United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) - LIMUN · Tableof&Contents& WelcomeLetters&.....&1!

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United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) Study Guide

Transcript of United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) - LIMUN · Tableof&Contents& WelcomeLetters&.....&1!

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United Nations Relief and Works Agency

(UNRWA)

 

Study Guide

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Table  of  Contents  

Welcome  Letters  ...........................................................................................................................  1  

Introduction  to  UNRWA  ................................................................................................................  4  

Topic  A:  Reforming  UNRWA  regarding  Palestinian  refugees  displaced  due  to  the  Syrian  conflict  ...  6  

A  history  of  the  issue  and  the  current  status  ..........................................................................................  6  

UNRWA  and  the  UNHCR  .........................................................................................................................  8  

A  Deadly  Problem  ..................................................................................................................................  8  

Potential  Solutions  .................................................................................................................................  9  

Issues  Facing  UNRWA  ............................................................................................................................  10  

Case  Study:  Palestinian  Refugees  from  Syria  in  Europe  &  the  United  Kingdom  ......................................  12  

Bibliography  ..........................................................................................................................................  16  

Topic  B:  Implementing  programs  to  prevent  young  refugees  from  joining  terrorist  groups  ..........  19  

A  history  of  the  issue  ............................................................................................................................  19  

UNRWA  and  Terrorism  ..........................................................................................................................  20  

Alarming  situation  in  Gaza  ....................................................................................................................  21  

Questions  to  debate  ..............................................................................................................................  23  

 

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Welcome  Letters  

 

I  would  like  to  warmly  welcome  you  to  the  committee  of  UNRWA  in  LIMUN  2015!  

 

My  name   is   Stella   and   I  will   be   your  Director!   I   have   attempted   to   ''graduate''/''retire''   from   the  

MUN   scene   for   the   past   few   months   but   my   attempts   have   been   fruitless.   Hence,   I   will   be  

participating  in  my  28th  conference  and  3rd  LIMUN,  which  is  my  favorite  conference  by  far  and  one  

which  I  hold  dearly  in  my  heart-­‐  having  had  the  luck  to  serve  it  as  the  Under-­‐Secretary  General  for  

Chairing  last  year.    

As   an   experienced  MUNer   I   believe   that   being   a   part   of   the   UNRWA,   a   specialized   agency  with  

specialized  topics,  is  a  great  opportunity  for  you  to  engage  in  debates  that  will  produce  resolutions  

with   concrete  actions   to  be   taken,   instead  of   fable,   empty  words.   The   topics   for   this   session  are  

taken  right  out  of  the  agenda  of  the  international  community.  We  tried  to  pick  the  most  intriguing  

and   versatile   topics,   which   will   hopefully   keep   you   invigorated   throughout   the   conference.   The  

topic  of  he  Palestinian  refugees  from  Syria  and  the  topic  of  preventing  young  refugees  from  joining  

terrorist   groups   are   certainly   controversial   and   difficult   to   solve   in   a   formal,   diplomatic   setting  

where  the  opinions  and  needs  of  many  factors  need  to  be  taken  into  consideration.  However,  we  

hope   that   this  will   be   the   exact   element   from  which   you,   the   delegates,   and   us,   the   chairs,  will  

benefit   the  most.  This  document   is  only  an   introduction   to   the   independent   research,  which  you  

will  surely  undertake  on  your  own  time.   If  you  do  have  any  additions  to  the  topic  feel  more  than  

free  to  share  them  with  your  chairs  and  

committee.  

I  am  looking  forward  to  meet  you  in  London!  

Yours,  

Stella  Tsantekidou  

 

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Dear  Delegates,  

 

Welcome  to  the  UNRWA,  a  committee  so  dear  to  my  heart,  my  name  is  Johana  Morante  and  I  will  

be  your  co-­‐director  !  

As  a  MUN  enthusiast  for  several  years,  I  had  the  opportunity  of  observing  the  concrete  application  

of  diplomacy  and  international  relations  during  working  experiences  at  the  French  embassy  as  well  

as  UNESCO  in  Bahrain.  And  that  is  why  I  have  high  expectations  for  our  debates.  As  Stella,    I  will  

expect  fruitful  talks  and  concrete  measures  to  our  two  exciting  subjects.    

It  would  be  hard  for  a  delegate  to  derive  one’s  foreign  and  opinionated  policy  on  the  concept,  

therefore  it  is  imperative  they  look  into  their  local  practice  with  respect  to  judgments  and  

legislation  within  their  own  countries  first.  The  other  way  to  understand  how  to  argue  is  to  look  at  

past  precedents  and  seek  improvisations  on  them!  

Although  I  had  chaired  in  a  few  other  simulations,  this  will  be  my  first  time  as  a  Chair  in  LIMUN,  a  

conference  that  I  know  and  I  loved  as  a  delegate  (long  story  short  LIMUN  was  my  first  international  

MUN).  

I  am  really  looking  forward  to  meet  you  all  !  

 

MUNelly  yours,  

 

Johana  Morante  

 

Hello  Delegates!  

Welcome  to  the  16th  edition  of  the  London  International  Model  United  Nations.  Congratulations  on  

being  selected  for  the  United  Nations  Relief  and  Works  Agency  for  Palestinian  Refugees  in  the  Near  

East.  We  look  forward  to  meeting  you  all,  and  hope  that  you  are  all  ready  to  come  up  with  great  

solutions  and  idea  for  the  committee.  Please  send  us  an  email  via  the  Committee  email  if  you  have  

any  questions  or  concerns,  or  via  the  committee  Facebook  page,  we  will  get  back  to  you  as  soon  as  

possible.  

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As  chairs  of  this  committee,  we  hope  to  facilitate  an  enjoyable  and  dynamic  debate  within  LIMUN’s  

rules  and  procedure  for  debate,  and  provide  you  with  the  best  possible  MUN  experience.  We  want  

this   to   be   intense   and   enjoyable,   and   we   want   to   see   you   all   leave   this   conference   more  

enlightened;  be  it  on  international  relations,  public  speaking,  negotiations,  bloc  forming  or  simply  

dealing  with  people  of  differing  opinions,  all  of  these  are  important  skills  to  have  in  real  life.    

Adnan  Al-­‐Khatib   is   a   Finance   student   at  Hult   International   Business   School’s   London   campus.  He  

previously  studied  MIS  &  operational  Management  at  HIBA,  and  English  Literature  at  the  Faculty  of  

Literature  in  Damascus,  Syria.  This  will  be  the  first  time  Adnan  chairs  at  LIMUN,  following  chairing  

experience  at  various  other  conferences  in  the  UK  MUN  circuit.  

 

 

   

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Introduction  to  UNRWA  

The  United  Nations  Relief  and  Works  Agency  for  Palestinian  Refugees  in  the  Near  East  is  a  relief  and  

human   development   agency   founded   at   the   end   of   1949   by   UN   General   Assembly   Resolution  

302(IV).   Originally   supporting   all   Palestinian   and   Jewish   refugees   in   the   areas   of   Syria,   Lebanon,  

Palestine,   Israel  and  Jordan  the   Israeli  government  took  over  responsibility   for   Jewish  refugees   in  

Israeli  controlled  territories  in  1952.  Issues  pertaining  to  UNRWA  in  the  UN  are  generally  discussed  

in   the   fourth   Committee   of   the   General   Assembly,   known   as   the   Special,   Political   and  

Decolonization   Committee.   This   committee   has   authority   over   the   structure   and   operational  

capacity   of   the   agency   in   accordance   with   Article   17(1)   of   the   UN   Charter,   and   is   capable   of  

modifying   it   as   has  happened  multiple   times.   The   committee’s  mandate   is   limited   to   that   of   the  

General  Assembly’s   fourth  Committee;  this   is   the  committee  that  delegates  represent  concerning  

UNRWA.   UNRWA’s  mandate   is   not   listed   in   one   place   via   a   constituent   instrument   (as  with   the  

World   Health   Organization)   or   a   statute   (as   with   UNHCR),   but   is   derived   from   all   relevant  

resolutions  and  requests  from  the  General  Assembly  and  other  controlling  bodies.  

