Understanding Muslim Reform in Malabar: A Study of Hidayathul Muslimeen Sabha,Manjeri

history farook series

P.G.Department of History Farook College Kozhikode-673632, Kerala Email: [email protected]

W O R K I N G P A P E R

Understanding Muslim

Reform in Malabar:

A Study of Hidayathul

Muslimeen Sabha,Manjeri

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T.Muhammedali

Number 5

January 2009

mailto:[email protected]

Understanding Muslim

Reform in Malabar: A Study of Hidayathul

Muslimeen Sabha,Manjeri

T.Muhammedali

Number 5

January 2009

1

history farook working paper series Number 5 January 2009

T.Muhammedali, Lecturer in History,Farook College [email protected]

Understanding Muslim Reform in Malabar: A Study of Hidayathul Muslimeen Sabha, Manjeri

India witnessed the emergence of a number of socio-religious reform movements in the second half

of nineteenth century and the early decades of the twentieth century. Kerala was no exception. The

movements led by Sree Narayana Guru, Chattambi Swamikal, Ayyankali, V T Bhattatirippadu and others

had effected drastic changes in the social life of modern Kerala. Added impetus was offered to these

changes by the attempts of the Muslim reformers in the region. These movements, notwithstanding serious

limitations, subverted traditional hierarchies, promoted modern education and rational thinking, instilled

the ethos of humanism, democracy and egalitarianism, and inspired nationalism.

The history of Muslim reforms in Kerala is generally presented in the form of the intellectual

biography of the prominent leaders such a Sayyid Sanaulla Makhti Thangal, Chalilakath Kunhahammed

Musliyar, Vakkom Abdul Khader Moulavi etc. This methodology neglects the efforts of certain local

collectives who initiated many attempts to reform the Muslims in their respective regions. The study of

reform among the Muslims of Kerala may be incomplete with out a proper understanding of such

movements. The present study is an attempt to describe the activities of the Hidayathul Muslimeen Sabha

of Manjeri, a collective started functioning by the end of nineteenth century.

I

Manjeri is one of the main Cities in the Malappuram District of Kerala State. A middling city now

it got the status of a city from 1941 census onwards. A place with full of hill, hill sides and fields, it was a

major point of trade in pre-colonial period. It was also the capital of Hyder Ali when from he made his

military forage in Malabar. In the colonial period it became the centre of administration of Ernad Taluk.

With the District Courts and District Hospital situated in it, the city still is the head quarters of the present

Ernad Taluk.

Situated in the central position of the South Malabar, an area which offered the most obstinate

opposition to the colonial power in Malabar, Manjeri also possess a pivotal position in the anti-colonial

movements in the region. The study of a prominent cultural movement in the region may not be

meaningful with out a brief understanding of the colonial situations in the region

2



Malabar came under the British control with the conclusion of the third Anglo-Mysore war in 1792.

They took up the control of Malabar at a time when the traditional rule based on customary laws and

practices in Malabar had been disrupted by the Mysorean rule. Mysoreans had set up a rule of state and a

centralized administration in Malabar. They especially interfered in the traditional land relations and the

mode of sharing agricultural surplus in the region.1 State snatched jenmi's share of surplus produce. In

addition to this open disregard for the customary positions of jenmis, they were also socially humiliated.

More over, a fear of compulsory conversion, the substance of which is yet to be proved, is said to have led

to the flight of a large number of Nambuthiris and Nayers to Travancore and other places in the wake of

Mysorean invasion.2 Malabar came to the hands of the English East India Company at a time when it was

successfully practicing "ruling for profit" instead of profit seeking through trade as elsewhere in India.3

Naturally the first attempt of the Company in Malabar was to exact maximum amount of revenue without

coming into conflict with the population in general. This was materialized through the introduction of the

new land revenue system.

In general, the company followed Mysorean pattern of assessment and collection of the land

revenue. But a core change was made in the existing settlement. Whereas Mysoreans made revenue

settlement with Kanakkar (tenants), the British did it with Jenmis (landlords). More significant here is the

fact that Jenmi was recognized as the absolute proprietor of the land. Almost all British officials who

enquired in to the land tenures of Malabar perceived that traditionally Jenmi was the owner of the land and

Kanakkar as tenants.4 Even the excellent criticism of this theory by an experienced British official has

been disregarded by other British officials.5 Thus, all along the British period Jenmis were considered as

the absolute owners of the land in Malabar.

