a conceptual analysis of key concepts
such as “punishment and freedom”. This study will be concerned with what punishment is, and
the justification of the penal system under criminal law.
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The first chapter will critically assess the various perspectives that have attempted a justification
of punishment. In this chapter it will be suggested that, most, if not all, do not adequately provide
a justification for punishment. Chapter two will begin to lay out the crux of this thesis by looking
at the concept of freedom especially from the point of view of Rousseau as a basis for the
argument to be put forward, which is “contractarian” and specifically Rousseauean in nature.
Chapter three will put forward the argument that punishment promotes freedom instead of
curtailing it. Chapter four will compare the Rousseauean Justification of punishment with other
justifications for punishment and suggest that the Rousseauean justification is a more viable
option. The fifth chapter will offer a conclusion and suggest possible areas of further study.
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CHAPTER ONE
LITERATURE REVIEW OF SOME ATTEMPTED SOLUTIONS TO THE
PROBLEM OF THE JUSTIFICATION OF PUNISHMENT
This chapter will take a critical look at the various traditional approaches to the justification of
punishment. First, it will look at the Consequentialists Solution which is mostly utilitarian in
nature. Secondly, it will consider the Retributivist justification for punishment. Thirdly, the
hybrid theories for justifying punishment will be touched on. Finally, other non-traditional
solutions to the problem of justification for punishment will be looked at.
1.1 The Consequentialist Solutions
There are two ways of putting up a defence for punishment with this solution. It is possible to
approach the justification of punishment in the broader context of the consequentialist ethical
theory, in which case any behaviour is considered acceptable, if it does not have alternatives to it
that can bring about a better consequence than the behaviour under consideration. The second is
a defence that posits that punishment is one of those actions morally acceptable because it brings
about positive consequences.8
The first variant of the consequentialist solutions is the Act Utilitarian version of
consequentialism. It is the kind of utilitarianism that posits that individual human action should
rightly attract moral evaluation, and the moral evaluation should be made in the light of how
such an action promotes happiness for the greatest number. This theory submits that punishment
is justified because it promotes the greatest happiness for the greatest number. For instance, a
murderer‟s incarceration will significantly reduce his ability to commit further crimes while in
8Cf., Boonin David, Op. Cit., p 37.
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prison. It is also likely that such an act of punishing the murderer would also serve as a deterrent
for the murderer in question or those contemplating committing the same crime.9
This position is not without some objections, the first being that since the end seems to justify the
means here, the means to acquiring the desired consequence of deterring an offender and other
potential offenders may be achieved by any means possible, including punishing an innocent
person. For instance, if punishing an innocent person (widely regarded as guilty or not) would
prevent rioting in a community, this position would consent to it. In response to this accusation,
the Utilitarian argues that any kind of suffering meted out on a person who is innocent of the
guilt for which he is punished is anything but punishment, since punishment suggests guilt for
some wrongdoing. This response suggests that the “punishing the innocent” critique against the
Utilitarian theory then is based on a mistaken conception of what punishment is.10
Another
attempt to rescue this position from the objection of punishing the innocent is that it is too
expensive to keep this a secret if it were so; there is the chance that people would discover the
truth and it would end up in dire consequence and so is unacceptable on utilitarian grounds.
Against this response, however, two further arguments can be made. One is to the effect that
there are many instances where it was discovered that people were wrongly convicted and yet
this did not in any way reduce the efficacy of the law. The second refers to how vicarious
punishments11
will be acceptable on utilitarian grounds and does not require that it be hidden. In
9Cf., Boonin David, Ibid., p 39.
10Cf.Cf. Benn S. I., “An approach to the problems of punishment” in Philosophy, Vol 33, No. 127, Cambridge
University Press, 1958, accessed from www.jstor.org on 12-01-2018, p331-332. 11
Vicarious punishment refers to the kind of punishment meted out on a beneficiary of an action though the
beneficiary did not commit the action that he benefits from. For instance, a student is punished alongside his/her
father when it is discovered that his/her father purchased exam papers for him/her, before an exam was written, so to
have an advantage over others. It is suggested that if the parent alone is punished many parents will still do this since
they are ready to suffer for their child‟s sake. However, if the Child was punished with the parent, then many parents
will be unwilling to bring such hardship on their children and so will desist from such an action. Such an action
obviously punishes the innocent child and does so publicly and would also be a good deterrence to parents. This
would be acceptable to the utilitarian and would mean punishing the innocent person (child).
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fact, vicarious punishments are more effective, considered with a utilitarian eye, and bring about
the desired consequence when they are public. If the “punishing the innocent objection” is
accepted by the Act Utilitarian position, however, the implications are that it does not draw a line
between the innocent and the guilty, which is morally unacceptable and counter intuitive since
punishment is supposed to be for those who are guilty.
Not punishing the innocent, which is the other side of the coin, could also be an argument against
the Act Utilitarian version. There may arise cases in which not punishing the guilty may bring
about a greater utility than punishing them. In such cases a utilitarian position, to be consistent,
will have to tolerate allowing the guilty to go free, but that is also counter intuitive knowing that
a justification for punishment would not just propose punishment as an option, but impose it as
an obligation to be meted out on the offender.12
The other objection to the Act Utilitarian
justification is that this theory will accept unacceptably severe punishments in some cases and
unacceptably slight punishment in other cases once it will produce a great degree of utility. Some
critics, especially sympathetic to the retributivist‟s solution, accuse the utilitarian of throwing out
of the window, the principle of proportionality in which the punishment is proportional to the
crime committed. Again, there are many factors that should be considered when judgment is to
be placed on the action of a person. Whether the action was voluntary or not, and whether there
are extenuating circumstances that push a person to commit some wrong doing should be
considered. When it comes to this position, because it is forward looking, it does not take into
consideration the circumstances surrounding the act that is committed and how the offender
could possibly not be held responsible to a certain degree.
12
Cf., Boonin David, Ibid., p. 53
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A further argument against such a utilitarian position is that it uses the offender to an end, which
is morally unacceptable because it does not treat him with dignity as a person. In his Metaphysics
of Morals, Immanuel Kant makes similar claim that makes all this clearer:
Punishment by a court (poenaforensis) ... can never be inflicted merely to promote some other
good for the criminal himself or for civil society. It must always be inflicted upon him only
because he has committed a crime."13
For Kant, some future good should not be our motivation for punishment. When we punish, the
human being should not be used as a means. He should be an end in himself and we should
consider only the wrong he has committed, for which he has brought upon himself the
punishment accruing from the action he carried out.
On the pertinent issue of not making a human being a means to an end to serve the good of
another, Kant insists that,
. . . If Justice and Righteousness perish, human life would no longer have any value in the world. –
What, then, is to be said of such a proposal as to keep a Criminal alive who has been condemned
to death, on his being given to understand that if he agreed to certain dangerous experiments being
performed on him, he would be allowed to survive if he came happily through them? . . . a Court
of Justice would repudiate with scorn any proposal of this kind if made to it by the Medical
Faculty: for Justice would cease to be Justice if it were bartered away for any consideration
whatever.14
Kant proposes that there is no substitute for justice; meting out to one what he deserves and, in
this case, what his committing of a crime has obliged that we hand to him by way of punishment.
Whatever good an alternative cause of action would bring to the society is not a priority and
must not replace the infliction of pain or deprivation of good which a criminal, by his free action,
has come to deserve.
Another utilitarian version is called Motive Utilitarianism. This suggests that the appropriate
object of moral appraisal is the motive with which people perform their actions. Thus, the motive
13
Immanuel Kant, Metaphysics of Morals, Rojer J. Sullivan (Translator), Mary Gregor (ed.), Cambridge University
Press, (1797) 1996, 105 (6: 331) 14
Immanuel Kant, Ibid., 105 (6:332)
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that produces the best overall utility is what is good and should motivate our actions.15
They
assess motives because actions themselves are not enough for imputing culpability. The
intentions behind the actions will reveal more about the action and help in determining whether
culpability can be imputed or not. For instance, the one who kills another in self-defence, and the
man who kills another to successfully rob him, would have committed the same act if it was
down to just the fact that they both killed a person. However, a consideration of the
circumstances behind the killings will help us treat them as two different outcomes, the former as
“self-defence” which is not a crime, and the latter as “murder”, which is a crime. The same can
be applied to punishment which is an action, and thus should be assessed based on the motive(s)
for which punishment is meted out. The motive utilitarian suggests that having the motive to
punish those who have committed crimes will result in the best total utility as an outcome
compared to any other motive. Thus, punishment is justified because the motive behind
punishing a person, which is the well-being of humanity, compared to any other motive results in
more overall utility.
A few arguments are made against this position, also. The first questions how successful we
would be with determining the true motives of people‟s actions, considering that motives are
usually internal to the self and known to others only when expressed. Not many people after
doing wrong would admit that they harboured the motive from the beginning, knowing admitting
such would result in some form of punishment. Again, a permanent motive of not punishing the
innocent would conflict with the basic principle of utilitarianism, when punishing the innocent is
in fact what could bring about the greatest utility.
15
Cf., Boonin David, Op. Cit., p. 77-79
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There are also some consequentialist views that are not utilitarian. One such reasoning suggests
that it is justified to punish people because it will check those who want to exact the judgment
themselves. This claim is that, when the state assumes the responsibility of punishment,
individual victims will desist from the passionate desire to exact their own revenge on the
offender. This consequentialist position is also subject to the objection that the innocent may be
punished or that disproportionate punishment may be meted out once the consequences thereof is
considered as ultimately good for the society.
1.2 Retributivist Solutions
The retributive justification for legal punishment is said to be backward looking; as it always
goes back to the crime committed. Ted Honderich identifies Immanuel Kant, the eighteenth-
century German philosopher as a famous retributivist.16
In Kant‟s Philosophy of Law he says
. . . Punishment can never be administered merely as a means for promoting another Good, either
with regard to the Criminal himself or to Civil Society, but must in all cases be imposed only
because the individual on whom it is inflicted has committed a Crime. For one man ought never to
be dealt with merely as a means subservient to the purpose of another… Against such treatment
his Inborn Personality has a Right to protect him, even though he may be condemned to lose his
Civil Personality. He must first be found guilty and punishable, before there can be any thought of
drawing from his punishment any benefit for himself or his fellow citizens.17
What Kant rejects is exactly what Utilitarianism subscribes to; looking forward to what impact
the punishment would make on the offender or on the society. He clearly states that the only
thing to be considered is the crime committed in the distant or not too distant past, which makes
the Retributivists theory backward-looking. In no way, Kant suggests, should a man be treated
(used) to serve the good of another because this would be treating a man not as an end but to
achieve an end. This debases man, and makes him only some instrument.
16
Cf., Ted Honderich,Punishment, Pluto Press, 2006, accessed from www.jstor.org, on 21/04/2018, p 17. 17
Immanuel Kant, Metaphysics of Morals, Rojer J. Sullivan (Translator), Mary Gregor (ed.), Cambridge University
Press, (1797) 1996, 105 (6: 331)
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1.2.1 Desert-Based Retributivism
The Retributivists theory of Justification holds that those who have committed an offense must
suffer as their victim suffered. A more refined version puts it that, punishment must fit the crime
committed. As a Retributivist, Kant suggests that those who have committed acts that are
morally wrong have “earned” for themselves a form of punishment that is commensurate with
the moral culpability of the act they committed.18
This kind of retributivism is referred to as the
desert-based retributivism, and Michael S. Moore and Stephen Kershner are strong proponents of
this position.19
These desert-based retributivists do not only hold that we have a right to punish,
they also contend that we, in fact, have a duty to do so. They make recourse to the usual human
reaction to war crimes and serious atrocities that are committed against humanity. Primoratz20
,
for instance, argues that if in such cases, virtually everyone has the intuition that punishment is
deserved, and it should be same in crimes that may even be considered less serious. For many,
this does not suffice as a justification but merely as a reminder of the problem itself. That people
believe in some cases intuitively that punishment is deserved, is in fact the reason why we have a
problem on our hands because that still begs the question, what moral justification makes it right
to mete it out on those who are believed to have merited it? Another point is that this will be
acceptable as the basis for justifying punishment if we could take for granted that every intuitive
inclination is morally justifiable. Unfortunately, we do not have such confidence in our intuitions
and there are many such inclinations that are unacceptable.21
A good case may be made for
intuition that is based on the norms of a people like in the case of GLAH AND ANOTHER v
18
Cf. Immanuel Kant, Philosophy of Law, Translated by W. Hastie, Clark, Edinburg, 1887, p 195-198. 19
See Moore Michael S., “The Moral Worth of Retribution” in Murphy, ed., Punishment and rehabilitation, (3rd
Edition), 1987, p 94-130. and Kershner Stephen, “A defence of retributivism” in International Journal of Applied
Philosophy, Vol. 14, No. 1, p 97-111. 20
Primoratz Igor, Justifying Legal Punishment, Atlantic Highlands, New Jersey, 1989 and “Punishment as
language”, Philosophy, Vol. 64., p 187- 205. 21
Cf., Boonin David, Op. Cit., p 87-93
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THE REPUBLIC [1992] 2 GLR 15-18; The first appellant had an affair with his sister-in-law
and mother-in-law and had two children with each of them. He had lived peacefully with the
three women in the same house for over seventeen years. They were warned by the community
to desist from what they term immoral association to which they paid no heed. The appellants
were therefore charged with engaging in offensive conduct conducive to a breach of the peace.