Under   the   current   mandate,   UNRWA   provides   educational,   health   and   social   services   in   most  

Palestinian  camps  and  territories  in  the  Near  East,  in  addition  to  most  population  centers  with  large  

concentrations  of  Palestinian  refugees  in  the  aforementioned  region.  UNRWA  does  not  provide  any  

form   of   governmental   or   security   services   in   any   of   the   territories   it   operates   in,   and   requires  

official  sanction  from  the  host  government  in  order  to  operate.  

UNRWA  is   in  theory  a  temporary  UN  body  established  to  provide  support   to  refugee  populations  

under   its   mandate   until   the   ‘just   resolution   of   the   question   of   Palestinian   refugees’.   As   such,  

UNRWA’s  mandate  is  renewed  every  few  years,  with  the  last  renewal  on  June  30,  2014.  The  original  

1949  mandate  was  to:  

• "carry  out  direct  relief  and  works  programmes  in  collaboration  with  local  governments"  

• "consult  with   the  Near  Eastern  governments   concerning  measures   to  be   taken  preparatory   to   the  time  when  international  assistance  for  relief  and  works  projects  is  no  longer  available",  and  plan  for  the  time  when  relief  was  no  longer  needed.  

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UNRWA’s  contemporary  mandate  is  to  provide  relief,  human  development  and  protection  services  

to  Palestine  refugees  and  persons  displaced  by  the  1967  hostilities  in  the  Near  East.  

UNRWA  and  the  UNHCR  are  two  distinct  UN  agencies.  While  the  UNHCR  provides  relief  services  for  

refugees  worldwide,  UNRWA  focuses  on  Palestinian  refugees  in  the  Near  East.  

 

 

 

   

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Topic  A:  Reforming  UNRWA  regarding  Palestinian  refugees  displaced  due  

to  the  Syrian  conflict  

A  history  of  the  issue  and  the  current  status  

UN   resolution   number   194   adopted   on  December   11,   19481,   called   for   the   return   of   Palestinian  

refugees   to   their   place  of  origin.   So  many  had   fled,   that   it  warranted   the   creation  of   the  United  

Nations   Relief   Works   Agency   for   Palestine   Refugees   (UNRWA).     UNRWA   defines   Palestinian  

refugees  as  people  whose  original  place  of   residence  was  Palestine  between   June  1946  and  May  

1948,   who   lost   their   homes   because   of   the   1948   Arab-­‐Israeli   conflict.   The   descendants   of   the  

original  Palestinian  refugees  are  also  eligible  for  protection.  From  1950  until   the  present  day,  the  

number  of  registered  Palestinian  refugees  has  risen  from  750,000  to  nearly  5  million.  Today,  one-­‐

third  of  the  registered  Palestine  refugees  live  in  58  recognized  refugee  camps  in  Jordan,  Lebanon,  

the  Syrian  Arab  Republic,  the  Gaza  Strip  and  the  West  Bank,  with  12  of  these  camps  in  Syria2.  

The  ongoing   Syrian  Conflict   has  had  a  deep   impact  on   the   resident  Palestinian   refugees.  Hosting  

one  of  the  largest  Palestinian  refugee  communities  in  the  region,  the  Palestinian  camps  have  for  a  

long  time  been  involved  in  the  unrest  in  Syria.  Starting  with  the  naval  bombing  of  Ramel  Camp  on  

the   Syrian   coast   in   August   2011,   up   to   the   move   into   Yarmouk   camp   by   opposition   groups   in  

Summer  2012  and  with  the  ongoing  regime-­‐imposed  sieges  of  some  of  the  Palestinian  camps  with  

rebel  presence,  areas  in  which  UNRWA  operate  have  been  active  conflict  zones.  There  have  been  

an  estimated  2650  casualties  amongst  Palestinian  Refugees  in  the  Syrian  conflict.  

Of   the   over   560   000   registered   Palestinian   Refugees   in   Syria,   95%   are   estimated   to   require  

continuous  humanitarian  aid,  280  000  are  internally  displaced  and  an  estimated  80  000  have  been  

forced  to  leave  the  country.  Due  to  the  effective  closure  of  the  Jordanian  and  Lebanese  borders  to  

Palestinian   refugees   displaced   from   Syria,   a   number   have   travelled   to   Gaza   and   the   west   bank,  

while  most  are  displaced  Turkey,  Egypt  and  Libya,   territories   in  which  UNRWA  does  not  operate.  

Extenuating   circumstances   in   these   countries   mean   that   some   of   these   refugees   desperately  

attempt   to   cross   into   the   European   Union   by   crossing   the   Mediterranean   Sea   in   makeshift  

smuggling   boats   run   by   people-­‐smuggling   rings   for   thousands   of   dollars   per   person.   These  

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desperate   attempts   have   ended   in   tragedy   for   many   of   the   refugees   attempting   the   perilous  

voyage.  

Currently,  UNRWA  has  limited  access  to  5  of  the  12  Palestinian  Refugee  Camps  in  Syria3,  and  limited  

access  to  some  areas  previously  serviced  by  the  agency:  

• Yarmouk  Camp,  Damascus  Province  

• Deraa  Camp,  Deraa  Province  

• Sbeineh  Camp,  Damascus  Countryside  Province  

• Husseiniyeh,  Damscus  Countryside  Province  

• Qabr  Essit,  Damascus  Province  

 Figure  1:  Map  of  Palestinian  Refugee  Camps  in  Syria.  

Source:  Unrwa.org  

 

 

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UNRWA  and  the  UNHCR  

Under  the  current  mandate  of  UNRWA,  the  regions  UNRWA  is  to  provide  support  in  are  limited  to  

Syria,  Jordan  and  Lebanon  in  addition  to  the  West  Bank  and  Gaza.  This  has  caused  some  issues  for  

refugees  who  have  been   forced  outside  of   these   territories,   stemming   from  the  unique  mandate  

UNRWA  has  concerning  Palestinian  Refugees  in  relation  with  the  Office  of  the  United  Nations  High  

Commissioner  for  Refugees4.  

Established   prior   to   UNHCR,   UNRWA’s   mandate   was   specific   to   those   displaced   due   to   the  

hostilities  of  1948.  Persons  displaced  due  to   this  conflict  are  named  Palestine  Refugees   in  official  

UNRWA   parlance,   and   UNRWA   is   mandated   to   provide   support   for   these   refugees.   Taking   into  

consideration   the   modification   concerning   Jewish   refugees   in   1952,   this   definition   now  

encompasses   a   minority   of   displaced   Palestinians.   UNRWA’s   wider   mandate   encompasses   the  

descendants   of   male   Palestine   Refugees   in   addition   to   the   originally   displaced   peoples,   and  

specifically   provides   support   to   these   Palestinian   Refugees   in   the   Territories   of   the   Near   East,  

Namely   Syria,   Jordan,   Lebanon   and   Palestine.   This   mandate   does   not   extend   to   those   who   are  

doubly  displaced.  Palestinian  Refugees  registered  with  UNRWA  in  one  of  these  territories,  but  who  

have  moved  to  another  region  such  as  Egypt  or  Turkey  do  not  receive  UNRWA  support.  This  is  due  

to   the   peculiar   mandates   of   UNRWA   and   the   UNHCR;   while   UNRWA’s   geographic   mandate   is  

limited  to  the  Near  East,  and  the  UNHCR  specifically  excludes  Palestinian  Refugees  displaced  due  to  

the  conflicts  of  1948  and  1967  due  to  them  being  serviced  by  a  specialized  agency.  These  refugees  

fall   through   the   cracks   and   are   currently   not   receiving   relief   services   from  either  UNRWA  or   the  

UNHCR.  