The net result of the colonial land revenue policy was the reformulation of traditional mode of

production and surplus exaction to suit the economic and political designs of colonial state. The provision

of ultimate ownership of land to the jenmis resulted in the rise of a class who could control the economic

activity of the area in alliance with colonial masters. At the same time the tenant class including

Kaanakkudian and Pattakkudians were put at the mercy of the landed class. .

Malabar began to feel the weight of these changes effected in the spheres of land relations and trade

in the form of a series of uprisings began to erupt against the landlords and the state in the region. Started

in 1836, there occurred 32 uprisings before the final one in 1921. A thing seriously to be considered here

is that all these uprisings except two were concentrated in Ernad and Walluvanad taluks in South Malabar.

3



All the assailants who rose in rebellion hail from the lower order of the Mappila Muslims of the

said region. Majority of them were tenants who were petty cultivators, with rarely more than one acre,

usually much less, to farm.6 Next to tenants came labourers, petty merchants and unemployed. Victims

mainly belonged either to landed sections in the society and government administrative and legal

authorities. In some cases Mappilas and the lower class persons became victims.7 A significant feature of

the outbreaks is the articulation of rebels with in a religious ritualistic form. Mappila who initiated these

attacks planned to become shahid. In most cases they performed a series of rituals to prepare themselves

for a heroic death. Once they had decided to go for Jihad, they divorced their wives dressing in fresh

white cloth and performed a moulid etc. All these are indicative of his determination to die fighting as a

'Mujahid'.

Nothing will lead us to believe that the rebels were fighting optimistically his enemies to defeat

them and to gain something. The ultimate end seems to have been their martyrdom before which they try

to finish those elements which bring them miseries in their life. So a common pattern of these outbreaks

was first go to the house of a jenmis or a British servant, get food and arms collected from them – in some

cases through requests and if the request did not work, through force including killing and looting and in

some cases killing the owner of the house or his relatives or servants. Then he proceeds to a suitable place

– in many cases temples – to pitch themselves for the last fight with the military forces of the government.

All such clashes with a few exceptions ended up with the death of all the rebels who fell fighting the army

or government forces.

This obstinacy of Mappila Muslims of the regions towards colonialism could not be explained

merely in terms of deteriorating material conditions of the Mappila peasant in the colonial situation. A

Strong cultural thread can also be seen in this regard. The spread of Christianity through the activities of

missionaries was seen as an important threat against the religion of Mappilas. The missionary bodies were

felt to be the tools of cultural displacement of the latter. The forms and contents of the colonial education

and colonial discursive practices had been developing a consciousness of marginality among the Mappilas.

The colonial policy of keeping a standardized Malayalam as second language and English as the first

language had kept the Mappila life world off the purview of the rising colonial modern discursive world.

The specific oral variety of Mappila Malayalam which drew its idioms from their own life world found no

place in the standardized Malayalam of the colonial period. This cultural exclusion had created

stigmatization of Mappilas against English and Malayalam.8 The Ulema’s opposition to both English (the

4



language of hell) and Malayalam (the Aryanezhuthu) in this situation further distanced Mappilas from

using the newly rising opportunities in the colonial spaces.

II

It was in this larger background that the efforts of reforming the Muslims began to be emerged in the

second half of the nineteenth century. A hasty review of the accomplishments of some of the early reformers is

not out of place. The organized efforts to reform Mappila Muslims began from outside South Malabar after the

Rebellion. But even before that the conditions for the reform initiative were set up in Malabar at least by

certain leaders who generally hail from coastal regions. The prominent among them were Sayyid Samnullah

Makhti Tangal (1847-1921), Chalilakath Kunahammad Haji (d.1919), Sheik Muhammed Mahin Hamadani

Tangal (d. 1922) and Muhammed Abdul Qadar Maulavi.

Born at Veliyankodu near Ponani in1847, Makhti Tangal had his education in Chavakkad Higher

Elementary School. He had also acquired traditional education in „dars‟ system. In addition to Malayalam and

Arabic he was proficient in Urdu, Persian, Tamil and English.9Resigned as Excise Inspector from the colonial

service in 1882, Makti Tangal turned towards reforming the religion of Muslims in Malabar10

. A careful look at

his activities and writings11

reveals that Makhti Tangal's main agenda was to fight out the Christian missionary

criticisms against Islam. This is quite conspicuous from Makhti Tangals statement. "In those days, the

Christian priests used to abuse Islam and prophet Muhammed in their regular public lectures. I started to think

over their speech. The Hashimi and Mughal blood in me began to boil at last, I decided to throw away the petty

job and to defend Islam."12

All his life seems to have been dedicated to fight out the Christian missionaries.

