The Tupi Linguistic Family

Luciana R. Storto

Linguistics Department

Universidade de So Paulo

Brazil

The Tupi Linguistic Family:

Aweti: Aweti (AW)

Arikm: Karitiana (KA)

Juruna: Juruna (JU), Xipaya (XI)

Maw: Maw (MW)

Mond: 6 languages or dialects

Munduruku: Munduruku (MU), Kuruaya (KU)

Purubor: Purubor (PU)

Ramarama: Karo (KO)

Tupari - 5 languages

Tupi-Guarani: 40 languages or dialects

(Rodrigues 1986, 1999, Jensen 1999, Tupi Comparative Project, Museu Emlio Goeldi, Brazil, 2006)

We know that the Aweti, Maw, and Tupi Guarani

language families are closer to each other than to any

other Tupi language, thus constituting a subgroup

(Rodrigues & Dietrich 1997).

Two other families have also been shown to be closely

related: Ramarama and Purubora (Galcio & Gabas Jr.

2002).

(Results from Tupi Comparative Project,

Museu Emlio Goeldi, Brazil, 2006)

Proto-Tupi (4000-5000BP)

Ramarama-Purubor Juruna Aweti-Maw-Tupi Guarani Tupari Arikm Mond Munduruku

Ramarama Purubor Aweti Maw T-G

Karo Purubor Juruna Aweti Maw Ayuru Karitiana Munduruku

Xipaya Akuntsu Kuruaya

Makurap

Mekns A Tupari

I II III IV V VI VII VIII

Salamy B Surui

Aru Gavio Zor Cinta-Larga

Tupi Language families (except Tupi-Guarani):

Map by Rodrigues 1999, modified for this presentation

Tupi-Guarani languages: Jensen 1999

Rodrigues (1985) classifies Tupi Guarani

languages in 8 subgroups:

I: Guarani Antigo, Guarani (Paraguay), Mby, Xet, N )) ))andeva, Kaiw, Guayak, Tapiet, Chiriguano, Izocennnn)o)o)o)o;

II: Guarayo, Sirion, Hor;

III: Tupi Antigo, Tupinamb, Kokma, Omgua;

IV: Tapirap, Av, Asurini (Toc.), Suru (Toc.), Parakan,

Guajajra, Temb;

V: Kayab, Asurin (Xing), Arawet;

VI: Apiak, Parintintn, Tupi-Kawahb;

VII: Kamayur;

VIII: Guaj, Urub, Turiwra, Anamb, Amanay,

Emrillon,Wayamp, Takunyap.

Purubor (PU) is extinct, with only some passive speakers remaining.

Ayuru (AJ) is almost extinct, with two elderly

speakers and some semi- speakers left in the

state of Rondnia.

Xipaya (XI) is almost extinct, with two elderly

speakers left in Altamira, Par.

Mond (MO) and Salamy are the same

language; it is almost extinct.

Akuntsu has been rediscovered recently.

Rodrigues (1999) map includes Sakirabiat (SR)

as part of the Tupari family, but it is Mekns.

Oral vowels in the 10 Tupi families:

Karitiana Mekns Xipaya Munduruku Suru

i

e o

a

i

e o

a

i u

e

a

i

e o

a

i

e o

a

Kamayur Aweti Maw

i u

e o

a

i u

e o

a

i u

e o

a

Purubor Karo

i u

e o

a

i u

e o

a

Although Tupi languages show neat vocalic inventories in terms of vocalic quality, nasalization and duration are alsodistinctive in some of them. The following families have bothnasal vowels and long vowels: Arikm (Karitiana), Maw, Mond (Gavio), Tupari (Mekns), and, probably, Purubor.

The following families present nasal vowels but notlong vowels: Ramarama (Karo) and Juruna (Xipayaand Juruna), where long vowels occur phonetically, and Aweti, Tupi Guarani and Munduruku. In Karo, nasal vowels are limited to 4 qualities, whereas oral vowels are 7 in number. In Munduruku, there is alsoa series of laryngealized vowels (Picano 2005).