A  Deadly  Problem

Coupled  with  the  fact  that  Palestinian  Refugee  travel  documents  are  often  times  refused  by  many  

governments  in  the  region  as  official  identification  for  immigration  and  visa  purposes,  Palestinians  

have  taken  to  partaking  in  the  deadly  human  trafficking  attempts  to  gain  access  to  European  Union  

asylum  seeker  benefits  with  increasing  frequency.  The  lacklustre  quality  of  the  vessels  used  by  the  

smugglers   and   the  disregard   for   life   displayed  by   the   smugglers   themselves  means   that  many  of  

these  refugees  do  not  end  up  at  safer  shores.  

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Potential  Solutions  

Delegates  can   take  many  courses  of  action   to   resolve   the   issues   faced  by  Palestinian  Refugees   in  

Syria  who  have  been  marginalized  outside  of  the  current  areas  of  UNRWA’s  operations  because  of  

this  conflict:  

1. Restructuring  of  UNRWA  to  expand  areas  of  operation  

The  options  of  changing  the  mandate  of  UNRWA  is  historically  acceptable,  as  it  has  been  expanded  

and  contracted  in  the  past5.  This  may  raise  financial  concerns,  as  in  it’s  current  state  UNRWA  faces  

many  challenges  in  funding  it’s  activities,  and  is  regularly  underfunded.  

2. Establishing  methods  of  refugee  transfer  between  UNRWA  and  the  UNHCR  

Transferring   responsibility   for   refugees  between   the   two  agencies   is   a   financial   and  bureaucratic  

issue.  Under  current  rules,  refugees  cannot  be  registered  for  support  from  two  UN  agencies  at  the  

same  time  to  prevent  fraud;  while  this  does  not  present  an  issue  to  most  refugees  who  are  forced  

to  relocate  from  their  previous  place  of  asylum,  the  specific  case  of  Palestinian  Refugees,  especially  

those   that   are   descendent   from   Palestine   Refugees   and   are   not   Palestine   Refugees   themselves  

presents  issues.  

3. Establishing  rapport  with  Asylum  programs  worldwide  

Stemming  the   flow  of  Palestinian  Refugees  trying  to  gain  asylum   in  Europe   is  a  difficult   task,  and  

while  many  of  these  refugees  face  the  perils  of  death  on  the  high  seas  making  the  journey  there,  

they  see  it  as  the  only  way  to  escape  the  legal  limbo  they  find  forced  upon  themselves.  Establishing  

means  of  communication  and  information  sharing  with  pre-­‐established  Asylum  programs  in  these  

countries  may   allow   for   the   transfer   of   refugees   to   their   jurisdiction,   even   temporarily   until   the  

cessation  of  hostilities.  

4. Folding  UNRWA  into  the  UNHCR  

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While   issues   pertaining   to   the  Office   of   the  United  Nations  High   Commissioner   for   Refugees   are  

usually  managed  by  the  Economic  and  Social  Council  body  of  the  UN,  UNRWA  is  independent  of  it.  

Folding  UNRWA  into  the  UNHCR  may  present  some  problems  regarding  changes  to  the  definition  of  

refugees  used  by  the  two  agencies,  but  it’s  more  geographically  encompassing  mandate  means  it  is  

active  in  more  areas,  and  can  provide  support  worldwide.  

5. Expanding  UNRWA  into  a  permanent  entity  

UNRWA  was  originally  envisioned  as  a  temporary  solution  to  a  temporary  problem6.  While  the  core  

issue   of   the   question   of   Palestinian   Refugees   has   yet   to   be   resolved   almost   70   years   after   the  

creation  of  the  agency,  it’s  performance  has  been  hindered  by  the  legal  status  of  being  a  temporary  

international  body  that  is  now  older  than  a  large  percentage  of  the  countries  in  the  UN.  This  status  

has  made  it  difficult  for  the  agency  to  deal  with  issues  that  arise  in  areas  of  its  operation  that  it  is  

not  mandated  to  deal  with,  the  most  recent  example  being  that  of  Syria.  

Delegates  are  encouraged  to  research  the  issue,  and  provide  novel  and  constructive  approaches  to  

solving  the  problem  outside  of  the  aforementioned  possibilities.  

Issues  Facing  UNRWA    

While   considering   these  options,  delegate  have   to   take   into   consideration   the   issues   that  plague  

UNRWA’s  continued  operation  should  be  taken  into  account:  

1. Funding  

While  UNRWA  is  an  independent  UN  body,  only  a  small  portion  of  its  financing  is  provided  by  the  

UN  directly.  Most  comes  directly  from  donor  countries  with  the  United  States  of  America  and  the  

European   Commission   being   the   largest   and   second   largest   sources   of   funding   respectively  

collectively   providing   45%   of   the   organ’s   funding7,   with   individual   European   countries   such   as  

Sweden,   the  United  Kingdom  and  Norway  providing  substantial  donations.    This  donation  centric  

funding  model  has  caused  consistent  shortfalls  in  terms  of  reaching  funding  objectives  since  2009,  

and  has  hindered  UNRWA’s  capacity  to  operate  effectively8.  

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2. Bureaucracy  

UNRWA  implemented  a  reform  program  in  2007  with  the  aim  of  increasing  operational  efficiency,  

but   an   internal   review   of   its   practice   in   2011   failed   to   materialize   any   follow-­‐up.   The   ossified  

structure   of   UNRWA  means   it   can   be   slow  moving   at   times,   and   many   issues   are   not   resolved  

because  of  paperwork9.  

3. Lack  of  protective  capacity  

One  of   the  most   debilitating   issues   for  UNRWA   is   the   lack   of   protective   capacities.   According   to  

Asem  Khalil,  Associate  Professor  of  Law  at  Birzeit  University:  

“The   point   this   approach   stresses,   I   believe,   is   not   that   UNRWA   is   not   necessary   or   that  

Palestinian  refugeehood  is  not  unique  and  special,  but  rather  that  UNRWA  is  not  currently  

capable  of  ensuring  necessary  protection  for  Palestinian  refugees,  and  that  host  Arab  states  

cannot  use  the  uniqueness  of  Palestinian  refugeehood  to  continue  upholding  discriminatory  

laws  and  policies  towards  Palestinian  refugees.  ...  

The   global   financial   crisis   may   result   in   decreasing   international   funds   to   UNRWA,   and  

UNRWA   may   be   pushed   towards   reducing   its   services.   Such   a   scenario   will   be   felt   by  

Palestinian  refugees  in  particular  ways,  seeing  the  absence  of  alternative  sources  of  income  

and   the   restrictive   laws   and   policies   that   exist   in   some  host   countries.  UNRWA   is   a  main  

service  provider  for  Palestinian  refugees  in  host  countries.  It  provides  jobs  for  thousands  of  

refugees,  education,  health  care,  and  various  other  services  that  are  extremely  valuable  and  

necessary.  

...   The   issue   at   stake   here   is   that   UNRWA   is   not   enough,   but   the   alternative   is   not   the  

replacement   of   UNRWA   by   UNHCR,   rather   the   enhancement   of   the   protection   role   of  

UNRWA,  or  the  extension  of  protection  mandate  of  UNHCR  to  Palestinian  refugees  besides  

(not  instead)  existing  agencies  dealing  with  Palestinian  refugees  ...”  10  

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Case  Study:  Palestinian  Refugees  from  Syria  in  Europe  &  the  United  Kingdom  

This   case   study   was   paraphrased   from   Oxford   University   Refugee   Study   Centre’s   10th   Forced  

Migration  Policy  Briefing  on  Protection   in  Europe  for  Refugees  from  Syria,  published   in  2013.  The  

Study  in  its  entirety  is  available  here11.  