The prosecution‟s case was that if restraint was not exercised the appellant‟s conduct could result
in serious a breach of the peace. He was convicted and appealed. Held, allowing the appeal, that
the offence of conduct conducive to the breach of the peace could only be committed at a public
meeting or in a public place. Since the appellants acts complained of were committed away from
the public‟s eye and on the evidence, they have lived together peacefully for over seventeen
years, the people who find this offensive should be the ones restrained from conducting
themselves in a way to cause a breach of the peace. The objection is however raised that even in
such similar cases, not every such intuition based on the norms of some people would be
acceptable.
Some retributivists even admit that while punishment is an evil, the wicked cannot be allowed to
contravene the law and by so doing, prosper at the expense of those who are law-abiding. This
view seems to claim that punishments are necessary because crime cannot go unpunished. If
people were not held accountable for their actions, there would be no motivation for many to be
virtuous.22
There is a further claim that Moore and Kershnar in their desert-based retributivism
suggest that the world would be a better place if those who did wrong were punished, unlike in
the case where those who do wrong can go scot free. Some contest this position on the premise
that such justification seems to consider consequence, especially of making the world a better
22
Cf. Benn S. I., “An approach to the problems of punishment” in Philosophy, Vol 33, No. 127, Cambridge
University Press, 1958, accessed from www.jstor.org on 12-01-2018, P 327-328.
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place, and that may be veering from a more retributive stance and collapse into a utilitarian
stance. Moore says the emphasis is not on the consequence the punishment produces, but that
punishing those who contravene the law has an intrinsic good to offer to the society, and that it
only further makes the world better.
There are several arguments against the desert-based punishment, the first suggests that there are
people who break a just and reasonable law, and yet do not deserve to be punished. An example
would be the case where a person drives a man with a medical emergency to the hospital in a car
that has not been deemed roadworthy. Is this good deed to be punished because he has deserved
it by driving a car that is not roadworthy although he did it to save a life? That clearly seems to
be unacceptable. Such an act, though unlawful, is inspired by an honourable motive and its
motive should count for something. Some argue that it counts for something and vindicates the
law when sentence is reduced because motive is considered.
The other side to the coin though points to the fact that the roadworthy law is to prevent
endangering many other road users and should be an overriding factor in determining whether
such an offence should be unpunished. In this case the man who saves a life by driving a car that
is not road worthy will be punished or at least given a suspended sentence23
. Our intuition, so
relied on by the desert-based retributive position, certainly would not even support such a
position and as many would consider the act as noble and would praise the bravery and good will
of such a person. If this is so, then the guilty will end up not being punished and that is an
important function of punishment; to clearly distinguish between the guilty and the not guilty,
and to punish the guilty.24
The other side of the coin is that there are those who do not commit
23
Suspended sentence refers to a judicial punishment which is usually not enforced unless a further crime is
committed during a specified period. 24
Cf., Boonin David, Op. Cit., p 93-98
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any infractions against the law and yet, per our intuition, we feel they deserve to suffer as in the
case of a man who continually cheats on his wife. Such a person is legally innocent, but we
would have some feeling or intuition that such a person deserves to suffer no matter how intense
or not the feeling may be. Since such desert is the basis for justifying punishment, the non-
offender could also be punished.
There are those who also make a persuasive argument with the dichotomy between what is
deserved and what is morally acceptable. The point is that when we claim a person deserves
something, and the world would be a better place if he gets what he deserves, it is not necessarily
a guarantee that it is morally permissible to impose such a treatment.
1.2.2 Forfeiture-Based Retributivism
One version of the forfeiture-based retributivism refers in general to a theory about rights and
agrees that punishment violates rights, but this is possible because by committing a crime, a
person has forfeited his rights. Such retributivists argue that one‟s right includes one‟s duty to
respect the rights of others. Therefore, disrespecting the rights of others also means one has
forfeited one‟s own rights, suggesting that the rights he loses are the ones he has violated and
none other than that. It is difficult to understand how this is workable.25
So simply respect the
rights of others and enjoy yours, or violate the right of others and lose yours. The argument
against this position however is that people have some rights because of some essential feature of
their nature (rationality or humanity) and so it is difficult to see how one will lose his rights just
by breaking the law if he has for instance not lost his rationality and humanity.26
25
Cf. Ted Honderich,Op. Cit., p 31-32 26
Cf., Boonin David, Op. Cit., p 104-107
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A further argument made against the forfeiture-based retributivism asks which rights the person
forfeits; whether it is same one he has violated or some other? If it is the same one he has
violated, then this position subscribes to lex talionis, also known as “same-actions retributivists”
suggesting that what a criminal has done is exactly what must be done to him. For instance, a
murderer will have to be executed. Will this mean that the rapist must be raped, and the robber
robbed?27
This is an unacceptable conclusion. If, however, like others have suggested, we should
rather say that the offender has forfeited equivalent rights, which means not the same right, we
still have a problem. Because if the so called right “A” is equivalent to the violated right “B” and
it is unacceptable to deprive a person of right “B‟, it should be unacceptable to deprive the
person of right “A” also if they are truly equivalent. If, however, it is admitted that they are not
equivalent, then it will either result in “over-punishing” or “under-punishing” an offender which
will not be just.28
The possibility of allowing people to personally exact their own pound of flesh
is encouraged by the forfeiture-based retributivism. If people lose their rights just by violating
another person‟s rights, then in the absence of that right the one harmed can retaliate.
There is another argument that what we forfeit is usually what we have no right to hold on to,
and while this may cause some harm, the harm is not intended and thus cannot be called a
punishment. If “X” goes for a loan from Zena Bank and uses his house as collateral for the loan,
if he defaults on the loan, “X” forfeits the house. Even though the forfeiture will cause “X” some
pain, the pain is only foreseen, and not intentional or not the main purpose for taking the house,
as the concept of punishment would require it, so that it is no punishment if punishment is pain
intended.
27
Cf. Ted Honderich, Op. Cit., p 29-30 28
Cf., Boonin David, Op. Cit., p 110-112
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1.2.3 Fairness-Based Retributivism
This principle is based on fairness. It is a position that is strongly put forth by Herbert Morris29
but previously espoused by Kant and Hegel. It posits that it is unfair not to punish the offender
because he enjoys some unfair advantage over the non-offender. Finnis30
, for instance, talks
about how unfair it is to allow the guilty to go unpunished.
Against this theory is the argument that we will then not have to punish one who has done wrong
that is equal to a wrong he suffered himself. If Kofi‟s television is stolen, he has not been treated
fairly and has lost the “level” he used to be, therefore when he also steals the same kind of
television from another person, we should concede that he is back to the level he used to be. If
Kofi is punished for stealing, it would rather create an imbalance. On the other hand, if Kofi is
not punished because the balance is already restored, it lets an offender to go scot free.31
A
counter argument from the fairness based retributivist however is that, what Kofi has done by
stealing a television ( whether his or not from another) is not to have restored himself to his
“original level”; he would have added moral and legal guilt to his original loss, as well as
inflicting unjustifiable loss on a third party.
1.2.4 Debt-Based Retributivism
Debt-based retributivism suggests that when an offender violates the rights of another, the victim
suffers two kinds of losses; the material loss – which can usually be quantified – and the moral
loss – which cannot easily be quantified. However, the offender owes both to the victim and
must be made to pay both back. The problem however is the question of whether moral debts can
be paid or not. There is even a more germane problem when it comes to paying moral debts in
29
Morris Herbert, “Persons and Punishment” in The Monist, Vol. 52, 1968, p 475-501 30
Finnis John, “The restoration of Retribution”, in Analysis, Vol. 32, No. 4, 1972, p 135. 31
Cf., Boonin David, Op.Cit., p 119-143
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the case of murder, to the one who is dead. This is a great dilemma in transitional justice. It
suffices to say however that, in most cases of murder, the next of kin or family left behind are
beneficiaries of what may not necessarily be owed them. This certainly makes considering
punishment as a repayment of debt to the victim a problem.32
1.2.5 Revenge-Based Retributivism
Essential to solving the problem of punishment is the concept of revenge. It suggests that if the
state does not punish the offender, someone else would. Some retributivists have argued that this
is the best way of misunderstanding retributivism while for some this is the most primal way of
understanding retributivism. Revenge here is said to be the yearning to have the wrongdoer
suffer for what he has done. Since it is the offender who has incited the feeling of revenge in the
victim, he owes it to the victim to satisfy the desire for revenge. Because realistically revenge is
so widespread it is suggested that it is better if the state carries it out, otherwise people would
take the law into their own hands and it would have very dire consequences. This position
presumes that the state will be able to carry it out dispassionately and proportionally while
individual victims would not be able to do so. Take for instance the case in which a man killed
more than one person? How would the thirst for justice be assuaged in all the victims‟ families
when he can be killed only once, and so only one victim‟s family can kill him to satisfy their
urge of revenge? The argument against this point of view is usually against the position that one
who excites a certain feeling in a person owes it to them to satisfy it. And the argument is that
this cannot be accepted because it places an undue burden on anyone who by their actions arouse
any sort of desire in another, and in this case a desire for revenge.
32
Cf., Boonin David, Ibid., p 149-152
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1.3 Hybrid Solutions to the Justification of Punishment
John Rawls attempts a combination of the two traditional positions (Utilitarian and Retributivist)
by making an important distinction between the justification of a rule (an institution) and the
justification of an instance of the application of such a rule. From that distinction he suggests that
the two traditional positions of justifying punishments are in no way contradictory; in fact, it
seems from his argument that one follows the other. He indicates that the utilitarian theory is
more fundamental and justifies the rule that, people should generally be punished for flouting a
law because that would auger well for society‟s preservation and social control. This, for him, is
what the law makers will have in mind when considering which actions should be punished. He
suggests then that the retributive theory is good for justifying the application of this principle or
rule and is for judges who apply what the legislators have fundamentally laid down. The judge
therefore will be concerned about why this person must be punished and why in a way, by
explaining that he must be punished because he broke a rule and the severity is determined by
considering the depravity of the act. To illustrate this, Rawls gives the following scenario:
Suppose a child asked his father why people were generally imprisoned, the father could answer
that it was to protect good people from bad people or to stop people from making our society
uninhabitable. However, if the child asked why person “X” was put in prison yesterday for say,
twenty years, the father would say person “X” robbed a bank, put on trial and found guilty for
the act and thus sentenced to such a term of imprisonment as was deserving of his crime
yesterday.33
So while the content of a rule that a judge uses appeals to is Retributive, the
justification of the rule itself is Utilitarian.
33
John Rawls, “Punishment” in Joel Feinberg et a. Philosophy of Law, 4th
Edition, Wadsworth Publishing Company,
California, 1991, p 651-655.
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An objection to this position is the rule worship problem. It seems to suggest that a judge has no
option than to follow the laid down rules. What happens if one realizes that breaking the rule will
in fact lead to greater utility which should generally appeal to any utilitarian? The judge would
have to abandon the rule per utilitarian considerations, otherwise he would be settling on an
alternative that sacrifices arriving at the greatest possible utility.34
Why will other important
factors like motive not form a strong basis for determining the guilt or otherwise of a person like
in the popular case of HYAM V DPP[1975] AC 55 in whichthe appellant was convicted for
murder for deliberately setting fire to a letter box which spread to a dwelling house killing two
girls as a result. The appellant claimed her intention was to frighten the mother of the deceased
girls who was at the time having an affair with her ex-boyfriend into leaving the neighbourhood
and not to cause death or grievous bodily harm. The conviction was upheld by the Court of
Appeal. On appeal to the House of Lord, the issue was whether the knowledge that an act which
causes death will probably cause the death of or grievous bodily harm to some persons? Held,
dismissing the appeal, that the fact that is correctly foreseen as a highly probable consequence of
what is done is the same thing as the fact that the state of affairs is intended. The knowledge of
the accused that it was highly probable that her act would result in death or grievous bodily harm
established the necessary intent to prove murder. The death is as such the probable consequence
of the appellant‟s action therefore forms the necessary intention to commit murder.