Apart from delivering a number of lectures, he wrote so many books and articles attacking the Christian

preachers.13

Along with this, he also attacked the Sufi monism and the practice marumakkathayam as purely

un-Islamic.14

He propagated the importance of modern education including English education. He also

exhorted Muslims to study Malayalam. As part of his educational reforms he stood for modernization of

religious education, improvement of Arabic-Malayalam script and the modification of dars system.15

He also ventured on journalism with only a little success.16

In 1890, he established a press in cochin and

started a malayalam weekly Satyaprakasam which had a life of only nine months.In 1892, he started another

one in Arabi-Malayalam Thuhfathul Akhyar wa Hidayathul Ashrar , a biweekly. He also published a mothly in

Malayalam ei,Paropakari and later in 1909 an evening news paper was launched with the title

Turkisamacharam. This paper too went not beyond a period of six months.

5



Being a scholar who went astray from the traditional values, he was not only rejected by the traditional

Ulema but also harassed by instigating people against him.17

Though he was highly accepted by the public, the

Muslims in general were not so. Let us hear from the horse‟s mouth:18

"To pay it in cash, I hadn't even one

paise (with me). The other way is a personal bail. For this, I couldn't see no Muslim face among five thousand

non-Muslim gathered their [to listen to his speech]. I raised my hands up. Praying the God, I convinced the

judge of my innocence . . . ." This shows the nature of the receptivity of his speeches. Thus though we see

certain impact of his work in Kodungallur and Kannur, he could not make much headway into south Malabar.

The only exception was a Maqdum at Ponnani.19

Chalilakath Kunhamohammed Musliyar was a religious scholar of high reputation in Malabar. He was

born in Tirur. After a short period of study in a primary school, he went for education to Darses of Kozhikode

and Ponnani. For higher learning he went to Lathifiya Arabic College, Vellore in Tamilnadu. Apart form

mastering Arabic language he had become proficient in philosophy, astronomy, astrology and languages like

Urdu, Persian and Tamil.20

Chalilakath's primary concern was education. Having taught in darses at Pulikkal, New Mahi, Peringadi

etc., he was invited to 'Darul Ulum', a prominent institution of higher learning in Islam at Vazhakkad. Here he

initiated a reform of madrassa system in modern lines. He introduced classes, benches and desks, black board

etc. The arranging of students in classes required text books. Hence he himself prepared test books.

Malayalam was adopted as medium of instruction. He also included basic arithmetic, general science,

Malayalam alphabet in primary classes and logic, astronomy and geography in higher classes.21

He also modernized Arabic – Malayalam script which was accepted by all groups in Malabar. He had

earlier indicated the limitations of Makhti Tangal's improvement in Arabic – Malayalam script. In the matter of

women education, Chalikkath set a new example. Not only did he advocate their education but also dared to

send his daughters to school defying the orthodox dictum that it was sacrilege.22

At the same time Chalilakath

had only limited agenda of reforms. In theology he was orthodox . He was an ardent critic of Jamaludhin

Afgani, Muhammed Abdu and Rashid Rida in this matter.23

Though Kunhammed Musliyar had such a bend of mind towards reform and as such was criticized by

many Ulema, he was not so radical as Mukthi Tangal. Even in his effort in modernizing Darul Ulum he found

himself out of place as a result of orthodox scholars' reaction.24

6



Muhammed Mahin Hamodani Tangal was another scholar reformer. Born at Vaduthala in Ernakulam,

he spent some years in Kodungallur Mosque as a student. Then he joined Lathifya College, Vellur and acquired

proficiency in Arabic, Urdu, Persian and Tamil. His acquaintance with Hamadani tariqa started there to

become an ardent discipline of the same. Returned from Vellore and immersed in tariqat activities he was sad

to see Muslims quarreling over silly matters which according him hindered their progress. The unhappy sheik

felt that restoration of unity among the members of the community was his prime duty.25

He thereafter visited

different areas delivering eloquent speeches stressing the need for unity. His guidance and inspiration

ultimately proved instrumental in the formation of Nishapaksha Sangham at Azheekode, Kodungalloor in 1922

which later expanded itself to come to the stature of Kerala Muslim Aikya Sangham.

Education was a prominent concern of Hamadani too. In an article published in 'the Muslim', he put

forward a five point programme for reconstructing religious educations in a befitting manner.26

He formed an

organization called the Muslim Conference to take up programmes to promote education. He wanted to

introduce a system of education in which both religious and secular subjects were taught. An attempt to

establish a college under the Islamic cultural society for the purpose failed for want of support from the

community.27

But Lajnatul Muhamadiya at Alappy, organized under his guidance and inspiration proved

successful in the cultural resurgence of Travancore. Lajuthul Hamadaniya and Lajunathul Islam Sangham at

Kodungallur founded by him played a crucial role in the amelioration of the Muslims of Kodungallur.