 

Palestinians  often  face  serious  discrimination  and  abuse  in  the  countries  in  which  they  have  sought  

refuge,  and  their  situation   is   frequently  significantly  worse  than  other  refugees   in   the  region.  For  

Palestinians  who  remain   in   the   region,   the  United  Nations  Relief  and  Works  Agency   for  Palestine  

Refugees  in  the  Near  East  (UNRWA)  is  mandated  to  assist  them  in  the  West  Bank,  East  Jerusalem,  

the   Gaza   Strip,   Jordan,   Syria   and   Lebanon,   but   UNRWA’s   resources   are   grossly   insufficient   to  

adequately  address  the  needs  of  Palestinians,  especially  with  the  increasing  numbers  of  Palestinian  

refugees   from   Syria.   This   situation,   bound   up   with   regional   politics,   religion   and   history,   is  

contributing   to   serious   tensions   in   the   region.   Some   Palestinian   refugees   are   excluded   from   the  

protection  of  the  CSR51  by  Article  1D  because  they  are  included  in  UNWRA’s  mandate.  Under  the  

EU   Qualification   Directive,   Palestinian   refugees   applying   for   international   protection   in   Europe  

whose   assistance   from   UNRWA   has   ceased   ‘for   any   reason’   should   be   granted   refugee   status  

(unless   they   are   subject   to   an   exclusion   or   cessation   clause).   In   2012,   the   CJEU   held   in   Abed   El  

Karem  El  Kott  and  Others,  that  ‘for  any  reason’  in  this  context  means  a  reason  beyond  the  control  

of   the   applicant,   such   as   UNRWA   ceasing   to   exist   or   being   unable   to   fulfil   its   mandate,   or   the  

applicant  having  been    forced  to  leave  the  areas  in  which  UNRWA  works  for  reasons  such  as  threats  

to  personal  safety  or  because  UNRWA  could  not   ‘guarantee  that  his   living  conditions   in  that  area  

would  be  commensurate  with  the  mission  entrusted  to   that  organ  or  agency  UNHCR  agrees  with  

the   CJEU’s   interpretation   in   El   Kott,   and   also   notes   that   practical,   legal,   and   safety   barriers  may  

prevent  Palestinians  from  living  in  areas  in  which  UNRWA  operates  and  should  also  be  included  in  

the   interpretation   of   ‘for   any   reason.’   UNCHR   also   notes   that   under   the   Qualification   Directive,  

European  states  are  free  to  adopt  interpretations  more  favourable  to  refugees  than  the  minimum  

standards  set  out  in  the  Directive.  

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Despite   the  difficulties   faced  by  Palestinian   refugees  beyond   those  of   other   refugees   from  Syria,  

European   countries   generally   have   not   implemented   any   special   policies   for   them,   and   in   some  

European   countries,   Palestinians  are   less   likely   to  be  granted   international  protection   than  other  

refugees   from  Syria.  However,   statistics   on  Palestinian   asylum  claims   are  not   reported  uniformly  

throughout  Europe,  and  the  number  of  Palestinians  granted  asylum  in  Europe  is  unknown.  

State by State comparisons • Greece

According  to  the  Greek  police,  in  accordance  with  an  order  issued  on  9  April  2013,  Syrians  should  

not  be  detained  for  more  than  a  few  days  to  verify  their  nationality,  and  the  expulsion  of  Syrians  

has  been  suspended.  However,  the  police  appear  not  to  be  following  this  order  in  full,  and  in  any  

event,   it   does   not   make   any   provisions   for   reception,   adequate   accommodation,   healthcare,   or  

release  of  asylum-­‐seekers  already  detained,  nor  does  it  apply  to  non-­‐Syrian  national  refugees  who  

previously  resided  in  Syria,  such  as  Iraqis  or  Palestinians.    

• Sweden  

Sweden  received  the  third  highest  number  of  asylum  applications  in  Europe  in  2013,  approximately  

54,000,  or  5%  of  the  total  435,000,  after  Germany  (29%)  and  France  (15%).  However,   Iraqis   from  

Syria  and  Palestinians  who  fled  Iraq  to  Syria  who  apply  for  asylum  in  Sweden  do  not  benefit  from  

Sweden’s  generosity  towards  Syrians;  Sweden’s  interpretation  of  the  El  Kott  decision  so  far  is  that  it  

is   permissible   to   return   these   groups   to   Iraq.   Approximately   100   of   these   cases   are   currently  

pending.  600  of  the  1900  annual  quota  places  for  2014  were  reserved  for  Syrians  and  Palestinians  

from  Syria.  

There   is   a   problem   of   access   for   family  members   applying   to   join   relatives   in   Sweden   from   the  

Syrian   region.   Sweden   has   only   an   Honorary   Consulate   General   in   Beirut,   which   accepts  

applications   from   Lebanese   citizens   and   stateless   Palestinians   legally   residing   in   Syria.   However,  

most   stateless   Palestinians   are   now   not   allowed   to   enter   Lebanon.   In   the   past,   Syrian   refugees  

usually  travelled  to  Amman,  Jordan  to  submit  applications  for  family-­‐based  immigration  to  Sweden.  

However,   the   Jordanian  border  was   closed   in   June  2014   to   refugees   from  Syria   (unless   they  had  

permanent   residency   permits).   Although   the   Swedish   missions   in   Beirut   and   Amman   issue  

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certificates   to   persons  with   an   appointment   at   their   offices,   these   certificates   do   not   guarantee  

entry  into  Jordan  or  Lebanon,  and  Syrian  refugees  must  now  travel  to  other  embassies  in  the  region  

(in  Ankara,  Istanbul,  Cairo,  Abu  Dhabi  or  Riyadh).  

• Norway  

There  have  been  some  problems  implementing  family  reunification  for  Syrians;   in  particular,  until  

April  2014,  applications  by  refugees  from  Syria  for  family  reunification  (other  than  Palestinians  from  

Syria,  for  whom  there  was  an  exemption)  could  not  be  made  in  Beirut,  Lebanon,  requiring  refugees  

in  Lebanon  to  travel  to  Amman  through  Syria  or  to  Turkey.  However,  in  April  2014,  the  Norwegian  

embassy  in  Beirut  began  accepting  family  based  immigration  applications  from  refugees  from  Syria.  

• The  UK  

The  UK  has  provided   significantly  more  humanitarian  aid   in   response   to   the  Syrian   refugee   crisis  

than  any  other  country  in  Europe  (second  only  to  the  EU  itself).  As  of  3  June  2014,  the  Department  

of  International  Development  (DFID)  had  allocated  £600  million  (€747,702,646)  in  funds  that  have  

been,   or   will   be,   allocated   to   partner   groups   in   the   conflict-­‐affected   area:   £249   million  

(€310,273,513)  has  been  allocated  to  groups  working  inside  Syria,  £292  million  (€363,868,885)  has  

been  allocated  to  groups  outside  Syria  (Turkey,  Jordan,  Lebanon,  Iraq  and  Egypt),  with  £59  million  

(€73,518,623)  yet   to  be  allocated.  DFID  notes   that  a  portion  of   these   funds  will  assist  Palestinian  

refugees   displaced   both   internally   and   externally   by   the   conflict,   predominantly   from   the   £25.5  

million  allocated  to  UNRWA.  This   relatively   large  amount  reflects   the  UK’s  continuing  support   for  

UNRWA   despite   an   ongoing   parliamentary   inquiry   into   how   the   UK   provides   humanitarian  

assistance  to  the  Middle  East,  with  a  focus  on  UNRWA.  

Article  1D  of   the  CSR51  applies   to   some  Palestinians   seeking  protection   in  Europe.   Following   the  

CJEU   case   of   El   Kott,   Palestinians   should   be   granted   asylum   in   the   EU   under   the   Qualification  

Directive  where  UNRWA’s   assistance   to  an   individual  has   ceased  and   the   return  of   the  applicant  

would   place   the   individual   in   danger.  However,   as   shown   in   the   table   below,   the   refusal   rate   at  

initial  decision  on  Palestinian  asylum  claims  in  the  UK  remains  high,  and  although  the  percentage  of  

cases   approved   has   improved   since   late   2013,   it   appears   that   fewer   Palestinian   cases   are   being  

decided  on  (positively  or  negatively).  