There is also a case for disproportionate punishment because the laws will be made based on
what brings the most utility. This would mean that, if for instance establishing execution as the
penalty for over speeding would reduce the carnage statistics on our roads, it would be
acceptable to legislate and carry out such legislation to scare off many more from speeding.
34
Cf., Boonin David, Op. cit., p. 69-70
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Since judges would have lost their discretion in this solution, such severe punishment would be
meted out to an offender for over speeding. Also, since it would not allow for other
circumstances to be considered but adhere strictly to the rules, a person who also speeds to the
hospital only to convey someone in medical crisis must also be executed in strict adherence to a
rule.35
This is certainly unacceptable, and a utilitarian will surely not go for selecting an absolute
rule for decision making over one that is flexible enough to consider each case based on the
utility it produces.
H. L. A. Hart36
also provides another hybrid theory of the justification of punishment which
relies on his distinction between the general justifying aim of punishment and its distribution.
This theory of Hart is inspired by that of Rawls. For Hart, the justifying aim of punishment in his
view is deterrent (with a utilitarian framework) and the justification of its distribution is
retribution. There are some who think that such a distinction may not be as sharp as Hart and
Rawls make it seem. If in fact each offender is punished based on what he or she has deserved
when punishment is distributed, then how it is that easy to not have desert as part of the general
justifying aim of punishment. In fact, it seems that the consequentialist aim cannot go without
referring to retributive undertones, since the aim is consequentialist only because it distributes
punishment only to those who have deserved it to bring about some desired consequentialist
outcome.
The next theory which some have described as the most widely accepted mixed or hybrid theory
for the justification of punishment is referred to as negative retributivism.37
While the standard
view of retributivism is described as that view that holds that only the guilty are to be punished,
35
Cf., Boonin David, Ibid., p. 71-73 36
See Hart H. L. A, Punishment and Responsibility, ( 2nd
Edition), Oxford University Press, New York, 2008. 37
Cf., Brooks Thom, Punishment, Routledge, London, 2012, p 96
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and it should be done in direct proportion to the wrong they have done; desert is associated with
both the distribution and the severity of punishment. What is known as negative retributivism
however does not give desert that much of a dominant role. In negative retributivism, while
distribution is based on desert, severity is associated with consequentialist considerations. So, in
negative retributivism, desert is a necessary condition but not sufficient. Negative retributivism
thus assures that only the guilty will be punished but it also makes room for situations in which
deserving to be punished alone is not enough to punish a person without considering whether the
aim of general deterrence will be achieved. This theory has a justification which establishes the
link between present punishment and past crime and not present punishment and future
consequences. This position will justify pardons or suspended sentences, in that it may be
established that a person deserves to be punished; however, because the punishment may not do
any good to the society or may in fact do harm to the society (result in say, civil war or unrest)
the punishment is suspended.38
Negative retributivism like the other hybrid theories also attempts a sharp and supposedly fine
distinction between the general justifying aim of punishment and its distribution that may be
unsustainable. The question is, how come desert can help in pointing out who should be
punished and then not be able to go on to require that once it is deserved it must be meted out to
the one who has deserved it? Again, this hybrid solution like many others are considered some
form of rule utilitarianism which suggests that we should in our actions be motivated by pursuing
the greatest happiness for the greatest number of people within the framework of a set of rules.
This sort of proposal is usually met with the objection of whether pursing the greatest good is
38
Cf., Brooks Thom, Ibid., p 96-99
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what is the overriding criterion, or the rules are, especially in cases where the rules may not go
for the option that promotes the greatest happiness for the greatest number.
One can also make mention of the expressivists position which posits that punishment should be
an expression of the community‟s disapproval and public condemnation of a certain action.
Punishment is thus a symbolic disapproval of crimes and not of persons who are accused of such
a crime. It may be unidimensional, which refers to the community expressing its displeasure to
the criminal alone. It may also be two-way when the community expresses its disapproval of the
actions of the criminal and the criminal responds by showing remorse. The second one is what
some refer to as the communicative theory of punishment. This is basically a sort of revision of
the expressive function of punishment.39
In this case punishment is mainly imprisonment or
some harsh treatment and is usually expected that the time in prison will offer the offender an
opportunity to reflect and accept their fault and reform. That is, all of this is to express the
community‟s disapproval of the crime that has been committed. Thus, punishment becomes more
like a metaphorical expression of the society‟s disapproval. Expressivism is different from
retribution in the sense that retributivism does not necessarily look forward to the reformation of
the offender, but expressivism, especially the communicative theory requires that the offender
reforms. For the expressivist‟s punishment achieves multiple goals like retributivists‟ desert,
rehabilitation of the offender and crime reduction. Punishment as an expression can be said to be
metaphorical in form, an expression of public anger, fear or disgust.40
There is a view that doubts that the whole community can express a single voice or whether the
message expressed means same to all, since the expressivists suggests that the whole community
speaks with one voice of disapproval when punishment is meted out. Offenders themselves may
39
Duff Antony, Punishment, communication and Community, Oxford University Press, New York, 2003, p 80. 40
Brooks, Op. Cit., p 101-107
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not receive the punishment as the society may expect him to (i.e. a message to express
disapproval). Also, some suggest that such attention given to punishment, by the expressivist
may be giving punishment unnecessary attention and prominence since what is rather desirable is
that people did not commit a crime so that they are not punished. Again, if punishment relies on
public disapproval, the court of public opinion may not always be a reliable one, so why make it
the basis for justifying punishment. The argument is made that if it is to express public
disapproval there may be better ways of expressing that; prison will certainly not be the only one
and in any case, prison has not always reformed the offender. The other issues are about what
happens when the offender does not reform; is there something more to be done to him? What
about when the offender reforms immediately after the act because he is deeply affected by the
result of his actions, would we still punish him?
1.4. Other Non-Traditional Solutions
1.4.1 The Consent Solution
The consent solution is another which does not belong to the two main divisions assessed earlier:
consequentialist (utilitarian) and retributivists theories. C. S. Nino is one of the major proponents
of punishment as consent. It is supposed that it can be compared to a person who stops a taxi
voluntarily and rides in it to his destination. He gives a tacit consent that he is ready to pay the
fare even if there is no negotiation between him and the taxi driver at the onset of the trip. It is
supposed that because the action is voluntary, and it is done with a consequence in mind, there is
consenting to bear the consequences that accompany the action. Nino says, “A necessary legal
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consequence to committing an offense is the loss of immunity from the punishment that the
person previously enjoyed.”41
An objection to this position questions if the immunity the offender waives is legal or moral. If it
is a legal right, then that is acceptable, but it does not solve the problem of punishment because
the problem is about how punishing a person is morally acceptable and not a legal challenge. If
the defender of the consent theory however say that it is immunity from some moral right that is
waived, then this still presents a problem. The issue on hand is exactly why breaking a just law
morally warrants punishment, or makes a person lose their moral immunity.42
The other objection is about the ignorant offender. This refers to an offender who is not aware
that his action could result in the consequences that the state prescribes as punishment. His
ignorance would count for something in his defence, as he did not give consent to warrant the
consequences. A defender of the consent-based justification would will give a counter argument
by referring to culpable ignorance in this case, but it would, however, not hold because too many
people are ignorant of the law and its associated penalties for breaking them, and this could be
due to the fact that we have too many laws for a lay man on the street to be familiar with all of
them. Again, what happens if the action was not intentional? Does the offender suffer the
consequences like one who did so on purpose? And if consent must always be intentional, would
that not mean anyone could easily hide behind his actions not being intentional and thus consent
not given?
41
Nino C. S., “A consensual theory of punishment” in Simmons et. al., eds., Punishment, 1983, p 102. 42
Cf., Boonin David, Op.Cit., p 157- 160
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1.4.2 The Reprobative Solution
Another solution proposed by R. A. Duff is referred to as the reprobative solution. This solution
proposes that the state has a right to punish an offender because it is the duty of the state to
express disapproval at the unlawful actions of the offender, especially to the offender. Thus, the
right to punish is derived from the right of the state to express disapproval. Punishment is
therefore treated as a censure. This will then mean that the permissibility of punishment is
founded on the permissibility of censure. An objection to this solution is that there are many non-
punitive ways of showing disapproval or forms of censure and so it will not be necessary to
intentionally inflict pain if censure is all we seek to achieve when we punish.43
1.4.3 Punishment as Education
A further solution to the problem of punishment proposes punishment as education. Punishment
in this case becomes a compulsory moral education. By punishment, the state wishes to covey to
the offender that his actions harmed another person, and that, it is not good to harm others. An
argument against this position is one that refers to those who are already repentant or easily
reformed just by observing the consequences of their actions as in the example of a woman who
loses her child because she did not follow traffic regulations about strapping on the child‟s seat
belt. While you may have one or another parent who would be unmoved by such a situation most
parents would have learnt their lessons by the loss of their child. Punishment in this case would
be superfluous and unwarranted if punishment is only meant to educate a person about how
wrong their actions are. Again, such a solution is useless considering that there should be many
more non-punitive ways of bringing a person to the recognition that their actions are wrong.44
43
Cf., Boonin David, Ibid., p 171-180 44
Cf., Boonin David, Ibid., p 180-191
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It seems that the various attempts that have been proposed as solution to the problem of
punishment have some defect that makes the problem unresolved. We cannot but keep at it, to
find one that adds up or is an entirely different approach that makes a more satisfactory
justification for the concept and practice of punishment. Between the Retributivist and the
Utilitarian, it is all a difference of procedure in how to defend the use of punishment in society,
especially when a crime has been committed. A consideration of the hybrid theories also leaves
us unsatisfied. I wish to propose in this thesis, a different area that has not been widely and
deeply explored. This is a contractarian approach that has the ideas of Jean Jacques Rousseau as
its underlying inspiration. Jean Jacques Rousseau to justify punishment provides a good addition
to justifying the use of punishments against offenders in society.
I propose a contractarian theory because it offers a sort of voluntary punishment scheme in
which case, we can avert the problem of using someone to deter another since he has agreed to
impose such punishment on himself. Finkelstein for instance notes that even though we have a
rich variety of contractarian ideas, Thomas Hobbes has only a brief discussion on the subject of
punishment and in recent years many have admired the thoughts of Rawls but criticized that
most of these theories have been mostly deontological in nature than contractarian.45
A
contractarian justification for punishment will make it easier to justify what would be a voluntary
agreement to an involuntary one, because the basis of a contractarian theory for justifying
punishment will posit a consensual agreement as foundation for the institution of punishment.
Deterrence seems unattractive because it does not respect the humanity of person by using him to
achieve social control; it thus travels across persons. This for most theorists is unacceptable, as it
is not fair, and thus cannot be the foundation for justifying an institution like punishment which
45
Finkelstein Oakes Claire, “Punishment as contract” in Penn Law: legal Scholarship Repository, 2011, p 330-336.
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should have fairness as its basis. It seems that the utilitarian theory has no benefit in it for the
individual offender. A contractarian theory will focus on the individual offender and what the
punishment does to him or makes of him as a priority, meaning that it will not travel across
persons and it will look at how the offender also benefits from it. Again, from the retributive
point of view desert is critical and when one has deserved it, another apart from the offender is to
inflict some punishment on the offender. The question is what right does anyone have to inflict
some harmful treatment on another? What the contractarian theory offers is the novelty in which
the offender technically inflicts the punishment on himself because he agreed to be punished if
he broke the law.
The contractarian theory proposed in this thesis from Jean Jacques Rousseau will flow from the
very nature of man as free and from the way men come together to form society. It will establish
how punishment upholds the freedom of a person rather than taking it away. While the
retributivists are described as backward looking because they go back to the offense committed
to justify punishment, and the Utilitarians are referred to as forward looking because they look
forward to the consequences or the utility of punishment, I propose that a Rousseauean
Justification is inward looking because it focuses on the nature of man and his freedom as the
basis for a stronger justification to the concept of punishment.