Muhammed Abdul Kadar Maulavi was born in Vakkom in Travancore after which he is called Vakkom

Maulavi. A son of a wealthy merchant, he got quality education of the time and became proficient in English,

Persian, Urdu, Hindi, Sanskrit and Arabic. His initiatives at reforming the Muslims began at a time when the

Ezhava community had made great advances in reforming themselves. His endeavour in journalism,

theological reform, organization of institutions and educational activities touched almost all facets of life of the

Muslims. Apart from Swadeshabhimani (1905) he had Muslim started in 1906. A journal intended to address

various issues pertaining to reform, it tried to impart scientific and religious knowledge to Muslims. The

situation and aim of the Muslim is put in its first issue as follows:

“Each and every community of Kerala has started to strive for his welfare and therefore Muslims also must have a

journal like this to educate them about their problem and to bring out necessary reforms”.28

For fear of space let us skip a wide variety of activities and programmes held under his inspiration. But

the attempts at theological reform are important because more than every one else, he was the inspiring force of

7



the reform movement held later under the auspices of Aikya Sangham and Kerala Jamiatul Ulama. He was a

regular reader of al Manar of Rashid Rida, which was a guiding force to him in the question of theological

reform. He defined his movement as an attempt to restore the pristine purity of Islam. He stood for ruthless

rejection of accretion and declensions from the body of Islam. This was the direct influence of ideas of Rida on

Tauhid and Shirk and decided to impart these ideas among the people and set a Journal 'Al Islam' for the same.

He basically believed that all endeavours to reform Muslims should be based on religion without which it would

be a frivolous effort.29

It was these ideas that greatly influenced the organized attempts of reform afterwards.

Though the air for the formation of Nishpaksha Sabha had been created by Hamadani Tangal, it was the ideas

of Vakkom Maulavi that guided Aikya Sangham’s priorities. Regarding such a volume of contributions

Vakkom moulavi has been considered as the father of Muslim Renaissance in Kerala as well as one among the

builders of modern Kerala.

The first organized attempts to reform Muslim grew after the formation of Nishpaksha Sangham at

Kodungallur. We saw how Hamadami Shaik was instrumental to the formation of the Sangham. Soonafter

branches of sanghams began to be formed and the name of the organization changed to Muslim Aikya Sangham.

Later it became Kerala Muslim Aykya Sangham. Founded in 1922, the Sangham worked only for twelve years.

The first annual conference of the body was held at Eriyadu in Kodungallur under the chair of Vakkom Abdul

Qadar Maulavi. It took the decision to expand its activities to all parts of Kerala. The renaming did not

materialize for two years due to technical difficulties.30

In general, Aikya Sangham was attacked by the traditional Ulema everywhere. The Mappilas of South

Malabar with their traditional Ulema stood stubbornly against the Aikya Sangham. Among the many annual

conferences, those which were held in Calicut, Tirur and Malappuram faced strongest resistance from the

population. At the third conference held in Calicut people at the head of the Ulema took all opportunities to

obstruct the Aikya Sangham conference. There were organized actions of traditional Ulema and Mappila gentry

to scuttle the ninth annual conference of the Sangham held at Malappuram. This shows that the socio-religious

terrain of the region was so hard to get along with reformist activities even in 1930s. It was in this terrain a silent

movement took its root and worked with decisive steadiness and marveling equanimity.

III

Hidayathul Muslimeen Sabha was founded at Manjeri on 3rd

June 1897. The Sabha aimed at “the

multifaceted development of the poor, ignorant and downtrodden Mappilas and to bring their plights into

the notice of the authorities” 31

8



The first president of the Sabha was a renowned Islamic scholar of the area Musliyarakathu

Abdulla Musliyar. The first Secretary and treasurer were Mr. K. Kunholan Kutty and K. Pokker

respectively32

. The members of the Sabha are listed in the proceedings of the meeting of Sabha. The

prominent ones whose presence in the meetings is so conspicuous are Mr. N.K. Alavi, V. Kunhahammed,

K. Mammad Mayan Kurikkal, Kormoth Pokkar and Korambayil Mammad Haji. The Sabha documents

shows that meetings were continuously held to discuss the progress of Sabha and to formulate policies and

strategies for further action.