Ka Ga Me Mu Xi/Ju Ko Pu Aw Ma TG

Nasal yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes

Long yes yes yes no no no yes no yes no

Nasal and Long vowels in Tupi families:

Note that the Aweti-Maw-Tupi Guarani subgroup all have

nasal vowels; Maw, however, differs from the other two in

having long vowels.

Note that the Purubora-Ramarama subgroup has nasal vowels;

They differ from each other, however, with respect to vowel

length.

Conclusion: Proto-Tupi probably had nasal vowels and long

vowels;

Although length plays a role in the segmental inventories of languages (long vowels and geminate consonants), we choose to classify length phenomena as supra-segmental, because of the relationship observed universally between length and other supra-segmental phenomena such as stress and tone.

The phonetic correlate of length is always duration, either for vowels or consonants. Duration, however, is one of the possible correlates of stress in the worlds languages, along with intensity and fundamental frequency; the latter is also the phonetic correlate of tonal phenomena (including pitch accent). Tupilanguages have tone and pitch accent systems.

Most languages have the following 11 consonants (range between 11 and19 Cs):

A series of voiceless stops p t k (languages may or may not have a phonemic glottal stop).

A series of nasals m and n is present in all languages. Two languages fail to have a velar nasal: Xipaya, and , maybe, Purubor. Languages may or may not have a palatal nasal.

A series of approximants w and j that nasalize in nasal environments (in some languages thepalatal glide j and the palatal nasal are allophones of the same phoneme, that can bephonemically oral or nasal).

A series of voiceless fricatives s and h, that never occur in syllabic coda position. Gavio andMekns have no h, Purubor and Aweti have no s; the former has a post-alveolar fricative andthe latter has z and ts. Karitiana and Mekns have ts as one of the realizations of s.

An alveolar tap.

p t k

m n NNNN

RRRR

s h

w j

Facts worth of notice about consonants in Tupi languages:

The glottal stop appears in all Tupi language families, but notphonemically in most.

The labial glide w is rare in many languages, and has anunrounded approximant as the allophone in all families, exceptin Purubor.

Inventories have either j or a palatoalveolar nasal, but neverboth. The palatal glide segment j is in complementarydistribution with three other palatal segments in at least threelanguage families (Mekns, Karitiana, and Gavio).

Pre and post oralization of nasals in Karitiana

/ami/ [abmbi] house

/kina/ [kidnda] thing

/mo/ [mbo] to climb

/mi/ [mbi] basket

/en/ [edn] pregnant

/om/ [obm] perforated

/mikipa/ [bikipa] bench

/neso/ [deso] mountain

/mram/ [mrm] fly

/nn/ [nn] crooked

Tone Patterns in Karitiana

Tone in isolated words

1) Disyllabic words are always HL regardless of the stress pattern.

yryng

2) Monomorphemic trisyllabic words are always HHL and stress final (boroja).

3) Polymorphemic words can have different tone patterns according to stress. In bikipa, for instance, the monosyllabic root and the suffix are stressed, creatingtwo tone domains bound on the left by the stressedsyllables.

The epenthetic vowel occurring between the twomorphemes in bikipa cannot have the same tone as the syllable to its right, because tone cannot spread from an accented syllable.

In okypa,

the last syllable of the disyllabic root and the suffix are stressed, creating three tone domains.

Tone in one word sentences

High and low tones are associated to syllables based on stress patterns.

A L tone is always assigned to the end of any utterance (as in the sentence ataty do not go below), including words pronounced in isolation.

Affirmative imperatives (AI) are the only sentential types in which a H tone appears at the end of an utterance (see the sentence atara go below).