Essential to human nature is the freedom of man. Once this freedom is taken away, he is treated
like a brute or anything except human. Therefore, if punishment takes away a person‟s freedom,
then one can say it is unacceptable because it takes away what makes him human and reduces
him to something else. This thesis seeks to establish that rather than taking away freedom,
Rousseau provides a legitimate basis to argue that punishment promotes freedom and thus
promotes “humanness” and thus is justified.
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In this chapter, I have attempted to show that none of the neither traditional nor hybrid solutions,
have succeeded in providing a satisfactory justification for the institution of punishment. In the
chapters that follow I shall attempt to give an additional theory to justify punishment based on
the ideas of J. J. Rousseau on the freedom of man and how punishment does not curtail such
freedom but rather promotes it.
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CHAPTER 2
FREEDOM AS BASIS FOR THE JUSTIFICATION OF PUNISHMENT
The previous chapter concentrated on most of the justifications proffered for the institution of
punishment in criminal law. It looked at the two traditional justifications which are the utilitarian
(consequentialist) and the retributivist justifications for punishment and the various criticisms
raised against them. It also considered other hybrid solutions to the problem of justifying
punishment such as that which has been proposed by Rawls and the criticisms that are levelled
against those hybrid solutions. The current chapter begins with a thesis for a justification for
punishment which is inspired by the thoughts of Jean Jacques Rousseau. It is, therefore,
contractarian in nature. There are many who suggest that punishment is not justified because it
inhibits human freedom. This thesis seeks to propose that punishment is justified, because rather
than undermining freedom which is an essential human feature, it rather promotes it. This
chapter considers the concept of freedom especially with Rousseauean undertones.
2.1 Freedom: Essential to Human Nature
The nature of the concept of freedom is an important subject, which has evoked varied
interpretations. Moralists have praised freedom over the years and almost all of them have highly
emphasized its indispensability when the nature of a human being is the subject under
discussion. Existentialists such as, Jean Paul Sartre, for instance, would say that “man is
condemned to be free”46
; Hegel writes that “the human being is free, and this is certainly his
substantial nature”47
; and Jean Jacques Rousseau says that, “to renounce freedom is to renounce
46
Sartre Jean-Paul, “ Man is condemned to be free” from the lecture, Existentialism is a Humanism (1946),
translated by Philip Mairet (1948), p 5, accessed from http://wmpeople.wm.edu/asset/index/cvance/sartre, on
23/02/19. 47
Hegel G. W, Werke, Suhrkamp, 1986, 20:307
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one‟s humanity, one‟s rights as a man and equally one‟s duties”48
. All three philosophers quoted
above suggest that it is proper to the nature of the human being that they should be free and once
their freedom is taken from them, they are comparable to a robot or to an animal and are no
longer human. Hegel also says that “this freedom is not something that is surrendered in the
state; rather, it is first constituted therein.” Rousseau seems to agree with Hegel when he
suggests that freedom that defines who we are as humans is realized in and through the state. The
state provides an enabling environment for human beings to enjoy their freedom, but also the
state could be considered an embodiment of the freedom of all the individuals who make it,
especially when the state is „rational‟ in which such individuals are involved in legislation and
administration. Two vital facts are thus discernible from Rousseau: first, that freedom is proper
to man‟s nature and second, that freedom in its truest sense is realized through the state.
2.1.1 What is Freedom?
Isaiah Berlin for instance defines freedom in two ways. He refers to the situation in which man
can carry out his or her activities without obstruction or interference from another party; this he
terms as “negative freedom”. He explains that the “interference” he talks about in negative
freedom, has to do with coercion from another person, directly or indirectly, and cannot be
reduced to every inability or incapacity to do what one wishes to do or to reach a goal (since
some illness or poverty which is not another person‟s doing may also cause inability to attain a
goal). Some political theorists, however, have cautioned that such non-interference cannot be
absolute since that can result in chaos and no freedom in the end. They advocate a kind of
freedom that considers other values such as justice, equality and fairness and thus allows some
curtailing of freedom in the formation of associations that would help create a society in which
48
Rousseau J. J., Social contract (SC), translated by Maurice Cranston, Penguin Books, London, 1968, 1:4:6.
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people are free. In fact, it is argued that no action of man is so private that it has no effect on
other persons, and so man‟s individuality is always asserted in the context of community.49
The argument to sacrifice some freedom for other values that promote community living such as
justice and equality has attracted various criticisms. It is suggested that it is counter intuitive to
suggest that one sacrifices something to increase the quantity of it, since sacrificing a thing
means losing it. Following the principle of being, which says “a thing is what it is”, it is argued
that freedom is freedom, justice is justice, equality is equality. An increase in justice is thus not
the same as an increase in freedom, though one may argue that an increase in one thing can bring
about an increase in another. Even if the latter argument holds, it does not suggest that an
increase in justice is an increase in freedom; justice and freedom are essentially two different
concepts, although related. John Stuart Mill for instance would advocate for some substantial
degree of non-interference and insist that non-interference is vital to not degrading or denying
our nature as human.50
Positive freedom is described as that which gives the ability to a person to be his own master; so
that he governs himself and oversees whatever he does, and not dependent on any external force.
It is that in which a person is controlled by his reason and is purposefully conscious and is not
acted upon by forces from outside him (in this sense, apart from reason). This involves not being
a slave to even my own “uncontrolled passions”.51
Rousseau agrees to this position when he says
that, “…to be governed by appetite alone is slavery”52
. There is the self that is in control,
associated with reason, and so also referred to as the “higher nature”, which aims at attaining the
49
Cf., Berlin Isaiah, “Two Concepts of liberty” in Four Essays on Liberty, Oxford University press, 1969, p 3-6,
accessed from cactus.dixie.edu, on 11/01/19. 50
Cf., Mill J. S., On Liberty, Enhanced Media, Los Angelis, 2016, p 17-41 51
Cf., Berlin Isaiah, Op. Cit., p 8 52
Rousseau J. J., SC 1:8:3
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self at its best, the autonomous self. This self is usually contrasted to what is usually referred to
as the lower self which is often under the control of irrational impulses and uncontrolled desires
needing some discipline, and so referred to as the “lower nature”, in needing discipline if it is to
rise to its real nature.53
While negative freedom wants to curb any form of interference from any
form of authority, positive freedom is more concerned with placing authority in their own hands.
The negative conception of liberty is generally what can be referred to as “freedom from”
something, while the positive conception of freedom is about “freedom to” do or be something.
2.1.2 Freedom and the Notion of the Individual
The issue of the individual deserves some form of attention on this matter. It is important to note
that a person cannot claim that he lives among other people and yet their actions do not affect
others. In this way many have criticized Mill who is regarded as one of the most liberal
philosophers when it comes to the concept of freedom and the individual. The individual cannot
be separated from the community or family he belongs to. In fact, a person‟s thoughts and
actions are influenced by their society. So, the individual always makes an impact on and is also
impacted by the society in many ways on various levels. The need for solidarity is ingrained in
the human nature and it is from this solidarity that such human needs as respect, acceptance and
recognition among others are satisfied. It seems then that freedom may not refer to mean
freedom in such a way that you are removed from everyone, or not impacted on by anyone or not
impacting anyone. Men who have fought for freedom have therefore not fought for individuals to
have no restrictions at all upon themselves, because they appreciate the challenges and the chaos
53
Cf.,Ibid, p 8-9
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that such a reality would bring. They have rather fought for the right to govern themselves or be
involved in the legislation and governing of their collective lives.54
In the face of the foregoing will compulsion ever be justified? Mill for instance would insist that
compulsion may be justified since otherwise freedom would totally be lost as everyone would
pursue what they desire at the expense of the other. In fact, laws are to play the role of mediating,
and possibly averting such collision of interests and goals that can eventually bring one against
the other and create chaos all around. For Mill, when such freedom is guaranteed there is
allowance for people to be innovating and a constant openness to the revelation of more truth.55
While coercion may not be encouraged, is it possible that absolute non-interference would bring
us the freedom we desire?
The real self is considered as and usually refers to the social whole; a tribe or community or state
and so greater than and not limited to the individual. This understanding serves as an argument to
encourage some form of coercion, insisting that this true self can impose its will on the
individual and requires its members to keep them to promote the freedom in the real self and the
individual as well. The argument usually goes further to posit that such imposition is justified
because it is the will that the individual himself would choose at any time if their true nature,
involving the use of reason, was at work. This means that, what they are coerced to accept is not
another person‟s will but their own will, to which their empirical self might be oblivious. This
conception and theory of positive freedom has led, as is obvious by now, to the conception of a
divided self; into the transcendent, rational, controlling self (the higher nature) and the empirical
self which is a bundle of desires and passions that must be controlled (the lower nature).
54
Cf.,Ibid, p 20-24 55
Mill J. S.,Op. Cit., On Liberty, p 19-20
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The human being possesses reason and will. With reason he discerns a course of action to take
and with his will he pursues it. Once such a process is not allowed to be carried out or is
inhibited by another, the human being is considered not to be free. Autonomy usually refers to
what a person does when they shut out every influence apart from their own reason and recoil
into themselves listening to no one except themselves. When a person is coerced to pursue an
end other than his own reason dictates, he is degraded and is not treated as a human being. In this
case freedom can be said to be obedience, but it is obedience only to a law that I have prescribed
for myself, and since no one can enslave themselves, I am still free while I obey such laws. Thus,
he fully fulfils his purpose as discerned by his rational nature and so not dependent on anything
or anyone; passions or persons (heteronomy), but on themselves (autonomy).56
2.1.3 Freedom and the General Will
Rousseau gives a conception of freedom which is related to his idea of the “general will”. The
“general will” is both a pre-condition for freedom and an embodiment of freedom. Rousseau, for
instance, says that “the constant will of all the members of the state is the general will; it is
through it that they are citizens and free.”57
There is a difficulty here though, and that is, how to
reconcile the social control which the state will seek to enforce and the freedom of individuals
which will require that they are subject to their own will and not that of others. The solution lies
in showing that, the will (general will) by which social control is achieved is no other will but the
individual‟s own will. If the general will is the individual‟s own will, then obeying it would
mean obeying themselves and obedience to none other than themselves is freedom and so they
are free. In effect, social control is an expression of the general will which is same as the
individual‟s true will.
56
Berlin Isaiah, Op. Cit., p 10-12 57
Rousseau, SC 4.2.8.
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The general will be the will of individual citizens when we consider the “social autonomy”58
model of freedom. This model requires that individuals in the community come to a collective
understanding of what is their common good and affirm it. It also requires that they do not only
recognize and affirm it, but also will it. So, they must discern, affirm and will the common good
for it to be said to be their very own will, and thus free in willing it or submitting to it. The
problem however is that the society may have a general will, but it does not preclude individuals
from having their own will. It is not out of place to suggest that, such will can come into conflict
with the general will, and so in the individual it is important that the general will is also the
dominant will and this can be achieved if the individual has a well-ordered will, in which case
his will is directed by the higher nature which is reason. In this case it is possible for a person not
to be able to discern the general will and yet the general will does not cease to be his or her will,
and being subject to it is still freedom, since it is subjection to none other than their own selves.59
2.1.4 Rousseau’s Freedom and the Concept of Dependence
The whole issue about dependence is critical to understanding Rousseau‟s conception of
freedom. One would suppose that freedom is equal to independence, but with Rousseau that kind
of simplistic equation cannot be upheld, though it seems in some instances that he considered it
so. However, holding this position would create a huge problem because the same Rousseau
considers dependence as essential and inalienable to human existence. He also admits that such
dependence may prove negative in the realization of freedom and yet it does not mean that it
precludes freedom; it can certainly coexist with freedom without a problem. This certainly means
58
Term is from Joshua Cohen, “Reflections on Rousseau: Autonomy and Democracy,” Philosophy and Public
Affairs, 15 (1986); 276-288. 59
Neuhouser Frederick, “Freedom, Dependence and the General Will” in The Philosophical Review, Vol. 102, No. 3.
(July 1993), p 366-372
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that freedom and independence are not the same and the distinction between the two concepts
must be clearly delineated.