There were certain declared objectives for the Sabha33

. They are as follows.

a) To promote religious and secular education, civilization, unity and loyalty to the king(Rajabhakthi).

b) To extend charity and alms required for the welfare of the Muslim community.

c) To extend assistance and guidance required for the new converts and orphan boys.

d) To buy properties and build structures required for attaining the objectives.

e) To run Madrassah

f) To establish Library, night school, reading room, etc.

g) To print and publish Text books required for Madrassah

h) To work for the goodness and betterment of Islam in accordance with the objectives of the Sabha as

well as Shariat.

The Sabha worked so democratically that the office bearers were elected annually and sub

committees were selected to execute specific programmes of the sabha. Various committees formed at

various times were the Madrassa Committee, Rules Committee, Building Committee and the Deputation

Committees. These committees looked after the running of Madrassa, framing rules of Sabha, supervising

construction of building and went as deputations to various authorities. Sub committee for commerce was

also constituted who looked after the financial strengthening of Sabha.34

A Sabha document has put down that 276 Members worked in Sabha till December 1946 in various

capacities35

. As per the rules of the Sabha, annual meetings were held in which Managing Committees

were elected. In addition to that the vacancies due to death of members were filled without any delay. As

per proceedings, the membership of Sabha was a number between 15 and 25. It is also clear that meetings

were held at every occasions of significance both to Sabha and the society at large.

9



With such an ordered and disciplined structure, Sabha could achieve many things toward attaining

their objectives. The first significant achievement of Sabha was that it could get a government order passed

for constructing mosque in Ernad Taluk. It is well known that one of the issue over which the Mappilas of

Malabar rebelled against the government was the unavailability of land for construction of mosques. The

situation is clearly spelt out at the time of the appointment of Logan Commission to clearing the roots of

rebellious of Mappilas. Where the rebels took recourse to anti-state stance, the Sabha took the other way

round. In 1901, August 08, Sabha sent a deputation to the Governor of Madrass to invite Government‟s

attention to the problem of unavailability of the land for building mosques. The Government accepted the

deputation and took follow up action. The government issued GO No. 407, dated 7th

March 1902, which

granted permission to construct mosque36

. It is said that the GO enabled to raise mosques in both Nilambur

area and Manjeri area without any hindrance from Janmis. The Manjeri Central Mosque, this was

constructed in 1906 and another mosque at Katcherippadi afterwards.

The most important area when the Sabha concentrated was the educational upliftment of the

Mappila Community. The educational level of the region in general and Mappila Community in particular

were so pathetic. Official records reveal the state of education in Malabar. The educational institutions are

generally distributed in public and private sectors. The amount spend on the education by the colonial

government was meagre.37

The amount spent in Malabar during the year 1895 – 96 was in round numbers

Rs. 270520.00.Thes government could not take up the educational responsibilities of the region to any

commendable extend. But it is conspicuous that a system of educational administration was set up in which

strict monitoring and inspections were conducted term-wise.Facilities for matriculation was desperately

low in Malabar. There were only 11 Upper Secondary School (which were also called high schools)

altogether in Malabar. 38

High School leading to matriculation was 981 in the year 1894 – 95 and 1104 in

the year 1895 – 96.

It is well known that the company government had initiated a policy educating Indians with

objectives set in the general context of colonialism. The Govt. expanded its intervention in education since

1854. Schools were set up in the presidencies and British provinces in India. Other than establishing new

schools, they also cut into the tradition education system. Educational development of Mappilas of

Malabar was taking place under such a context.

The Government had started Public School and allowed Private School to grow under the

supervision of the Department of Public Instruction. Public School was mostly funded by Local Boards

10



and Taluk Boards along with the government department. Government further structured the educational

administration incorporating communal differences into the system. The colonial educational documents

consistently describe about Hindu Schools, European Schools, Muhammadans School, Panchama School,

Mappila Schools, etc. Such a clustering of educational institution may have been he continuation of the

policy of noninterference in the cultural fabric of India which the colonial government followed the revolt

of 1857.

The position of Mappila Education in 1896 has been portrayed in a colonial document on Mappila

education. 39

The document illustrates the general state of education. On the 1st April 1896, there was 556

Mappila Public Private Schools with 26985 pupils against 553 schools with 27523 pupils of the previous

year. The number of schools increases where as the number of students decreases.The public schools

shows diminution both in their number and their attendance. The decrease was heaviest in South Malabar

owing to the abolition of so many as 35 board primary schools under the Palghat and Malappuram Taluk

Boards towards the end of the lust official year, not with standing the fact that the schools were under

board School again on the 1st March 1896 with the grant under from provisional funds.

The Schools were managed by different agencies the picture of which has been illustrated in the

document40

From the illustration it is quite clear that the government share in education was negligible.