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 Table  1:  Palestinian  asylum  requests  to  the  UK  

The  UK  Courts’  position  on  Palestinians  and  the  interpretation  of  Article  1D,  and  by  extension  to  the  

Qualification  Directive  Article  12(1)(a),  has  developed  considerably  over  the   last  12  years  and  has  

developed  recently  to  take  into  account  the  CJEU  El  Kott  decision.  The  Court  of  Appeal  first  stated  

the  UK’s  position  in  the  case  of  El-­‐Ali  and  Daraz.  

This   case,   concerning   the   temporal   qualification   of   the   first   paragraph   of   Article   1D,   literally  

interpreted   the   term   ‘at   present’   to   denote   that   Article   1D   only   applies   to   those   Palestinians  

registered  with   UNWRA  when   the   CSR51   came   into   effect   (1951).   The   effect   of   this  meant   that  

Palestinians   were   to   be   treated   based   on   the   merits   of   their   case   in   light   of   the   Refugee  

Convention.  This  case  was  overruled  by  the  CJEU  in  Nawras  Bolbol,  which  stipulated  that  Article  1D  

applies  where   the   person   has   not   availed   themselves   of  UNRWA’s   assistance.   In   such   cases,   the  

person  should  be  granted  protection  under  Article  1D.  In  the  Scottish  Court  of  Session  case  of  Said,  

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the   Court   noted   that   the   principle   in   El-­‐Ali   and   Daraz   was   clearly   overruled   by   Nawras   Bolbol  

regarding  the  temporal  qualification,  but  held  that  the  Court  should  delay  interpreting  the  meaning  

of  the  phrase  ‘such  protection  has  ceased’  in  light  of  the  then  imminent  CJEU  El  Kott  judgment.  The  

Court  placed  weight  in  preliminary  remarks  on  the  opinion  of  the  Advocate  General,  who  gave  five  

examples  of  the  application  of  Article  1D  pursuant  to  the  Preliminary  hearing,  one  of  which  would  

provide  for  no  protection  at  all:  where  a  displaced  Palestinian  can  no  longer  benefit  from  UNWRA  

assistance   due   to   a   voluntary   decision   of   that   person,   though   Article   1A   may   still   afford   the  

individual  some  protection.  The  Court  of  Session  then  allowed  for  an  appeal  to  be  lodged  no  more  

than  two  weeks  after  the  El  Kott  decision.  The  second  Said  hearing  is  expected  to  take  place  in  late  

2014.  In  expanding  on  the  first  Said  decision,  the  Court  will  be  offered  the  opportunity  to  quash  any  

uncertainty   around   the   protection   of   Palestinians   in   the  UK.  We  understand   that  UNHCR  will   be  

filing  an  Amicus  Curiae  brief  in  the  case,  which  will  provide  an  expert  opinion  on  the  application  of  

Article  1D/  Qualification  Directive  Article  12(1)(a),  in  light  of  the  Syrian  refugee  crisis.  Of  course,  in  

cases   in   which   asylum   is   rejected,   there   remains   the   possibility   of   another   form   of   protection  

(humanitarian/discretionary  leave),  so  in  the  event  that  the  forthcoming  decision  is  not  favorable  to  

Palestinian  refugees  seeking  asylum,  they  may  still  be  eligible  for  other  protection.  

 

Bibliography  

Bartholomeusz,   Lance.   n.d.   THE   MANDATE   OF   UNRWA   AT   SIXTY.  

http://www.unrwa.org/userfiles/201006109246.pdf.  

Howard   Adelman,   Elazar   Barkan.   2011.   No   Return,   No   Refuge:   Rites   and   Rights   in   Minority  

Repatriation.  New  York:  Columbia  University  Press.  

Kagan,  Mike.  "The  (Relative)  Decline  of  Palestinian  Exceptionalism  and  its  Consequences  for  refugee  

studies  in  the  Middle  East."  Journal  of  Refugee  Studies,  2009.  

Kagan,   Mike.   The   Decline   of   Palestinian   Exceptionalism.   Observation   of   a   trend   and   its  

consequences  for  refugee  studies  in  the  Middle  East.  Working  Paper,  Paper  Prepared  for  the  

Migration   and   Refugee   Movements   in   the   Middle   East   and   North   Africa,   The   Forced  

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Migration  &  Refugee  Studies  Program,  Cairo:  The  American  University  in  Cairo,  Egypt,  2007,  

1-­‐  20.  

Brailsford,   Mark.   "Incorporating   Protection   into   UNRWA   Operations."  UNRWA   and   Palestinian  

Refugees:  From  Relief  and  Works  to  Human  Development(2014)  

Schwarz,  Christoph.  "Educational  Policies  and  Questions  of  “Inclusion”  in  the  Middle  East:  The  Case  

of   the   Palestinian   Refugees."   In  XVIII   ISA  World   Congress   of   Sociology   (July   13-­‐19,   2014).  

Isaconf,  2014.  

Hanafi,  Sari,  Leila  Hilal,  and  Lex  Takkenberg,  eds.  UNRWA  and  Palestinian  Refugees:  From  Relief  and  

Works  to  Human  Development.  Routledge,  2014.  

Erakat,   Noura.   "Palestinian   Refugees   and   the   Syrian   Uprising:   Filling   the   Protection   Gap   During  

Secondary  Forced  Displacement."  International   Journal  of  Refugee  Law  26,  no.  4   (2014):  581-­‐621.

                                                                                                               

 

 

 1 "resolution 194 (III) - UNISPAL." 2009. 17 Feb. 2015 2  Sterner, Desirée. "The responsibility to enforce?: a study of the responsibility for the human rights of the Palestine refugees." (2013).  3 "Syria Regional Crisis Response Update 83 | UNRWA." 2015. 17 Feb. 2015

<http://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/emergency-reports/syria-regional-crisis-response-update-83>

4  Bocco, Riccardo. "UNRWA and the Palestinian refugees: a history within history." Refugee Survey Quarterly 28.2-3 (2009): 229-252.  5  "Fixing UNRWA - The Washington Institute for Near East Policy." 17 Feb. 2015 <http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/fixing-unrwa-repairing-the-uns-troubled-system-of-aid-to-palestinian-refuge>  6  Al-Husseini, Jalal. "UNRWA and the Palestinian Nation-Building Process." Journal of Palestine Studies (2000): 51-64. 7 "Donor Charts | UNRWA." 2013. 17 Feb. 2015 <http://www.unrwa.org/how-you-can-help/government-

partners/funding-trends/donor-charts>

 

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 8  "Funding Trends | UNRWA." 2013. 17 Feb. 2015 <http://www.unrwa.org/how-you-can-help/government-partners/funding-trends>  9  Lindsay, James G. "Reforming UNRWA." Middle East Quarterly (2012) 10  Khalil, A. "socioeconomic rights of refugees - The American University ..." 2011. <http://www.aucegypt.edu/GAPP/cmrs/reports/Documents/KHALIL.pdf>  11  "Protection in Europe for refugees from Syria." 17 Feb. 2015 <http://www.rsc.ox.ac.uk/files/publications/policy-briefing-series/pb10-protection-europe-refugees-syria-2014.pdf>  12   "resolution 194 (III) - UNISPAL." 2009. 17 Feb. 2015 <http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/C758572B78D1CD0085256BCF0077E51A>  13  Sterner, Desirée. "The responsibility to enforce?: a study of the responsibility for the human rights of the Palestine refugees." (2013).  14 "Syria Regional Crisis Response Update 83 | UNRWA." 2015. 17 Feb. 2015

<http://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/emergency-reports/syria-regional-crisis-response-update-83>