Rousseau‟s idea of independence is closely related to his idea of self-sufficiency and thus related
to the concept of need and how such need is satisfied. When one is independent, one can satisfy
his own needs and can thus be considered as self-sufficient, while one who is unable to satisfy
his or her needs is said to be dependent and not self-sufficient. Dependence has to do with
relying on some resource from outside of a person to satisfy the need of a person. While
Rousseau admits that there are two kinds of dependence; on human beings and on things, it is the
dependence on human beings that especially attracts his primary attention. For Rousseau, the
independent person is the one who “does not need the arm of another to lengthen his own.”60
Very significant to the concept of dependence are two important qualities of needs. First, is the
force with which needs can dictate human action and psychological wellbeing and the second has
to do with the constancy of needs in the sense that they are not fleeting, they cannot easily be
ignored; or just pushed aside as the human being will keep feeling the urge to satisfy them.
Meanwhile, satisfying a need does not mean it is extinguished; they will keep coming back and
require that they keep being satisfied.61
Rousseau identifies two kinds of needs that correspond to two kinds of dependence. The first
kind of need has to do with need for the commodities of life, including food, clothing and shelter
which gives rise to the dependence on things which is economic in nature. The second need is
the need to be acknowledged or loved, as he puts it “to have a position, to be a part, to count for
something.”62
It is a form of self-love which Rousseau calls “Amour-propre” which gives rise to
60
Rousseau J. J., Emile, Translated by Eleanor Worthington, D.C. Heath and Company, Boston, 1889, p 44. 61
Neuhouser Frederick, Op. Cit., p 374-376 62
Rousseau J. J., Emile, Op. Cit.,160
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a dependence on other persons which is psychological in nature. For Rousseau, both kinds of
needs pose a huge threat to individual freedom. However, he places primacy on amour-proper
for two reasons. Firstly, the satisfaction of that need cannot be without the involvement of others
unlike the satisfaction of the need for commodities. Secondly, even the need for amour-proper
also has some link to economic dependence; especially when the need for some commodities is
to help satisfy the need to be loved and accepted by others. Thus, our biological needs must do
ultimately with our psychological needs.
Unlike dependence, freedom is not defined with recourse to needs. Freedom is the agreement
between the will and action of individuals. Individuals, he says, are free when they “do what
accords with their will”63
or a free person is “one who does his own will”.64
However, he points
out that while this is so, freedom consists more of not being limited or frustrated in pursuing
one‟s will than of just doing what one wills. One may fail to do what one wants because one does
not possess the strength to do so or is even inhibited by laws of nature, not necessarily by other
persons, and so one‟s will here is frustrated, but one‟s freedom is not impaired. For Rousseau,
freedom must necessarily have a moral character and so is properly the “relation between one
will and another: To be unfree is to obey a foreign will, and freedom is always being free of the
will of another.”65
Thus, instead of saying freedom is doing what one wills, we can say that for Rousseau, freedom
is obedience to no other will than one‟s own will. This is where dependence is sure to become an
obstacle to freedom since dependence, firstly, allows for the subjection of the will of one to
another. He says,
63
Rousseau J. J., The Reveries of the Solitary Walker (RSW), Translated by Charles E. Butterwoth, Harper and Row,
1979, 84 64
Rousseau J. J., Emile 84 65
Neuhouser Frederick, Op. Cit., p 381
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since the bonds of servitude are formed only from the mutual dependence of men and the
reciprocal needs that unite them, it is impossible to enslave a man without first putting
him in a position of being unable to do without another66
In this case Rousseau suggests that dependence is the one condition that ensures enslavement and
thus lack of freedom. Secondly, Rousseau suggests that dependence does not only allow for
subjection of one will to another but also guarantees that such individual wills would not be free
because of the force that unsatisfied needs possess. In so far as independence guarantees freedom
from the subjection to another person‟s will, independence is good. So, independence is not good
nor is dependence bad, but they are good and bad respectively because of how they promote or
are detrimental to the realization of the freedom of the individual. Thus, eliminating dependence
would mean eliminating what makes subjection possible and guarantees it, and in the end
eliminating any form of subjection. In the state of nature, human beings are self-sufficient; self-
sufficiency will mean no dependency, and thus no subjection which means freedom. In the state
of nature, persons obey themselves alone because they are self-sufficient. Such perfect self-
sufficiency which brings about a sort of perfect freedom, if it were even possible, would be at a
great cost. This kind of freedom can be made possible only when there are no attachments to
other people which is practically impossible if such people were to be fully human as they will
have to be without conjugal love, language, virtue, protection and others that are essential to
human existence. Perfect freedom without any form of attachment seems impossible and so
Rousseau must provide a solution that maintains attachments or the inalienable dependence on
human beings and yet does not in any way undermine freedom. He does so by reconstructing
dependence, making dependence and freedom compatible and that can be found in his concept of
the general will.
66
Rousseau J. J., “Discourse on Inequality” (DI), in First and Second Discourses, Translated by Roger D Masters
and Judith R. Masters, St. Martin‟s Press, New York, 1964, 140.
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Rousseau in the idea of the general will, transforms dependence from dependence on persons to
dependence on the society in general. According to him, “each citizen shall be at the same time
perfectly independent of all his fellow citizens and excessively dependent on the republic.”67
The
big question is about what difference this depersonalising of dependence will make; at best is
this not just a different kind of dependence which brings us to the same problem of subjection?
When Rousseau talks about dependence on the city or the republic, he is talking about
dependence on a well-founded republic that is effectively governed by laws inspired by the
general will. Such laws based on the general will maintain the social order in which dependence
on the society does not impede freedom. In Rousseau‟s view, three characteristics of the law
make this possible. All three do not allow for dependence by establishing equality in several
ways among citizens, because such equality makes freedom possible and not because equality is
valuable. Rousseau himself says that “Law establishes as a right, the natural equality of men”68
2.2 How the Law Establishes Freedom
The first characteristic of the law which establishes freedom by reconstructing dependence has to
do with how it ensures material equality. In this sense it does not eliminate economic dependence
(since there will always be material division of labour) but, rather creates a level playing field for
negotiation so that one does not have to submit to another and be exploited by them before they
satisfy their needs. In this case the laws eliminate the economic classes that may bring about
dependence and then subjection and finally rob the dependant of his freedom. While economic
division of labour is compatible with freedom, economic classes are not. The laws derived from
the general will eliminates such classes and thus fosters freedom.
67
Rousseau J. J., SC 2.12.3 68
Rousseau J.J. Political Economy, 214
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The second characteristic of the law which Rousseau relies on is its universality. This refers to
the formal equality of individuals before the law. It suggests that the law is no respecter of
persons, or does not discriminate among persons and so everyone stands equal before the law.
The rule of law helps to protect individuals from the fickle wills of others on whom they depend.
Such wills cannot be predicted, and they are highly arbitrary and pose serious threats to the
freedom of those who depend on such an individual since dependence is inalienable. A collection
of such capricious wills will end in collisions that will create chaos. Laws of the state put such
wills in check and avert chaos, while keeping intact the interdependence of individuals. The
universal nature of the law of the rational state can achieve this because it comes from all and is
applied to all; so that even those who interpret the laws are themselves under the law. The part of
these two faces of universality which is popular, has to do with how it applies to all. It makes no
distinctions nor favours any person; the law effectively encourages an equality which fosters
freedom. However, the other bit is important, which suggests that it is imposed by all. This does
not necessarily refer to participation of all individuals in the framing of the laws but more to a
rational consent for all the laws, in which case they own them. As imposed by all, and as
imposed on all, a certain equality is created that fosters freedom.69
The third characteristic of that law which transforms dependence on individuals to dependence
on the state is how it makes the community the source of amour proper which individuals seek.
Law ensures that individuals are respected equally as citizens. This flows also from the
universality of law, but most importantly, it is what the law ensures when a person does not have
to rely on another for some respect, but on the law, which makes it incumbent on another to
respect them simply because they are citizens. In this way the individual is free.
69
Cf.,Neuhouser Frederick, Op. Cit., p 388-390.
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Rousseau thus reconstructs dependence and makes it dependence on the state rather than
dependence on the individual; such that dependence will not necessarily result in subjection. In
the general will, however, the individual finds not someone‟s will but his own and that of all
others. The general will is the individual‟s true will, even if he fails to recognise it as such.
Freedom from subjection to other people‟s wills and obedience to a law made by the self are two
ways by which the general will guarantees the freedom of individuals, since in both, one only
obeys his own will.
2.3 Freedom and Reason
Berlin suggests that true freedom is a result of the use of reason. When a student comes to
appreciate and understand mathematical truths, theorems and laws using reason and accepts
them, he is not coerced to do so; he accepts those truths or laws in freedom and subjects himself
to them in freedom. These laws are no more external to him. In fact, to want things to be other
than what they really must be is to be irrational or ignorant and all such is heteronomy, as
opposed to being in control; when reason is in charge, which is autonomy. While some may
argue that social life may not easily be understood using physics and mathematical analogies,
such criticism seems to ignore the fact that such principles as are in mathematics and physics
have been very instrumental in making human living easy with the inventions that we have been
blessed with. If they are already immersed in human life in such many vivid ways, why can we
not apply such analogies? Thus, freedom can be obedience, such freedom implies that I imposed
the rules on myself or having understood it, accepted it freely over myself.
The argument then is that, once I use my reason, what is right for me will be the same as what is
right for another who uses his reason. Different rational beings will thus discern the same thing
as right once they employ reason. So, rational States simply are ruled by such laws as every man
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using reason would have arrived at if they could come up with such laws individually. In the
same way all truth could be discerned by different rational men and accepted by all rational men.
Since two truths cannot logically be incompatible, when two solutions collide, one of them could
be wrong or both could suffer that fate. However, both cannot be right. Since many different
ends may collide and thus bring about lots of chaos, the best solution will be to rely on reason.
Rationality makes it possible to know what things are and what things must be done. Once we
employ reason always, we will not need any form of coercion and yet we will discern and do
what is right and avoid all collision. Reason alone is the faculty that perfectly understands our
true nature and discerns perfectly our true ends. When the will obeys this rational nature of ours,
it obeys in freedom because it obeys itself. So that while everyone employs their reason, we
would rationally come to a common solution, or in the case of society and its sustenance, laws.
Besides, since such laws may be from us, or if not from us, would always be accepted by us
because they are rational, they are not an imposition; and we are truly free in obeying them. The
underlying principle of this position is that our rational ends will necessarily coincide, and if they
do not, then certainly, it is because some are irrational. Freedom is then, for Rousseau, simply
put, liberty to do what is rational and not otherwise, and in so doing a person obeys his true
nature and thus the general will.
Thus far it is suggested that, first, all human beings have one rationally directed purpose which
Rousseau identifies as the general will which is always good and same for all. Secondly, all such
purpose, because it is discerned by a common faculty of man (reason), is common and so can fit
into a harmonious whole. While some human beings immediately have a complete grasp of this,
others do not. Thirdly, any conflict in the purposes discerned by different individuals is because
there is a collision between the rational self of some person(s) and the irrational or insufficiently
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rational self of others. Fourthly, when all men are rational, they will discern and obey the same
rational laws, which will not differ in each person, and as they obey such laws, they obey none
but themselves because they obey their rational, highest nature and so are wholly free. The
question however is, how then do we handle such wills which will go against the general will?
Can they be coerced, to fall in line? And will that be justified? This among others is what the
next chapter of the thesis will concern itself with.
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CHAPTER 3
PUNISHMENT AS “BEING FORCED TO BE FREE”
Being free from the constraints of another person‟s will and obeying laws that one has made for
oneself are two conditions that ensure that one obeys one‟s own will and that of no other, in
which case one is free. The general will70
provides an environment for such objective freedom
that does not allow that anyone is subject to the arbitrary will of another. Like the previous
chapter revealed, this objectivity and equality is ensured in the provision of laws that are based
on the general will,a person‟s true will, his constant will which is never wrong. This is ensured in
three ways: the law establishes a significant level of material equality; the law being a product of
all and applying to all ensures that there is equality of citizens before the law: and the law
ensures that the dignity of a person is not dependent on another human being but objectively on
society and most especially on the law. The point is that dependence would usually bring about
subjugation and, thus, take away freedom. With the presence of law, dependence is not a
problem because law makes it possible for humans to be dependent on each other and yet not be
subjugated to each other and are thus free.