Major number of students got education from indigenous and unaided schools. A commendable number of

students availed the facilities of Local and Municipal Boards. What follows is that the education was not

accessible to the poorer sections. The proportions of pupil in public school to school age population were

27 and 14 in Municipalities and rural tracts respectively in 1895 – 96. It is also reputed that the same now

30 and 15 in the previous year. It is clearly put down that more than half of the pupils in public schools

belonged to laid holding and trading classes. It is also very interacting to note that “In public Schools 81

pupils studied the English Language”.

The Mappila education was mainly concentrated at primary levels of schooling. The documents

show that there was no Upper or Lower Secondary Mappila Schools during the year 1895 – 96. Only 1.4 %

of these in public schools had rendered the upper primary stage. This is explained to be due to the

extremely small number of qualified teachers in Mappila Schools and the want of funds to provide the

Mappils Schools with a sufficient number of teachers.41

11



The picture of education of Mappilas given above is of the picture of the entire Malabar. The

situation in South Malabar was too pathetic and Manjeri along with Malappuram possessed comparatively

good facilities for education in the entire region of Ernad Taluk.

In short, the major educational facilities avail during the colonial times in Malabar provided

minimum accessibility to education. Educational facilities mostly concentrated at the primary level where

as the secondary education was concentrated in Urban points. Secondary education was thus accessible to

those who have economic power and proximity to the cities. That too was further limited by unavailability

of sufficient berths in schools. The state of Mappila education was too pathetic. Their education almost

cam to an end by the primary stage as there was no secondary Mappila Schools. They show little regard for

English education. Performed badly in Examinations, lacked in teaching resources and brought up in a

largely traditional ambience which often disregarded the achievements of modern Science and

Technology, Mappila muslims feat in modern education was very poor.

The programmes, activities and institutions of the Sabha reveals its utmost concern for educating

the Mappila Muslims. The Sabha strived for giving both secular and religious education for the

community. The building of the mosque led to the establishment of a traditional class there who prominent

scholars of the area taught. Nalakathu Marakkarukutty Musliar was the first Mudarris. Many of the

scholars who later became the leaders of Muslim reform were students in this class. C.N. Ahamed

Moulavi, V.P. Muhammedali Haji, Ahammed Musliar, Nellikkuth Ismail Musliyar, Sainudheen Musliyar,

K.T. Manu Musliyar are only some of them.

Sabha started a Madrassa in 1917 at Manjeri. Originally begun in the building of Mappila U.P

School of Manjeri, it was later shifted to own building in 1919. The new building which was called the

Sabha Hall became a centre of dissemination of religious knowledge through various ways. It became the

venue of periodic religious sermons, informal educational ventures and it also housed a library42

. Moreover

the Sabha acted as an umbrella institution for the promotion of learning in dars in Mnajeri. A significant

part of Sabhas educational activities was the introduction modern ways of teaching learning in the

Madrass. A point which is to be born in mind herein that the traditional system of education never allowed

the presence of black board, text books, etc. The writing of Koranic verses on Boards was religiously

proscribed. More over women were proscribed from practicing handwritings in Arabic by the traditional

Ulema.

12



The attempts of Sabha to introduce system of standardization of classes, introduction of modern

structures of class rooms and text books (even in Malayalam)was a most revolutionary attempt at that

moment of time. Text books were written under the auspicious of Sabha to teach in Madrassa. It is reported

that there were 169 students and 4 teachers at its inception. 2841 students is said to have completed their

studies in Madrassa in 30 years ranging for its begun to 1947.43

The activities of the Sabha seems to have

inspired others in following their ways. It is said that the text books they prepared were made use of by

many other such Madrassas around the region. The spread of Madrassa movement after 1921 in Kerala

might have reasonably been inspired by the Sabha.

The Sabha also strived to spread modern secular education among Mappilas. But this was mainly

by swing for the spread of public education in the region. As the leaders of Sabha had considerable access

to governmental spaces, the main strategy in this regard was to seek the state authorities to interfere in

educations. Their membership in Taluk Boards and other bodies often supported them substantially for the

same. This influence could be seen in the willingness of the government to incorporate religious teaching

in public schools for Mappilas. Vallanchira Kunhmoyin prepared text books to teach religious in school

and the government approved them to be taught in the schools. This was because Sabha could convince the

government that Mappilas could be attracted to schools by introducing religious instruction in the

schools.Moreover, the Sabha‟s insistence to appoint Mappila teachers to Mappila Schools was accepted by

the government and orders were issued in this respect.44

The initiatives of Sabha is said to have produced lasting effect in the amelioration of the Mappilas.