The Tonal System of Gavio:

The tone system of Gavio ([Mond], (Tupi)) has been described in Moore (1999) as a system that has two tones: H and L. A medium tone (unmarked in the examples below) may be derived by rule, but it is never lexically represented:

Tone realization in short vowels:

X sp thin object (like a hair)

H

X sp flat object (like a leaf)

L

X jap arrow

L H

When a LH tone occurs in a short vowel after a H tone, there is a predictable lowering of the H (and all following Hs, such as the one in s below) to a medium tone (M):

X X X X

H L H H M

tjap s tjap sa Have you got an arrow?

Tone realization in long vowels:

X X bp aa palm tree

H

X X g to go

L

X X e that

L H

X X dt head

H L

There is also a rising-lowering pattern that has the

following distribution:

At the the end of a word:

X X bo back

L H L

In other environments:

X X bo back

L H

(all following H tones are M)

Many South American language families have been described as containing pitch accent languages: Tukano (Tuyuka), Tupi (Karitiana, Juruna, Karo), Chibchan (Uw Cuwa)

or tonal languages: Tukano, Tupi (Suru, Gavio, Munduruk), Tikuna, Nambikwara, Macro-Je (Guat and Yat), Chibchan (Bari), Chonan, Bora-Huitoto.

Tupi, Tukano and Chibchan have both types of languages

Morphosyntactic Patterns

Compl-V Por-Ped Compl-P Embedded-ConjunctionKaritiana yes (not only)yes yes yesMekns yes yes yes yesKaro yes yes yes yesGavio yes yes yes yesSater-Maw? ? ? ?Aweti yes (not only) yes ?Proto-T-G yes yes yes yesXipaya yes yes yes yesPurubor ? ? ? ?

Conclusion: Tupi languages are head-final, that is, thehead follows the complement in all phrases.

Complement-verb and Embedded-Conjunction:

[Boroja taso oky tykiri] -naka-hyryp- w

snake man kill conj 3-decl-cry-nfut. Child

'When the man killed the snake, the child cried' (colloquial)

[Taso boroja oky tykiri] -naka-hyryp- w

man snake kill conj 3-decl-cry-nfut. child

'When the man killed the snake, the child cried' (archaic)

Complement-Postposition:

Porto velho-pip y-ta-ama-j leite-ty

Porto Velho-in 1S-decl-buy--irr milk- obl

'I will buy milk in Porto Velho

Possessor-possessed:

Taso ambi The mans house

Karitiana examples

Ergative-absolutive pattern of person marking on

the verb: person morphology reflects the object or

intransitive subject (the absolutive argument):

Karitiana:

person-mood-verb-tense

Yn a-ta-oky-j an I will hurt you

An y-ta-oky-j yn You will hurt me

Y-ta-opiso-t You listened

A-ta-opiso-t You listened

(sete) e-so-a-t He saw you-sg

(sete) eyat-so-a-t He saw you-pl.

(sete) se-er-a-t He slept

(eyat) eyar-er-a-t You-pl slept

Mekns

Person-verb-thematic vowel- tense

Karo (Ramarama Family):

Order of affixes on the verb: person-verb-mood

The person affix refers to the object or to the intransitive

subject:

Ameko o-top-t The jaguar saw me

On a-top-t I saw him

O-yakop-t I sweat

A-ket-t He slept

Wh-movement of arguments (Focus, new information) is marked by the

following verb prefixes:

Karitiana Mekns Karo Proto-T-Guarani Juruna

Trans. Subj. (A) i- i-

Object (O) ti- i- i- i- (patient) i-

Intr. Subj (S) i- i- (patient)

Object wh-

Mora-mon taso ti-pisogng?

Who did the man stab?

Grammaticalized Focus

Intransitive subject extraction

1. Mora-mon i-hyryp? Who cried?Wh-cop part-cry

Transitive subject extraction

2. Mor i-soki eremby? Who tied up the hammock?Wh 3-tie.up hammock

3. Mor y-soki? Who tied me up?Wh 1s-tie.up

Oblique object extraction

4. Mor-ty aj-andyj? Who did you laugh at?Wh-obl 2p-smile

In Karitiana, the ergative-absolutive pattern is

also present in the suffix to the WH- sentences

mon:

The End

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