It follows from all this that the general will is always in the right and always works for the public
good; but it doesn‟t follow that the people‟s deliberations are always equally correct. “Our will is
always for our own good, but we do not always see what that is; the populace is never corrupted,
70
The general will according to Rousseau is that will which seeks the common good and is supported by all citizens
of good will. It is not necessarily the majority decision but that which seeks the good of the community as a whole.it
is also referred to as the real will(real self/true self) of the individual because Rousseau believes that any individual
of the community who means well for the community will choose that will. This same will is also referred to as the
rational will(rational nature/rational self) because the people of good will in a community discern the general will
(the real will) by the use of reason. Thus, the general will is the same as the real will or real self and the rational will
or rational self.
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but it is often deceived, and then-but only then-it seems to will something bad.”71
The general
will establishes the freedom of the individual and that of all individuals and that is the true will
of every person though they may not perceive it. If the general will always establish freedom,
then one who wills against the general will, wills not to be free. When a person wills not to be
free, it is not freedom. Most likely it is subordinate or subject to another will or to the lower self,
which is controlled by passions.
The important problem to resolve is how a subject can obey a sovereign and yet by so doing not
be subject to another but to him or herself. Rousseau answers that by explaining how a
distinction cannot be made between the subject and the sovereign is when he says,
“But when the whole people decree for the whole people, it is not looking outside itself, but
considering only itself; and if a relation is then formed, it is not between two separate objects, but
only between two aspects of a single entire object, with no need to split it into two parts. In that
case the matter about which the decree is made is, like the decreeing will, general. This act is what
I call a law.”72
The same person has decreed and is subject to his decree, in which case he is subject to only
himself, which is essentially the meaning of being free for Rousseau.
3.1 The Possibility of not Willing the General Will
The question that is asked is about how „the will‟ always wills right, and how the general will is
the will of the true will of the individual and yet the person is able to will that which is referred
to as wrong or a crime. More so, the general will does not suggest that people forfeit their
individual wills. Is it possible for the individual will to be different from the general will? And
what do we make of that situation when it occurs? In response to these important questions,
Rousseau says,
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For every individual as a man may have a private will contrary to, or different from, the general
will that he has as a citizen. His private interest may speak with a different voice from that of the
public interest; his absolute and naturally independent existence may make him regard what he
owes to the common cause as a gratuitous contribution, the loss of which would be less painful for
others than the payment is onerous for him; and fancying that the artificial person which constitutes
the state is a mere fictitious entity (since it is not a man), he might seek to enjoy the rights of a
citizen without doing the duties of a subject. The growth of this kind of injustice would bring about
the ruin of the body politic.73
A person has always the general will, and an individual will, and the two can be different and in
fact they can be in conflict. In those cases, the person who makes his individual will override that
of the community‟s, which is the general will, chooses what is wrong and not in accordance with
his true will because that is the general will, and the general will which is rational is always right.
Such a resort to the individual will against the general will, will cause injury or even destruction
to the community.
Hegel, for instance in similar fashion suggests that when a criminal commits a crime, the person
contradicts their true self. The person allows theirwill to go against their implicit, true or real will
(the general will). His or her real will always seeks to obey the laws of the rational state and so
when his or her actual (particular will) will then goes against his real will(general will), his will
is split in two. This split will situation is like the one who knows that smoking is not good for
him and in fact wishes he would not smoke again and yet finds himself continuing the habit. His
real will does not want to smoke, but his actual will (subjected to passions) smokes; he has a split
will. The thief who steals a television because his will desires it for instance, could be said to be
suggesting that property rights be disrespected; yet the thief wills that his or her property rights
be respected, in which case he or she does not really will that property rights should not be
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respected (real will); again, there is a split will. The real will is the universal will, which
Rousseau refers to as the general will.74
The split will resultwhen the individual is not able to apprehend his true will well to pursue it, or
when the individual is subjected to his own passions and is so directed by it to do what is
contrary to the true will. This situation results in a person willing against their own true will; and
this is not freedom. To restore the person to freedom, the individual must be “forced” through
some form of punishment to be brought in line. One may refer to it as forced only because it is
against the irrational will. In fact, then, it is not a force because it is only his true will, which in
accordance with the general will, acts against his irrational will. Once it is the person against his
or her own self, it is not wrong and cannot be enslavement or subjugation, and thus he is free.
“When, therefore, the opinion contrary to my will prevails, this proves only that I have made a
mistake, and that what I believed to be the general will was not so. If my opinion had prevailed
against the general will, I should have done something other than what I had willed (rationally),
and then I should not have been free.”75
This suggests that,since the general will cannot err, a
particular opinion can only be right if it is in consonance with the general will. Anytime then that
anopinion deviates from the general will it is wrong and cannot put itself against the general will
as better than the general will. Since the general will always makes a person free, that which is
willed in opposition to the general will would not have been willed in or for freedom.
Rousseau understands that a social pact may not be binding by itself unless it is made so, so he
says, “Hence in order that the social pact shall not be empty formula, it is tacitly implied in the
commitment- which alone can give force to all others - that whoever refuses to obey the general
74
Tunick Mark, Hegel‟s Political Philosophy; Interpreting the practice of legal punishment, Princeton University
Press, New Jersey, 1992, p 29-30. 75
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will shall be constrained to do so by the whole body, which means nothing other than that he
shall be forced to be free.”76
This is where the law comes in. The law once again is that which
ensures that the social contract and its provisions are kept, and the society is not destroyed, by
“constraining” those who go away from the law to obey it, and as they obey it, they obey only
their rational self and thus are only constrained also by their rational self and thus are free.
3. 2 The Law
Laws, from a Rousseauean perspective, are those decrees which the individual has made for
himself by use of his rational nature and in accordance with the general will “ to join rights to
duties and relate justice to its object”77
On the matter of the law, Rousseau says, “but when the
whole people decrees for the whole people, it is not looking outside itself, but considering only
itself, and if a relation is thus formed, it is not between two separate objects but between two
aspects of a single entire object, with no need to split it into two parts. In which case the matter
about which the decree is made is, like the decreeing will, general. This act is what I call the
law.”78
By this he implies that: firstly, the law is decreed by the whole people, and secondly it is
for the whole people. This makes both the law maker and the subject of the law one and the same
person.
Hegel, in support of Rousseau, suggests that the law does not inhibit our freedom though we
cannot abstract from it, especially because we are at home with them, they are our “second
nature” as he calls it, we accept it to be rational. To renounce the law would be to abstract
against ourselves, that certainly would mean that we are not free. A genuinely free will wills
what is rational and necessary. The point is not to say that willing freely must necessarily be
76
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willing the objective content (that which is rational) before me, that would not be freedom.
Willing freely involves rationally accepting that which is objective and making it thus my own.
So, a person‟s will consider all the laws of the state, finds them reasonable upon consideration
and accepts them over himself as his own. Thus, by understanding them as reasonable, we will
them, and in willing them we will what is consistent with our rational nature. “Only the will that
obey the law is free, for it obeys itself and is at home and is free”79
For Rousseau, the power that punishes is the law. The state, the judges, and the law enforcement
agencies are all at the service of the law. Meanwhile, the law is the product of reason which the
criminal owns by rational assent. Thus, the criminal who submits himself to the law submits
himself to no other than himself. When he violates the laws, he violates his own implicit will,
and his own will calls him to order when the law punishes him.
Law is not a mere command. It is only an expression of what reason already dictates to us. So,
we desist from stealing not just because the law says so, but we do not steal because the laws
only express what we all rationally accept is good for us: respect for the property that belongs to
another. Laws are a product of civil association. The populace is subject to the law, and so for
them to maintain their freedom, the law must have its origin from them. In which case those who
form the community are the same ones who work out regulations as laws to control their own
behaviour.80
In support of this point, Rousseau says,
As long as a number of men gathered together regard them-selves as a single body, they have only a
single will, which is concerned with the survival and well-being of all of them. In this case, the state‟s
machinery is all vigorous and simple and its rules clear and luminous; there‟s no tangle of hidden
agendas; the common good is always obvious, and only good sense is needed to perceive it. Peace,
unity and equality are enemies of political subtleties. Simple straightforward men are hard to deceive
because of their simplicity; lures and ingenious excuses don‟t work with them-they aren‟t even subtle
enough to be dupes! When among the world‟s happiest people, we see a group of peasants gathered
79
Hegel G. W., Philosophy of History, Translated by J. Sibree, New York: Dover, 1956, 57 (39) 80
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under an oak to regulate the state‟s affairs, and always acting wisely, can we help scorning the
sophistication of other nations, which put so much skill and so much mystery into making themselves
illustrious and wretched? A state governed like that doesn‟t need many laws; and when new ones are
needed, everyone will see that they are. The first man to propose them is merely putting into words
what they have all been thinking, and there‟s no place here for deals or for eloquence in order to get
passed into law something that each of them has already decided to do as soon as he‟s sure that the rest
will act with him.81
Rousseau suggests from this that laws are from the general will, and since the general will is
always right and always obvious, the law is always right and always obvious when reason and
good sense is at work. Important to the point he is making is that, in fact the laws do not arise
from its promulgation but from its apprehension by reasonable beings who allow their rational
wills to work. So that when it is codified or even promulgated it is not to suggest that it just
began to exist. This is because it has always been obvious to the rational will.
When asked how we can be both free and subject to the laws, it is not a difficulty at all to grasp
this when one realizes that the laws are from the general will and the general will is from us by
rational assent; in which case the laws are the very records of our own wills.82
We are the law
makers and at the same time the law governs us. We are masters over our own selves, not under
anyone, and are indeed free under the law. For the law we have made for ourselves to be
respected and obeyed, it must be seen to “bite”, in which case people must be held responsible
for flouting it. Such responsibility is ensured by attaching punishment to the breaking of the
laws.
81
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3.3 Punishment
When the individual deviates from the general will, which individual came to by undisturbed use
of reason, he is away from his free self and when he is forced to obey the general will he is
forced only to obey his true self and so is only “helped” to come back to his free state. It is
important to consider that for Rousseau the individual is both the sovereign and the citizen at the
same time.83
In which case the individual is the one who makes the laws as the sovereign and the
same individual is the one who is subject to the law. The individual is free only when such is the
case because otherwise, he will be subjected to the will of another (who would have made the
law) and that would certainly mean that he or she is not free, as he will be subjected to the will of
another. When the laws are applied to the individual or he obeys the laws, he obeys none other
than himself or herself, which is freedom. When in such a case the law prescribes a punishment
for a crime and it is administered to him, it is not someone but himself who is prescribing the
punishment. We could say in this case that one‟s true self is prescribing a punishment for one‟s
irrational self, to bring it back to being rational, and by so doing being free.
In fact, it can be said that when one is forced to obey the general will (his true and constant will),
he is forced to do what he would always want if he was not under any form of subjugation. Since
for Rousseau, no one can enslave himself, he is brought back to what reason dictates and is thus
truly free because he is brought back by only himself. This suggests that although the criminal is
a rational being, his act is irrational when he goes against the law, against the general will. When
we say a crime has been committed then, we mean that a rational being has willed irrationally. It
is against the universal will which is implicit in him or her and explicit in criminal law of a
83
Cf. S C 1.7
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rational state. So, when his rational side forces his irrational side, it is a person forcing him or
herself and so that person is still free.
Rousseau says, “To protect the social compact from being a mere empty formula, therefore, it
silently includes the undertaking that anyone who refuses to obey the general will is to be
compelled to do so by the whole body. This single item in the compact can give power to all the
other items. It means nothing less than that everyone will be forced to be free. It is obvious how
forcing comes into this, but. . . to be free? Yes, because this is the condition which, by giving
each citizen to his country, secures him against all personal dependence, i.e. secures him against
being taken by anyone or anything else. This is the key to the working of the political machine; it
alone legitimizes civil commitments which would otherwise be absurd, tyrannical, and liable to
frightful abuses.”84
This statement suggests that laws become empty when they are not enforced,
so once the laws have been made, they must be enforced, and to keep the subjects of the law in
check the laws must come with punishment that “forces” them to respect the law. This will
maintain order and regard for the law. However, the force is applied by the law, and by extension
the one who made the law, the individual himself who is the sovereign. Thus, the one who made
the law forces the one who is subject to the law to obey them using punishment. Since in this
case the one who makes the law is the same as the one who is subject to the law, then the same
person forces himself to obey the law he has made. This is not a case of subjection and so the
person remains free.