The establishment of Mappila Higher Elementary School at Malappuram, training for H.E Teachers at

Malappuram, special training and preparatory classes to Mullas, the appointment of Arabic Munshis in

high schools and training schools45

. Increase in the number of separate schools for boys and girls,

scholarships to Mappila students – all are listed to have been achieved by Sabha in its first phase. The

establishment of a high school at Manjeri in 1920 was materialized as a result of Sabha‟s effort.46

Moreover, Sabha attempted to participate in ventures of educational amelioration of Muslims

nationwide. It sent its deputations to national level conferences who deliberated on educational upliftment

of Muslims. National Personalities having such concern also visited Sabha at various times.47

The activities and concerns of Sabha pervaded all walk of life of the people in general and

Mappilas in particular of the region. The most disturbing problems of life in this region were poverty,

peasant hardships, traditionalism and conservativism. Any attempt to improve the situation calls forth a

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diversification of agenda and actions. The Sabha seems to have been convinced of it. The appeals and

Memorandums submitted by the Sabha before the authorities concerned reveals Sabha‟s concerns.

The most important demands which were presented by the deputation48

of the Sabha to the

government of Madras in 1917 are (1) the passage of a tenancy law to rescue the Pleasants of Ernad from

“the heart-rending experiences” born out of the existing terminal system, (2) the setting up of a modern

agricultural forum at Manjeri, (3) sanction of a more liberal distribution of arms license for both

agricultural and sporting purpose, (4) introduction Arabic teaching in Mappila Schools, (5) in crease in the

scholarships to Mappila students, (6) the retention of the Mappila Act, (7) laying of Railway line through

the Ernad region.

This shows that the Sabha was much concerned about the general development of the area on

modern lines along with the removal of many of the social, economic and cultural disabilities of the

Mappila community in the region.

The Sabha‟s activities were formulated in the general ambiance of respect for the king and

opposition against the rebellions of Mappilas in the region. At the same it never kept the issues central to

the life of the Mappilas of their concern. It is quite clear from the Sabha document that it was open in

respecting and supporting the British government. We see the Sabha celebrating the crowning of the king

in the Durbar on December 12th

of 1911. A public meeting was convened on August 13th

1914 to exhibit

the loyalty to the British king. The Sabha celebrated the victory of the British in the first World War by

way of celebration including the distribution of Tea and sweets to the students of the Sabha. Mostly

importantly, a great meeting was organized deliberate over the stoppage of the rebellion started by some of

Mappilas on 23rd

August 1921 under the presidential of M. Abdulla Moulavi.49

At the same time the Sabha seems to have developed conscious about the happenings in Turkey

which was the seat of Ottoman Caliphs where so many politic and military moves were going on resulting

in the disuemberent of Turkey. The Sabha had collected an amount of Rs. 1045/- for the welfare of those

who was wounded and the relatives of the deceased in the Balkan war in 1912.50

The ventures of the Sabha could not be completely isolated from the trends that were spreading all

over the India. Sabha leaders have been constantly in touch with all India Movements and all Kerala

Movements in reforming the community. There was constant participation by the leaders of the Sabha in

the meetings of Kerala Aikya Sangham.51

They also attended the meetings of Kerala Muslim

conferences52

.

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As far as Muslims were concerned nineteenth century was a century of serious discussion over the

restructuring of religion in a world that was overrun by the ethos of modernity. The traditional belief in the

authority of religious and transcendental authorities had been challenged by the authority of human beings

who could reach out at the truth through the tools empirical experiences and rational thinking.

Movements sprouted out all over the world to redefine the religion of Islam. These movements

have been variously charecterised as Traditionalists, Neo-traditionalist, Radical Revisionist and

Modernists53

.A significant limitation of the Sabha movement was the absence of a charismatic leader.

Instead of the views and writings of such aleader ,we have only the activities of the Sabha to evaluate its

attitude towards reform. The desire to get the region modernized, the efforts to the spread of modern

western education, the attempts to improve the livelihood the people, the recognition of translating

religious knowledge to Malayalam and all these in a religious ambiance. Above all the pro-British and

anti-rebellion stances of the sabha reveals the movements inclination towards the modernist Muslim

attitude in the realm of reform.

1 C.K. Kareem, Kerala Under Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultan, Cochin, 1973, pp.212-215.

2 Ibid., pp.183-187.

3 By now British had successfully practiced in Bengal raising money through various kinds of extortions and exaction and to

consider it as the "Investment". 4 C.A.Innes, Malabar Gazetteer, Thiruvananthapuram, 1997, pp.305-308.