15  Bocco, Riccardo. "UNRWA and the Palestinian refugees: a history within history." Refugee Survey Quarterly 28.2-3 (2009): 229-252.  16   "Fixing UNRWA - The Washington Institute for Near East Policy." 17 Feb. 2015 <http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/fixing-unrwa-repairing-the-uns-troubled-system-of-aid-to-palestinian-refuge>  17  Al-Husseini, Jalal. "UNRWA and the Palestinian Nation-Building Process." Journal of Palestine Studies (2000): 51-64. 18   "Donor Charts | UNRWA." 2013. 17 Feb. 2015 <http://www.unrwa.org/how-you-can-help/government-partners/funding-trends/donor-charts> 19   "Funding Trends | UNRWA." 2013. 17 Feb. 2015 <http://www.unrwa.org/how-you-can-help/government-partners/funding-trends>  20  Lindsay, James G. "Reforming UNRWA." Middle East Quarterly (2012). 21   Khalil, A. "socioeconomic rights of refugees - The American University ..." 2011. <http://www.aucegypt.edu/GAPP/cmrs/reports/Documents/KHALIL.pdf>  

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22   "Protection in Europe for refugees from Syria." 17 Feb. 2015 <http://www.rsc.ox.ac.uk/files/publications/policy-briefing-series/pb10-protection-europe-refugees-syria-2014.pdf>  

 

 

Topic  B:  Implementing  programs  to  prevent  young  refugees  from  joining  

terrorist  groups  

 

A  history  of  the  issue  

 

UNRWA’s  history  in  the  Near  East  has  long  been  wrought  by  the  region’s  general  volatility,  and  the  

volatility   surrounding   the   Palestinian   people   in   particular.   Being   one   of   the   largest   employers   of  

Palestinians  where  it  operates,  UNRWA’s  workers  usually  walk  a  fine  line;  attempting  to  avoid  any  

tensions  with  the  militant  and  political  organizations  wherever  it  operates  while  not  discriminating  

against   employees   for   political   or   religious   views,   and   providing   education   and   social   services   in  

areas   that   face   civil   strife,   if   not  outright  war.   The  organization  has   for  most  of   it’s   history  been  

seen  as   largely   impartial  by  the  Palestinian  population,  although  that  has  not  made   it   immune  to  

attacks,  both  physical  and  verbal   from  both  Palestinians  who  sometimes  disagree  with   the  social  

message  UNRWA  promotes,  and  non-­‐Palestinian  actors  who  might  attempt  to  influence  or  outright  

ban  the  organizations  activities.  

UNRWA  has  founded  many  programs  which  have  brought   it   the   ire  of  Palestinian  militant  groups  

such   as   ‘Yalla   Shabab,   Yalla   Sabaya”.   Militant   groups   in   Gaza   have   been   particularly   vocal   in  

opposing   UNRWA’s   mixed   gender   activities,   as   well   as   the   dance   classes   and   family   planning  

sessions  it  facilitates.  

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Approximately  150  Palestinians  have  left  Gaza  and  the  West  Bank  to  join  ISIS  in  Syria  and  Iraq,  and  

there  are  reports  of  fledgling  ISIS  cells  forming    in  Gaza,  these  are  being  suppressed  by  the  Hamas  

administration  currently  ruling  the  strip.  

 

UNRWA  and  Terrorism  

 

UNRWA  has  agreed  with  the  US  to  “take  all  possible  measures  to  ensure  that  no  part  of  the  United  

States   contribution   is   being   used   to   furnish   assistance   to   any   refugee   who   is   receiving   military  

training  as  a  member  of  the  so-­‐called  Palestinian  Liberation  Army  or  any  guerilla-­‐type  organisation  

or  anyone  who  has  engaged   in  any  act  of  terrorism”  (Section  301(c)  of  the  US  Foreign  Assistance  

Act   of   1961).   There   are   similar   provisions   in   other   donor   agreements.  

UNRWA’s   adherence   to   UN   neutrality   is   absolutely   incompatible   with   funding   or   in   any   way  

assisting  terrorism,  terrorists  or  members  of  guerrilla-­‐type  organisations,   i.e.,  conduct  covered  by  

Section  301(c).  As  a  neutral,  impartial  UN  agency  providing  humanitarian  assistance,  UNRWA  has  a  

legal   framework   for   operations   that   requires   neutrality   of   staff,   third   parties,   facilities   and  

beneficiaries.    

UNRWA’s   legal   framework   proscribes   a   broad   range   of   conduct,   including   –   but   going   beyond   –  

conduct  falling  within  donor  conditions  relating  to  neutrality.  

 

For  example,  staff  member  involvement   in  a  militant  group  or  terrorist  activities  would  be  clearly  

contrary  to  UNRWA’s  staff  regulations  and  rules  and  would  certainly  result  in  dismissal.    

 

But  despite   the  measures   taken  by  UNRWA  to  stay  apart   from  terrorism,   lot  of  critics  have  been  

made  against  UNRWA    for  exemple:  

 

-­‐  The  curriculum  of  UNRWA  schools,  which  has  been  known  to  use  the  textbooks  of  their  respective  

host   governments   or   authorities,   has   a   history   of   containing  materials   that   are   anti-­‐Israel,   anti-­‐

Semitic,  and  supporting  violent  extremism.  

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-­‐  On  July  29,  2014,  UNRWA  confirmed  that,  for  the  third  time  in  less  than  a  month,  a  stockpile  of  

Hamas  rockets  was  found   in  one  of   its  schools   in  Gaza,  establishing  a  pattern  of  Hamas  weapons  

being   stored   in   UNRWA   facilities,   and   calling   into   question   UNRWA's   claim   of   being   caught  

unawares  to  Hamas’  actions.    

 

Alarming  situation  in  Gaza  

 

The  security  situation  in  Gaza  remains  unpredictable  and  politically  unstable.  The  testing  of  rockets  

continued   and   there   were   a   number   of   local   protests   and   demonstrations   reported.   The   cold  

weather  is  perpetuating  the  already  difficult  conditions  faced  by  Palestine  refugee  families  in  Gaza.  

The  challenges  for  the  Palestinian  government,   formally   in  place  since  2  June  2014,  remain  huge,  

and  include  payments  to  former  de  facto  government  staff  who  have  not  seen  full  salaries  for  over  

one  year.  Whilst  Palestinian  Authority   (PA)  staff  was  regularly  paid  until  November,   it   is   reported  

that  only  sixty  per  cent  of  the  December  PA  salaries  were  paid  on  19  January,  with  100  per  cent  of  

PA  retirement  salaries  expected  to  be  paid  on  the  20th.  

 

The  atmosphere  in  Gaza  remains  one  of  frustration  for  families  who  are  desperate  to  rebuild  their  

homes   and   lives.   Demonstrations   and   sit-­‐ins   are   common   occurrences   outside   UN   and   INGO  

installations,  as  well  as   in  prominent  public  areas.  Demonstrations  and  sit-­‐ins  over  the  past  week  

were   regarding   solidarity   with   Palestinian   prisoners   in   Israeli   jails,   demands   for   speedy  

reconstruction,  protests  against  the  Israeli  blockade  on  Gaza  Strip  and  demands  to  open  the  Rafah  

Terminal  with  Egypt.  There  were  also  protests  held  against  the  Egyptian  court  decision  to  declare  Al  

Qassam  Brigades  as  a  banned  terrorist  group.  In  an  isolated  incident  on  3  February,  it  was  reported  

that   unidentified   persons   kidnapped   and   beat   a   Palestinian   consultant   working   for   the   Dutch  

representative   office   in   Gaza   city.   The   police   are   investigating   the   incident.   UNRWA   remains  

concerned  about  the  continued  unpredictability  in  political  and  security  environments  and  the  lack  

of  funding  it  is  facing  to  help  refugee  families  get  back  on  their  feet  after  the  summer  2014  conflict.  