Rousseau says again that, “The (b) government gets from the (a) sovereign the orders it gives to
the (c) people; and for the state to be properly balanced there must be a steady relationship be-
tween the a-to-b relation and the b-to-c relation. If any of these three terms were altered, the
84
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steady relationship would instantly be destroyed.”85
This distinction and link between roles that
Rousseau gives makes it clear that the government and its agencies are at the service of the
people and the sovereign and not above them. In fact Rousseau goes on to say that “What I have
just said… makes it clear that the act that institutes government is not a contract, but a law; that
the recipients of the executive power are not the people‟s masters, but its officers; that it can set
them up and pull them down when it likes; that for them there is no question of contract, but of
obedience; and that in taking over the functions the state has assigned to them they are only
doing their duty as citizens, without having the any right to challenge the conditions.”86
This is
critical in answering the question, how can a person be punished by another and still be free?
When an arm of government enforces the law and metes out punishment, it is not they who are
punishing but the law, and since the law was made by the same individual who is punished, we
can say that he is punishing himself, in which case he is free; not subjected to the will of anyone.
Hence Rousseau says, “How can a man be both free and forced to conform to wills that are not
his own. How are the opponents at once free and subject to laws they have not agreed to? I reply
that the question is wrongly put. The citizen gives his consent to all the laws, including ones that
are passed against his opposition, and even laws that punish him when he dares to break any law.
The constant will of all the members of the state is the general will; by it, they are citizens and
free.”87
The citizen in moments when his reflection is unimpeded uses his rational will and is
consistent with the general will. When he is forced to be free, it is no other will than the general
will, his rational will which is at work in the law, and so he is free, because he only follows his
own true will, whether it is apparent to him or not. What happens then is that one‟s straying will
85
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is brought in line with his true will, his rational will, the general will. While this is no
subordination to any other but the self, this is freedom. Rousseau suggests that that which will
remedy dependence on men which is recipe for lack of freedom is dependence on the law, which
in a rational state is based on the general will.88
The laws must work in such a way that they
militate against dependence on individuals, and citizens must embrace the laws that govern them.
As they embrace them, they embrace what they have made for themselves and are free.
When the law punishes a person, it is forcing the person, not to subject him to another, but to
subject him to the law, which was made by him. Since the law expresses his own rational will,
the general will, and such a will promotes his freedom, the law by punishing him promotes his
freedom. Again, since the law is from the individual himself, he is subjected to no other than
himself and is free. Since freedom is essential to the human nature, and when deprived of it a
man is not human, anything that makes him free also makes him human. So, when he is
punished, and by that, forced to obey his own rational will and made free, he is also made
human. Punishment therefore, makes a person free and truly human and therein lies the
justification for it.
From the argument for a Rousseauean justification for punishment, the following syllogisms are
apparent;
Premise 1 (P 1): One who commits a crime does not act according to their rational nature
Premise 2 (P 2): One who does not act according to his rational nature is not free
Conclusion 1 (C 1): Therefore, one who commits a crime is not free
88
Cf. Emile 85
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P 1: One who is not free is not human
P 2 (C 1): One who commits a crime is not free
C 2: Therefore, one who commits a crime is not human
P 1: One who obeys their rational nature is free and human
P 2: One who obeys the laws obeys their rational nature
C 3: Therefore, one who obeys the law is free and human
P 1: One who is punished punishes himself in accordance with the law
P 2: One who punishes himself in accordance with the law obeys the law
C4: Therefore, one who is punished obeys the law
P 1(C 3): One who obeys the law is free and human
P 2 (C 4): One who is punished obeys the law
C 5: Therefore, one who is punished is free and human
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CHAPTER 4
A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF ROUSSEAU’S THEORY ANDOTHER
MAJOR THEORIES OF JUSTIFICATION FOR PUNISHMENT
The previous chapter attempted a Rousseauean argument to justify punishment, suggesting that
when a person is punished, that person imposes the punishment on his or her own self. The thesis
goes further to suggest that, when a person imposes a punishment on himself or herself the
person does so in freedom, and the one punishing is not different from the one who is punished,
and so there is no subjugation to the will of another. Thus, punishment does not curtail a person‟s
freedom, it rather promotes it as the person once punished, moves from having a split will in
which their actual will conflicts with their real will (the general will), to one who has their actual
will aligned to their general will. Considering that the general will is right always and the real
will of the individual which promotes freedom, brings the individual to conform to the general
will (his real will) and makes him or her free and human. This chapter will consider a
comparison which puts the Rousseauean justification side by side with other traditional theories
and attempts to show that the Rousseauean theory builds on and improves upon the other
theories in some ways and thus provides a better alternative.
4.1 Rousseau’s and the Retributivist Theories
The retributive justification for punishment is backward-looking because it always goes back to
the crime that is committed to justify the institution of punishment. The desert-based
retributivism for instance suggests that because of the crime a person has committed, people
have both the right and the duty to punish them, and maybe even look back at the enormity of
what they have done to measure out a punishment that will commensurate that. Whether it is
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about the justification or about the distribution of punishment, the desert-based retributivism,
always goes back to the crime committed and so is said to be backward-looking. Likewise, the
forfeiture-based retributivism says that when a person commits a crime which violates the rights
of another person, people should have a look at the crime the person committed, and by
extension the rights violated, and consider that the criminal must be punished, with the forfeiture
of that same right, an individual violated. Debt-based retributivism also suggests that people
should refer to the offense committed and realise that the criminal has caused some loss to the
one offended and so owes a debt in the form of punishment which commensurate with the debt
that is owed to the offended. Again, this is another of the many variants of the retributivist theory
of justifying punishment and they all go back to the crime to justify the punishment as well as
determine the measure of punishment to mete out.
The Rousseauean justification for punishment is also backward-looking in nature, because it
considers the fact that a crime has been committed before a punishment can be dispensed.It will
not condone any deprivation of a right or the infliction of a pain without the existence of a crime
committed by the one at the mercy of a punishment. Until a crime has been committed, in both
the Retributivist and the Rousseauean case, punishment is not prescribed to anyone, so
punishment is so to say, a response to a crime that has been committed. And since that response
always comes after the crime has been committed, both theories can be said to be backward-
looking.
For some, this is an essential feature of all forms of justification, to the extent that even the
utilitarian justification for punishment which is “supposed to be forward-looking”, has been
accused of also being backward-looking, though most proponents of the utilitarian justification
for punishment are loath to admit it. The argument is that before the consequences of a
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punishment for a crime will be considered under this theory a crime must have been committed
by a person to necessitate a discussion about what the consequences of the punishment for such a
crime would be. In each of the cases, the crime is considered in justifying or even in determining
the measurement of punishment to be meted out, which is a backward-looking approach,
essential to punishment, since crime is always essential to punishment. Without considering the
existence of a crime before inflicting some pain, one would be accused of abusing a person‟s
right.
Unlike the retributivist theory which deals with both the justification and the distribution of
punishment because of the nature of the justification it puts forth, the Rousseauean justification
gladly limits itself only to the justification bit, so that it manages to avoid the various criticisms
levelled against the retributivist theory, because of the distribution undertones that it possesses.
For instance, desert-based justification proposes that those who commit a crime must suffer same
fate as their victims suffered because of the crime they committed. The forfeiture-based
retributivism also suggests that when a person commits a crime, he or she violates the rights of
another and forfeits that same or equal right for him or her, leading some of such proponents to
suggest “an eye for an eye”. These justifications certainly have distributive undertones and that
allows for people to criticise for instance that, giving to the criminal what he has meted out to the
other will lead to some controversial consequences or punishments such as raping the rapist and
robbing the robber. Such criticisms lead proponents of the retributivist position to also propose
proportionality and not exactness in punishment, which would receive further criticism about
how to measure what is proportional and how proportionality could lead to over punishing or
under punishing once it is not doling out that which is the same. All this is avoided when there is
a justification for punishment which does not confound itself, at least not immediately, with the
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further duty of distribution, and that is what the Rousseauean justification does. The
Rousseauean justification, limits itself to justifying the institution of punishment without, at least
immediately, concerning itself with how punishment should be served. While the retributivists
solution proposes “why punishment is justified” it also has undertones of “how it should be
distributed”, with the latter allowing room for criticisms. The Rousseauean justification,
however, immediately talks about and handles only the “why punishment is justified” and does
not open itself to criticisms about the “how it must be distributed” on the face of it.
It is important to note that, the other theories of Justification for punishment which also have
clear undertones of how they propose that punishment should be distributed, have an advantage
in that area over the Rousseauean justification. While this thesis is not concerned with “how
punishment should be distributed” and supports the notion that the “how” and the “why” of
punishment can be answered separately, it would not be out of place if further study would
attempt to discover “how punishment should be distributed” based on the Rousseauean
justification. This could either end up in arriving at a “how” that is unique to the Rousseauean
“why”, or a “how” from any of the known theories of justification for punishment being
combined with the “why” of the Rousseauean Justification.
4.2 Rousseau’s and the Utilitarian Theories
The utilitarian justification for punishment is said to be forward-looking because in justifying
punishment it looks beyond the crime that is committed and instead considers the benefits that
accrue from the punishment. In this case, the utilitarian suggests that, it is right to punish a
person because the punishment would bring about the greatest benefit for the greatest number of
people, or there is no alternative measure, save punishment, which would have resulted in a
better consequence than the proposed punishment. Because it looks beyond the present into the
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future, and into the benefits that most probably will arise in the future, general or specific
deterrence especially, as it is mostly regarded as forward-looking. In this regard then, it is
possible to talk about the Rousseauean justification of punishment as also being forward-looking
because it has as a main aim, restoring the person who by his crime has lost his freedom, to being
human again. Since the Rousseauean justification also looks forward to a benefit in the future,
we can say that this justification for punishment is also forward-looking because it tends towards
the future.
One should recognise, however, that despite the similarity between the Utilitarian and the
Rousseauean justification for punishment, there is also identifiable uniqueness in each. Just like
the retributivist theory, the utilitarian theory also has undertones that have direct implications on
the distribution of punishment and that makes it susceptible to arguments against the
recommendation it seems to make when it comes to the issue of the distribution of punishment.
There is the issue of harming one person in order that it may influence someone else in the future
(general deterrence). This is where there will be the problem of travelling across persons, since it
holds one criminal responsible so that another person may not repeat a similar crime in the
future. This is morally unacceptable because it violates principles of fairness and treats the
human being to an end or just some object for achieving social control.89
Again a theory that
does not concern itself with the distribution of punishment like the Rousseauean justification for
punishment avoids such criticism. The Rousseauean justification limits itself to “why
punishment is justified” and does not immediately concern itself with the how it should be
distributed. Also. while the Rousseauean Justification for punishment may in the long run
promote the common good or benefit future generations, the criticism of travelling across
89
Cf. Finkelstein Claire Oakes, “Punishment as Contract” (2011), faculty Scholarship, Paper 995,
http://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/faculty_scholarship/995, p 328.
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persons does not apply to the Rousseauean justification because unlike the utilitarian justification
which has social control, common good and the good of future generations as its primary aim,
the Rousseauean justification has the primary aim of bringing the offender back in line with the
common good and making the offender free and human.
Again, the justification that is offered by the utilitarian theory seems not to have anything to
offer as benefit to individual offenders. It focuses only on the social impact of the punishment
overall of society, whether the deterrence is general or specific in nature. It virtually has nothing
to say about some good outcome for the offender who is at the centre of the whole subject of
punishment. The Rousseauean justification, however, makes it clear that everything revolves
around the offender. The offender is a member of the community and so is part of legislation,
and subject to the law. Even when he has broken the law, the offender is punished not for anyone
else but for himself, to restore him to his original nature as free and as human.
The Rousseauean justification does not suffer the popular criticism against the utilitarian theory
which suggests that the utilitarian theory may lend itself to punishing the innocent. The
Rousseauean justification advocates bringing back one who has strayed from the general will and
has done what is wrong according to the law which is drawn from the general will. Thus, unless
a person has done wrong or committed a crime which is against the law, a person cannot be
punished. One who has not strayed from the line cannot be “brought back in line”. There is no
room for punishing the innocent because he has not lost his freedom in need of its restoration.
4.3 Rousseau’s and the Hybrid Theories
Having suggested that the Rousseauean justification is both forward-looking and backward-
looking, one would suggest that it is the same as the other theories considered earlier. That
indeed would not be a correct assessment of the Rousseauean justification for punishment
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because in other ways the Rousseauean is also unlike the ones considered earlier. It is like the
retributivist justification for punishment because it looks backwards to a crime, but is also unlike
it because it also looks forward to making a person free. One can also say that it is like the
utilitarian theory because it looks forward to making the person free, but it also looks back,
always to a crime, before punishment is meted out or even justified. So, putting the new theory
against those two extremes one can see that this theory has the advantage of both looking
backwards and forward at the same time, which the proponents of those two traditional theories
do not accept for any of them individually.