5 The argument of Willim Logan that in pre-British Malabar, there was no ownership equal to dominium, but only some rights

got little acceptance in Colonial circles. See ibid., pp.306-308. 6 S.F .Dale, The Mappilas of Malabar 1498-1922, OUP, New York, 1980, p.232.

7 Ibid., pp.230-32.

8 T .Muhammedali., “Colonial Education Public Sphere and Marginality in Kerala: the Case of Mappilas” in V Kunhali (ed)

Kerala Society historical Perceptions, Calicut University,2002 9 C.N. , Ahmad Moulavi and K.K.M.A Kareem,., Mahathaya Mappila Sahitya Paramparyam (Mal.),p.227.

10 K M Seethi, “Muslim Navodhanam” in Samakalika Malayalam (Special Issue) January 2007

11 See Ibid., K.K.M.A. Kareem, (ed.), Makhti Thangalude Sampoorna Krithikal (Mal.), Calicut; K.K.M.A Kareem, Makhti

Tangalude Jeeva Charitram (Mal.), Calicut, 1997; M. Abdul Samad, Islam in Kerala, Kollam, 1998, pp.42-49. 12

Quoted in M. Abdul Samad, Islam in Kerala, Kollam, 1998, p.43. 13

See Kareem, K.K.M.A., Makhti Tangalude Sampoorna Krithikal. 14

K.K.M.A.Kareem, , Makhti Tangalude Jeeva Charithram (Mal.), Calicut, 1997, pp.21-21. 15

Ibid., pp.24-33. 16

K.P. Kunhimoossa, “Sayyid sanaulla Makthi Thangal” (mal) in Kerala Muslim Navodhana Charithram(Prabhodhanam

Special Edition) Kozhikode 1998 ,pp.46-47 17

His book titled Makhtimanaklesam is an account of the agonious experiences in his field. 18

This statement is made when the District Collector asked Makhti to pay Rs.500/- or to give personal bail on the ground of a

Missionary representation against him. See Kareem K.K.M.A., Op. cit., p.49. 19

Ibid., p.49. 20

M. Abdul Samad, Op. cit., p.49. 21

Ibid., p.50.

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22

Ibid., p.51. 23

Ibid., p.52. 24

Ibid., p.51. 25

Ibid., p.53. 26

Ibid., pp.53-54. 27

Ibid., pp.54. 28

The Muslim, 1 January 1906 in Ibid., p.62. 29

Al Islam, April 1918, in Ibid., p.67. 30

Ibid., p.80. 31

Hidayathul Muslimeen Sabha ,Manjeri: A Brief Historical Report,1947 (from the personal collection of M.P .Abdurahiman

Kurikkal, Manjeri ) p.1 (hereafter BHR) 32

Proceedings of the Sabha Meeting(hereafter Proceedings) July 9 1897,in Office of Hidayathul Muslimeen Sabha(hereafter

OHMS) 33

BHR,pp.1-2 34

see Proceedings in OHMS. Also see BHR,pp.2-3 35

BHR,p. 2 36

ibid., p.4 37

See No.4328. Proceedings if the Director of Public Instruction(hereafter PDPI) dated 26th

April1897,P.8 38

Ibid.p.10 39

The State and Progress of Mappila Education in Malabar in Ibid. pp.15-17 40

ibid.p.16 41

ibid.p.17 42

M P Abdurahiman Kurikkal, Manjeri Mahallu Annum Innum(mal) ,Manjeri,1990 p.4; Also see BHR,pp.5-7 43

BHR,p.6 44

ibid., p.4 45

ibid., p.4 46

M. P. Abdurahiman Kurikkal. “Orunootandupinnitta manjeri Mahallu”in Souvenir Mubarak High School 2001,p.47 47

M P Abdurahiman Kurikkal, Manjeri Mahallu …. ,Manjeri,1990 p.4 48

The text of the memorial submitted to the Governor of Madras and his reply to the memorial has been reproduced in the

Eighteenth Tour of H.E. the Right .Hon. The Lord Petland, Governor of Madras, October 14th

to 25th

,1917,pp.90-99 49

BHR,pp.5-6 50

ibid.p.6 51

M P Abdurahiman Kurikkal, Manjeri Mahallu Annum Innum(mal) ,Manjeri,1990, p.5 52

See Report of the Second Session of Kerala Muslim Conference held on 13th

and 14th

May1933. 53

Clinton Brennet, Muslims and modernity,London,2005, pp.17-25

Understanding Muslim Reform in Malabar: A Study of Hidayathul Muslimeen Sabha,Manjeri

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