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Civil   unrest   and  demonstrations   involving  extreme  groups   continue   to  be  of   concern   in   the  Gaza  

Strip.  On   19   January,   a   rally   organized   by   Salafi   Jihadi  members   “The   Salafist   Youth  Al  Mujahid”  

organized  a  march  in  support  of  the  Prophet  Mohammad.  Reportedly,  the  aim  of  this  activity  was  

to  march  in  solidarity  and  to  condemn  the  recent  cartoons  which  were  published  in  France’s  Charlie  

Hebdo  magazine,   as   well   as   condemning   any   other   western   journalists   or   publications   that   had  

published  pictures  portraying  the  Prophet.  The  march  is  understood  to  have  been  conducted  with  

the   approval   of   the  Ministry   of   Interior,   and   finished   at   the   French   Cultural   Centre   (FCC)  where  

there  was  a  sit  in.  During  the  march  and  also  at  the  FCC,  numerous  ISIS  flags  were  raised.  At  the  FCC  

it   is   also   reported   that   the   French   Flag  was   burned   and   pro-­‐ISIS   slogans  were   chanted.   Persons  

involved  in  the  sit-­‐in  began  throwing  stones  towards  the  FCC  and  police  intervened,  firing  warning  

shots  and  making  six  arrests.  The  march  followed  the  spraying  of  graffiti  on  the  FCC  external  walls,  

in  protest  of  the  same  cartoons.  

 

 

Other   demonstrations   included   the  National   Committee   Against   the   Siege   holding   a   sit-­‐in   inside  

Gaza  Harbour,  protesting  against  the  closure  of  Rafah  Crossing  and  requesting  a  waterway  between  

Gaza  and   the  outside  world.  A   sit-­‐on  at   the  Harbour  was  also  held  on  15   January,  with   students  

protesting  against   the   closure  of  Rafah   crossing.  On  19   January,  unknown  persons  blew  up  a   car  

parked  in  Gaza  City  allegedly  belonging  to  a  senior  employee  of  the  former  de-­‐facto  government.  

Sporadic   shooting  was   also  heard  nearby,   however  no   injuries  were   reported.  On   the   same  day,  

Islamic  and  National  factions  held  a  sit-­‐in  out  the  front  of  ICRC  Office  in  Gaza  City,  in  solidarity  with  

Palestinian   prisoners   in   Israeli   jails.   Demonstrations   outside   UNSCO   were   reported   regarding  

reconstruction  and  distribution  issues  related  to  the  Gaza  Reconstruction  Mechanism.  A  similar  sit-­‐

in  was   reported   at   Kerem   Shalom   crossing.   A   small   family   sit-­‐in   regarding   shelter   payments  was  

reported  at  the  UNRWA  RSSP  office  in  Rafah,  southern  Gaza.  

 

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Questions  to  debate  

 

For  a  complete  speech  :  

1. Identify  areas  that  need  attention  (education,  poverty,  Gaza  …)  

2. Suggest  what  to  do  (in  compliance  with  logic  and  your  foreign  policy)  

3. Suggest  how  to  do  it  and  give  examples  from  the  past  or  an  analytical  algorithmic  framework  

4. Tell    us  why  to  do  it  with  legality,  viability  and  practicality  

 

How  to  protect  infrastrustrutures  UNRWA  from  terrorist  groups  (especially  ISIS)  ?  

 How  to  prevent  the  radicalization  of  young  Palestinians  ?  

 Should  we  reform  the  education  programs  ?  

 UNRWA  has  no  police  body  or  military,  must  we  give  it  one  ?  

 How  to  manage  the  relationship  between  Hamas  and  UNRWA  in  Gaza  ?  

 

Terrorist  Forces  in  the  region  

 

The   historical   background   and   evolution   of   terrorist   activities   in   the   Middle   East   is   complex,  

controversial,  and,  although  important  for  our  subject,  you  will  find  on  this  section  an  exposé  of  the  

different   contemporary   militant/terrorist   forces   in   the   Israeli-­‐Palestinian   region. 1  

Al-­‐Fatah  is  a  reverse  acronym  for  “Harekat  at-­‐Tahrir  al-­‐Wataniyyeh  al-­‐  Falastiniyyeh”  and  translates  

to  mean  “an  organization  for  liberation  of  Palestine,”  and  the  word  “Fatah”  itself  means  “conquest  

with   jihad.”   Established  by   Yasser  Arafat   circa   1960,  Al-­‐Fatah   joined   the  PLO   in   1968   and   gained  

control   in  1969.  The  group  was  based   in  Jordan  until  1970  when   it  was  expelled  to  Lebanon,  and  

then  moved  again  to  Tunisia  in  1982.  The  organization  was  active  in  numerous  terrorist  activities  in  

the  1970’s  and  1980’s,  but  ceased  these  activities  following  the  Oslo  Agreement  in  1993.  Al-­‐Fatah  

has   thre  affiliates   still   carrying  out   terrorist   activities:  Al-­‐Aqsa  Martyr  Brigades,  Tanzim,and  Force  

17.  

Al-­‐Aqsa  Martyrs  Brigade  was  named  after  the  Al-­‐Aqsa  Mosque  in  Jerusalem.  The  group,  consisting  

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of  terrorists  from  the  West  Bank,  is  affiliated  with  Al-­‐Fatah  and  was  established  at  the  beginning  of  

the   2nd   Intifada   in   September   of   2000.   The  Martyrs   Brigade   is   responsible   for   numerous   terror  

activities  including  suicide  bombing,  sniper  attacks,  knife  stabs  and  more.  Al-­‐Aqsa  Martyrs  Brigade  

has  so  far  taken  responsibility   for  the  deaths  of  more  than  100   Israeli  civilians  and  the   injuries  of  

thousands.  

Tanzim,  which  means  “Organization,”   is  an  armed  wing  of  Al-­‐Fatah  and  was  established   in  1995.  

The  group  acts  to  balance  the  activity  of  the  extreme  groups,  such  as  Hamas  and  PIJ,  and  has  served  

as  a  driving  force  behind  a  number  of  riots,  including  the  2nd  Intifada.  Among  its  terrorist  activities  

are   the   ambushing   of   vehicles,   shootings,   and   bus   bombings.   The   Tanzim   consists   of   tens   of  

thousands   of  members,   spread   throughout   the  West   Bank   and  Gaza   Strip,   and   is   funded   by   the  

Palestinian  Authority.  The  head  of  the  Tanzim  is  Marwan  Bargouti,  who  now  stands  trial  in  Israel  for  

various  acts  of  terror.  Tanzim  is  responsible  for  the  deaths  of  approximately  30  Israeli  civilians  and  

the  injuries  of  a  few  hundred.  

 

Force  17  is  the  personal  security  force  for  Yasser  Arafat  that  was  established  in  the  early  1970’s  and  

is   funded   by   the   PLO.   It   is   a   high   quality,   well-­‐trained   unit   consisting   of   approximately   3,000  

members,  led  by  Faisal  Abu  Sharah,  with  a  long  history  of  terrorist  activities  against  Israeli  targets.  

The  unit’s   first   commander,  Ali  Hassan  Salameh,   took  part   in   the  1972  Olympics  massacre  of   the  

Israeli  delegation.  Force  17   is  responsible  for  the  deaths  of  more  than  10   Israeli  civilians   in  terror  

activities.    

Popular  Front  for  the  Liberation  of  Palestine  (PFLP)  -­‐  Formed  by  George  Habash  in  1967,  the  PFLP  

saw  the  elimination  of  Israel  as  facilitating  the  development  of  communism  in  the  Middle  East.  The  

PFLP  was  an  original  member  of  the  PLO,  but  opposed  the  PLO’s  negotiations  with  Israel.  The  PFLP  

is   responsible   for   the   deaths   of   more   than   100   Israeli   civilians.  

Popular  Front  for  the  Liberation  of  Palestine  –  General  Command  (PFLP  -­‐GC)  -­‐  The  PFLP-­‐GC  split  

from  the  PFLP  in  1968  under  the  leadership  of  their  founder,  Ahmad  Za'rur.  Currently  led  by  Ahmad  

Jibril,   they   continue   to   reject   any   kind   of   recognition   of   and   negotiation   with   Israel   and   are  

responsible   for   the   deaths   of   more   than   50   Israeli   civilians.    