The other justification for punishment had to do with the hybrid theories like that of Rawls which
seems to combine both the retributive and utilitarian theories. Rawls suggests that there is no
confusion when the two theories are put together since both talk about or handle the same thing
from two complementing perspectives. The Rawlsian theory suggests that while legislators are
utilitarian in their approach, the judiciary and other law enforcement agencies apply the laws
made by the legislators using a retributivist approach. To the extent, that the Rousseauean
justification for punishment looks both forward and backward, one can say that it is also like
these hybrid theories. The Rousseauean justification for punishment looks forward to making
people, who by their crime have lost their freedom and humanity, and looks backwards to a
crime before it ever attempts punishment or a justification for punishment. Thus, like the hybrid
theories, it is also both forward and backward looking.
The argument could be made that the Rousseauean justification of punishment is exactly like one
of the hybrid theories, which may be true, but it is not the same as anyone of them. While most
of the hybrid theories are both forward-looking and backward-looking at the same time, which is
also characteristic of this Rousseauean theory, the latter is also inward-looking to the extent that
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the foundation of the theory is the nature of the human being; what makes one human, and his
nature as free. One can say then that the Rousseauean justification has three dimensions instead
of two. It is backward-looking like almost every theory, whether admittedly or not, but also
forward-looking and then distinctively it is also inward-looking because at the centre of it all is
the Freedom of Man as that which makes a man and as that which is true to his nature, what he is
from within.
4.4 Further Uniqueness of the Rousseauean Justification
Because punishment takes away a right and/or inflicts pain, it is presumed by some to be morally
unjustifiable in any way. However, the Rousseauean justification which is contractarian provides
a more acceptable basis for justification because it provides a consensual foundation for the
institution of punishment. Individuals would by rational assent have agreed to the terms of future
violations by them or against them by another. Each individual willingly submits themselves to
the punishment for their own good especially; and in so doing each individual by rational assent
both considers what one stands to gain when others obey the laws and are deterred by such
punishment and what one stands to lose when he or she also does same and thus creates a moral
equivalence between crime and punishment.90
In the Rousseauean justification, there is benefit
that accrues not only to the society but also to the individual offender and even allows them to
consent to and be owners of whatever institution that punishes them.
Unique to the Rousseauean justification for punishment is its extolling of the freedom of the
human being. This Rousseauean theory of justification places the human being who is an
offender and his freedom, which is essential to his or her character as a human being, above all
else. While other theories of rehabilitation for instance also focuses on the offender, it is the
90
Cf. Ibid, p 336.
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Rousseauean justification which zooms in on his freedom above all else as the core basis for
justification of punishment. Therefore, it is considered as inward-looking; it considers what the
essential character of a human being (freedom) and makes that the basis for the justification of
punishment.
The Rousseauean justification for punishment also attempts to reconfigure punishment. The
Rousseauean justification navigates this end of reconfiguring punishment by arguing that instead
of considering it as that which curtails or constrains, it should be considered as that which rather
liberates.
Unique to the Rousseauean theory is the promotion of the re-integration of the offender and not
on the assignment of blame or retribution or in some other cases the benefits that accrues to the
society. This theory is socially oriented and recognises that the offender is a member of the
community who has only gone wayward. It also stresses that such a wayward offender must be
brought back to the ways of the community, thus reintegrated into the community.
The quest to justify punishment as an institution has come far and occasioned many responses.
The Rousseauean justification, although unique, is not altogether new since it possesses features
that resemble some theories of justification which precede it. The Rousseauean justification,
however, being contractual and focusing to a considerable extent on the offender and his or her
good, advocating for and pursuing the freedom of offenders as the main reason to punish them,
gives a different twist that may not have been considered by many, and offers a justification that
seems an improvement over the ones that precede it.
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CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSION
This thesis has concentrated on developing a justification for punishment that does not
necessarily compete for supremacy with the others that already exist. This theory is based on the
ideas of Jean Jacques Rousseau and it attempts to build upon what is already in existence to give
one more resilient justification for punishment. It seems to have incorporated the strengths of the
traditionally proposed justifications and averts most of the criticisms levelled against those
justifications.
The Rousseauean justification acknowledges that human being by nature is free. Such freedom
when taken away from people demeans them. The problem is that most theorists suggest that
punishment deprives a man of his freedom. If that is the case, one can say that punishment is evil
and makes a person inhuman. In fact, the very fact that punishment inflicts pain on the criminal
and/or deprives a person of some right begs justification. It, first, inflicts pain or deprives rights
and that is unacceptable without justification. Secondly, it does not inflict pain or deprive rights
to everyone, suggesting that it discriminates between offenders and non-offenders so that those
who are offenders are the ones who are inflicted with some punishment. Without a just cause,
this is also unacceptable. There have been various attempts to justify the institution of
punishment, including that retributivist theories like that of philosophers like Kant, the utilitarian
theories like that of Mill, and the hybrid theories like that of Rawls which suggest that the two
earlier theories can be combined without contradiction. This thesis, however, explores an area
that has hardly been given any attention and yet has some great prospects regarding this agenda
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of providing a justification for punishment. This thesis proposes a contractarian approach to
justifying punishment, with Rousseau‟s ideas as reference point.
The Rousseauean justification for punishment is based on the idea of the general will, man‟s true
will, which is always right, and rational. Because the general will is always right, when man‟s
actions are in consonance with the general will, he does what is right. However, the individual is
not always able to will what is right, which means that the individual sometimes wills differently
from the general will. This suggests that apart from the general will, there is the individual will
which does not always agree with the general will. When the individual wills differently from the
general will, he does what is wrong. In this case one can say that the person has a split will- the
real will, that is the general will which is never wrong on the one hand, and his actual will which
is under the influence of another person‟s will or his or her own passions which does what is
wrong, on the other hand. Such subjugation whether to another person‟s will or to the
individual‟s own passions, is not freedom.
When actions are inspired by the rational self, which is not under the control of another person or
under the control of his passions, what is done will agree with the general will and so it will be
what is right and will be done in freedom. On the other hand, when the will is controlled by
another‟s will or by passions, Rousseau suggests, the person is not free. The situation where
one‟s will deviates from the general will makes it possible for a person with reason to go against
what reason would normally dictate, being the general will, and the general will is always good
and in the best interest of all. The split will situation is what makes crime possible, because the
will, not directed by reason but under some influence from within (passions) or without
(another‟s will) brings about a split self. The true self opts for what is dictated by reason. When a
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person acts under some other influence other than reason, he or she is not free, and thus not
human because freedom is essential to human nature.
The law is what reason formulates in tandem with the general will to control that which strays
from the general will, which is doing what is wrong. Such laws of a rational state are from the
individual, especially by rational assent because that is what reason would always choose when
unimpeded by some influence. The laws are thus products of the individuals themselves to check
their will, so that their will do not stray, and leave them in some form of subjugation which is
bondage. When such laws are appreciated by men and codified, men do not make something
new, they only codify what has always been reasonable and thus in accordance with the general
will.
Punishment then is when a person who has committed a crime, and so has deviated from his real
self, is forced by the law to come back to his true self, obeying his rational self, and thus obeying
the general will. The use of force here is not subjugation because it is his true self, or rational
nature which forces his deviated self to come back in line with the general will. Once it is
obedience to the rational self it is not subjugation; it is freedom. Since the individual is the
sovereign who makes the law, and the citizen who is under the law, when he is punished by the
law that has made himself for himself, he punishes himself. This cannot be considered as forced
by another and thus the person who is punished in the rational state, punishes himself in freedom.
He is truly free, firstly because the punishment is meted out to him by only himself. And
secondly, such punishment is meant to align him with his true will, the general will, and free him
from being subjected to the will of another or to his or her own passions. The law enforcement
agencies do not punish, they are at the service of the law. It is the individual who is the sovereign
who punishes. Once the individual is freed from any form of subjugation and is directed by
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reason, he who had become a slave to another person‟s will or to their own passions, becomes
free. So, punishment makes a person free and thus human. Herein lays the justification of the
institution of punishment. Punishment is what a people do to themselves to free them from
subjugation and to align them with the general will.
The Rousseauean Justification implies that punishment should do well to the offender; it should
restore the individual‟s freedom. This will be a point that supports rehabilitation in order that a
person may restore themselves to their former state. The good of the offender is at the centre of
this and it must look towards character reformation. In this case, it is a step in the right direction
that the Parliament of Ghana is presently considering a Bill, “NON-CUSTODIAL
SENTENCING [CRIMINAL OFFENCES] BILL, 2018”, drawn up in 2018, it focuses on non-
custodial sentences to be passed into law. This Bill seeks to propose alternative measures and
sanctions for offenders who have committed a crime with the aim of rehabilitation. The emphasis
here is on “restorative justice”, and for the purposes of the Rousseauean justification, this would
be a restoration to freedom focusing on the offender, which is different from what we know
traditionally of restorative justice focusing on the victim. The bill also seeks to reduce, as much
as possible, prison sentencing and instead promote non-custodial sentencing and social
integration, which, for the purposes of the Rousseauean justification, would be a return to
consistency with the general will.
Punishment, then, is not a pain to endure but a privilege that the offender should claim as a right.
Since it is for the criminal‟s good that he or she is punished, such good must not be denied the
moral agent who has committed some offence. In fact, this suggests that if the criminal is not
punished, their right has been denied them, which is unacceptable. The object of punishment is
that the criminal will be reformed so that they may become rational again acting in accordance
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with the general will and not under any form of subjection. It would therefore be
counterproductive for a person to wish or try to elude the grasp of the law because they do not
want to be punished. People who have done wrong should come forward for their punishment
knowing that such punishment is for their own good. The difficulty, however, may arise when
the offender does not consider such an unpleasant experience called punishment as a good thing
that makes him free and human. A further study may look at how to get offenders to realize that
punishment is for their own good and a right which they must subject themselves to.
Punishing the offender may be considered as causing pain unintentionally and so justifiably like
the dentist who pulls out a decayed tooth; he or she intends well for his or her patient but
unintentionally causes them pain, and this is same in the case of the law and the law enforcement
agencies that enforce the law.
The law enforcement agencies also have a duty to enforce punishment just as it is the right of the
criminal to receive it. It is thus a grave wrong and a wrong against humanity when law
enforcement agencies connive with criminals to help them elude the grasp of the law just
because there is some pain that comes with the punishment to be meted out. Such an action does
no good to the criminal because he or she continues in their subjugation either to the will of
another or to their own passions. This makes them remain unfree and thus not truly human since
freedom is essential to human nature.
The next implication is that no one person can make laws for everyone. The law must be from
the whole community, made by individuals as the sovereign and then enforced on the same
individuals as subjects. In this case then, democratic and other forms of governments who only
employ and apply the laws made are consistent with the Rousseauean justification of
punishment. Same cannot, however, be said of monarchs who make regulations by their whims;
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such may not be called law in the proper sense once we go by the Rousseauean justification in
this thesis. Their punishments may not also be considered as justified by the Rousseauean
justification.
Another implication is that punishment must have as its focus, reintegrating the criminal into the
society. This will suggests that punishment must be corrective and rehabilitative since the
offender must be brought back to live in his community as a reformed person. This means that
punishing a person for the purposes of just inflicting pain without looking forward to
rehabilitation and reintegration is not the preoccupation of the Rousseauean theory. Here, both
the betterment of the offender and the society are sought for at the same time.
The Rousseauean justification as put forth in this thesis does not propose to end the discussion on
the justification for punishment. It attempts to show the positive side of punishment for the
offender and to elude some of the criticisms levelled against many of the theories of justifying
punishment. It is important to note that this theory cannot entirely reject all others because as
reflected on in chapter 4, it largely picks up from and resembles many of the traditional and
hybrid theories for justifying punishment in many ways, while still maintaining its contractarian
character. The Rousseauean justification, however, opens for greater exploration of a
contractarian approach to a better justification for punishment, all things being equal, would
mean a better appreciation of the institution of punishment, a more widespread acceptance of it,
since it does not constrain but rather makes the offender free, and possibly a better way of
distributing punishment.
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