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Democratic  Front  for  the  Liberation  of  Palestine  (DFLP)  –  The  DFLP  split  from  the  PFLP  in  1969  and  

supports   the   creation   of   a   Palestinian   state   in   any   territory   liberated   from   Israel.   They   are  

responsible   for   the   deaths   of   more   than   35   Israeli   civilians.  

Hizbollah   –   This   radical   Shiite   group   that  was   formed   and   operated   in   Lebanon,  which   at   times  

infiltrates   the   Israeli-­‐Lebanese   border,   receives   funding,   weapons,   explosives,   and   recruits   from  

Iran.  Their  force  includes  a  few  hundred  operatives  and  a  few  thousand  supporters.  Hizbollah  was  

responsible   for   more   than   300   deaths   and   more   than   500   injuries   through   its   terror   activities.  

Abu   Nidal   Organization   (ANO)   -­‐   Sponsored   by   Iraq,   Syria   and   Libya,   the   ANO   advocates   the  

destruction  of  Israel  and  uses  is  force  of  a  few  hundred  operatives  in  an  attempt  to  attain  that  goal.  

Although   the  ANO’s   activities  were   critically   reduced   after   the  mysterious   death   of   Abu  Nidal   in  

August   2002,   they   have   been   responsible   for   approximately   300   deaths   and   the   wounding   of  

hundreds  more.  

   

Hamas  

Hamas,   a   word   meaning   ‘courage’   and   ‘bravery,’   is   a   short   form   in   Arabic   for   “Harakat   al-­‐

Muqawamah  al-­‐Islamiyya”  –  meaning  “the  Islamic  resistance  movement.”  Hamas  is  a  radical  Islamic  

organization  based  in  the  West  Bank  and  Gaza  Strip  that  first  registered  as  a  non-­‐profit  organization  

in   1978   led   by   Sheik   Ahmad   Yassin   under   the   influence   of   the  Muslim   Brotherhood,   which  was  

established   in   the   1920s   in   Egypt   with   the   purpose   of   an   Islamic   “revival”.   When   initiating   its  

activity,  Hamas’  activities  mainly   involved  religious  propaganda  and  social  work  through  financing  

coming  primarily  from  Islamic  supporters  around  the  world.  

 

When   the   1st   Intifada   broke   in   December   of   1987,   Hamas   gained   momentum   along   with   the  

Intifada   and   expanded   its   activities   by   introducing   a  militant   faction   of   the   organization.   Hamas  

declared  Jihad  (holy  war)  against  Israel,  with  the  stated  purpose  of  destroying  Israel  and  creating  a  

Palestinian   state   between   the  Mediterranean   Sea   and   the   Jordan   River.   In   pursuit   of   that   goal,  

Hamas  shifted  the  weight  of  its  activities  towards  militancy,  and  today  the  overwhelming  majority  

of  Hamas’  activities  are  militant.  

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In  1991,  Hamas  established  the  Iz  al-­‐Din  Al  Kassam  brigades,  which  control  the  military  and  terrorist  

activities  including  intelligence,  recruitment,  and  training.  These  brigades  have  a  network  of  small  

cells   that   do   not   communicate  with   each   other,   so   the   fall   of   one   cell   will   not   cause   the   fall   of  

others.   The   total   estimated   number   of   hard-­‐core   operatives   is   less   than   400.  

Hamas   leadership   includes   its   founder   and   spiritual   leader,   Sheik   Ahmad   Yassin,   and   its   two  

spokesmen,  Dr.  Abdel  Aziz  Rantisi  and  Abdul  Haleq  Natsheh.  Militant   leaders  are   less   likely   to  be  

publicly   known,   but   among   the   known   ones   are   Hassan   Yusuf   and   Mohammad   Deif.   Some   of  

Hamas’  leaders  who  carried  out  numerous  deadly  terror  activities  against  Israelis  were  targeted  for  

extra-­‐judicial   execution   by   Israel,   including   Yahya   Ayyash   and   Salah   Shehada.    

The   organization   has   strong   financial   support   from   three   main   sources:   (1)   unofficial   bodies   in  

Muslim  countries,  mostly  in  and  around  Saudi  Arabia;  (2)  Iran;  and  (3)  charity  networks  in  the  West  

Bank,  Gaza  Strip,  and  abroad.    

 

Hamas  stepped  up  its  terrorist  activities  in  stages.  Initially,  Hamas  was  only  involved  in  disturbances  

and   strikes,   then   it   began   the   assassination   of   what   it   defined   as   “collaborators   with   Israel.”   It  

moved   on   to   kidnapping   and   killing   Israeli   soldiers,   then   to   knife   attacks   against   soldiers   and  

civilians,   and   finally   to   shootings,   bombings,   and   suicide   attacks   in   every   place   Israelis   could   be  

reached.  Hamas  took  responsibility  for  the  deaths  of  more  than  500  Israeli  civilians  and  soldiers  in  

addition  to  thousands  of  injuries.  

 

Since  Hamas’  activities  are  defined  as  Jihad,  the  group  does  not  differentiate  between  soldiers  and  

civilians,  young  and  old—everything  is  justified  by  the  cause.  

 

 

Palestinian  Islamic  Jihad  (PIJ)  

 

Although  there  are  many,  the  Palestinian  Islamic  Jihad  (PIJ)  is  the  most  well  known  extremist  group  

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using  the  name  Islamic  Jihad.  The  PIJ  calls  for  an  armed  Islamic  war  against  Israel   in  order  to  free  

Palestine   and   create   an   Islamic   state   instead   of   Israel.  

Palestinian   Islamic   Jihad   is   a   translation   from   Arabic   for   “Harakat   al-­‐Jihad   al-­‐Islami   al-­‐   Filastini,”  

which   means   “Movement   for   holy   war   to   Palestine.”  

Students,   inspired   by   the   Iranian   revolution   and  militant   Islamic   Egyptian   organizations,   founded  

the  PIJ  around  1980  in  Egypt  and  were  led  by  one  of  the  founders,  Fathi  Shkaki.  The  PIJ  was  active  

mainly   in  the  West  Bank  and  Gaza  Strip,  and   initially  put  emphasis  on  Islamic  culture,  postponing  

the  Palestinian  issue.  In  the  1980’s,  the  PIJ  started  its  disruptive  activities,  and  moved  on  to  terrorist  

activities   that   included   a   number   of   attacks   in   the   Gaza   Strip   in   1987   prior   to   the   start   of   the  

Intifada   in  December.   As   the   PIJ   increased   its   terrorist   activities,   two   of   its   leaders   –   Shkaki   and  

Abdul  Aziz  Odeh  -­‐  were  expelled  to  Lebanon  in  August  of  1988,  but  Shkaki  reorganized  the  group  

from  there,  where  he  also  tightened  the  connections  with  Iran,  PIJ’s  main  supporter.  In  addition  to  

the   financial   funding   from   Iran,   the   PIJ   also   receives   logistic   assistance   from   Syria.  

The  PIJ  and  Hamas  were  violent  rivals  until  the  establishment  of  the  Palestinian  Authority  in  1994,  

which   began   a   period   of   relatively   peaceful   coexistence   as   they   both   terrorized   Israel.   Both  

organizations  took  responsibility  for  some  of  the  worst  terrorist  acts  and  as  a  result,  the  PIJ  gained  

skill,   experience,   and   support   from   the   Palestinian   public.   Shkaki   was   killed   in   1995   in   Malta,  

supposedly  by  Israeli  agents,  and  he  was  succeeded  by  Dr.  Ramadan  Abdullah  Shalah,  who  resides  

in   Damascus.   Shkaki's   death   damaged   the   PIJ's   position   in   Gaza   Strip   and   the   West   Bank,   and  

Hamas   no   longer   sees   it   as   a   threatening   rival.   During   its   existence,   the   PIJ   has   claimed  

responsibility  for  over  140  Israeli  deaths  and  more  than  1,000  injuries.  

                                                                                                               

 

 

 1 Source, Evidence About The Link Between Education, Poverty and Terrorism Among Palestinians,

Claude Berrebi, Princeton University