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Federalism is often regarded as the appropriate governmental principle for countries with huge ethno-cultural diversities. Nigeria, with over two hundred and fifty ethnic groups inherited a federal system from Britain in 1960 and successive governments have attempted, with varying degrees of sincerity and commitment to operate federal institutions that can accommodate the country’s ethnic, cultural, religious and linguistic diversities and nurture a sense of national unity. However, the leaders of these governments, at all levels, have failed to fulfill their obligations to offer good governance anchored on equitable political arrangements, transparent administrative practices and accountable public conduct. Indeed, failure to encourage genuine power sharing has triggered dangerous rivalries between the central government and the thirty six states governments over revenue from the country’s oil and other natural resources. The defective federal structure has also promoted bitter struggles between interests groups to capture the state and its attendant wealth; and facilitated the emergence of violent ethnic militias, while politicians exploit and exacerbate inter-communal tensions for selfish reasons. Thus, communities throughout the country increasingly feel marginalized and alienated from the Nigerian state. These writers contend that the deeply flawed federal system in Nigeria constitutes a grave threat to national integration, stability and development; and that unless the government properly engages the underlying issues of resource control, power sharing, equal rights and accountability, the country will face an internal crisis of increasing and dangerous proportions. This paper seeks to examine “True Federalism and Sustainable Development in Nigeria (A Discourse on National Question and / or National Maladies)”.

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    True Federalism and Sustainable Development in Nigeria (ADiscourse on National Question and/or National Maladies)

    Chuunon!e Au"uruRivers State College of Arts and Science, Rumuola, Port Harcourt,Nigeria

    Ne#man Chintu#a $n!iooMedonice Consulting and Research Institute, Port

    Harcourt

    AbstractFederalism is often regarded as the appropriate governmental principlefor countries ith huge ethno!cultural diversities" Nigeria, ith overto hundred and #ft$ ethnic groups inherited a federal s$stem from%ritain in &'() and successive governments have attempted, ithvar$ing degrees of sincerit$ and commitment to operate federalinstitutions that can accommodate the countr$*s ethnic, cultural,

    religious and linguistic diversities and nurture a sense of national unit$"Hoever, the leaders of these governments, at all levels, have failed toful#ll their obligations to o+er good governance anchored on euitable

    political arrangements, transparent administrative practices andaccountable public conduct" Indeed, failure to encourage genuine

    poer sharing has triggered dangerous rivalries beteen the centralgovernment and the thirt$ si- states governments over revenue fromthe countr$*s oil and other natural resources" .he defective federal

    structure has also promoted bitter struggles beteen interests groupsto capture the state and its attendant ealth/ and facilitated theemergence of violent ethnic militias, hile politicians e-ploit and

    e-acerbate inter!communal tensions for sel#sh reasons" .hus,

    communities throughout the countr$ increasingl$ feel marginali0ed andalienated from the Nigerian state" .hese riters contend that the

    deepl$ 1aed federal s$stem in Nigeria constitutes a grave threat tonational integration, stabilit$ and development/ and that unless the

    government properl$ engages the underl$ing issues of resourcecontrol, poer sharing, eual rights and accountabilit$, the countr$ ill

    face an internal crisis of increasing and dangerous proportions" .hispaper see2s to e-amine 3.rue Federalism and Sustainable

    &

    http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=2135775http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=1928507http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=2135775http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=1928507
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    4evelopment in Nigeria 5A 4iscourse on National 6uestion and 7 orNational Maladies89"

    %e!#ords&Nigerian Federalism, National 6uestion, State Creation,

    Sustainable4evelopment

    Introduction

    There is a general consensus that over half a century after independence, Nigeria is

    yet to resolve the problem of nation-building. Indeed, it seems that over the years

    the centrifugal forces are on the ascendancy. The difficulty in forging a unitednation after independence has often provoked doubts and debates as to the viability

    of the Nigerian project. Federalism is widely regarded as the appropriate

    governmental principle for countries with huge ethno-cultural diversities. Nigeria,

    with over two hundred and fifty ethnic groups inherited a federal system from

    ritain in !"#$ and ever since, successive governments have attempted, with

    varying degrees of commitment and success, to operate federal institutions that can

    accommodate the country%s ethnic, cultural, religious and linguistic diversities and

    nurture a sense of national unity, &'labi, ($$#). *owever, these governments at all

    levels have failed to fulfill their obligations of good governance anchored on

    e+uitable political arrangements, transparent administrative practices and

    accountable public conduct. In fact, failure to encourage genuine power sharing has

    triggered dangerous rivalries between the central government and the thirty-si

    states governments over revenue from the country%s oil and other natural

    resources. The defective federal structure has also promoted bitter struggles

    between interests groups to capture the state and its attendant wealth and

    facilitated the emergence of violent ethnic militias, while politicians eploit and

    eacerbate inter-communal tensions for selfish reasons.

    Thus, communities throughout the country increasingly feel marginalied andalienated from the Nigerian state. This writer contends that the deeply flawed

    federal system in Nigeria constitutes a grave threat to national integration, stability

    and development, and that unless the government properly engages the underlying

    issues of resource control, power sharing, e+ual rights and accountability, the

    country will continue to face an internal crisis of increasing and dangerous

    proportions. This paper, therefore, seeks to eamine the contentious issues in

    Nigeria%s federal arrangement, and the challenges they pose for nation-building,

    national stability and development. For ease and clarity of analysis, this essay is in

    :

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    four sections, namely, &i) introduction &ii) /verview of Nigerian Federalism &iii)

    0ontending Issues in Nigerian Federalism and &iv) conclusion.

    ;

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    Overview of the Evolution of Nigerian Federalism

    That the origin of Nigerian federalism is traceable to ritish 0olonial rule is no

    longer new. *owever, opinion varies on the basic reason for its introduction. 1ome

    scholars opine that federalism was introduced in Nigeria by the ritish for

    administrative convenience. 1ome are of the view that ritain imposed federalism

    on Nigeria in order to maintain some control on the country after independence.

    /thers believe that the ritish colonialists adopted federalism in Nigeria to solve

    the problem of how to keep the large and ethnically diverse groups of people

    together. 2egardless of the status of each of these arguments, all the viewpoints are

    useful in tracing the origin of federalism in Nigeria.

    The origin of the federal system in Nigeria can be traced to the amalgamation of

    the 1outhern and Northern 3rotectorates in !"!4. The federal structure began to

    form in !"5" under 1ir ernard ourdillon who divided the 1outhern 3rotectorates

    into two. The 2ichards and 6acpherson constitutions of !"4# and !"7!respectively only created a decentralied unitary system. The practice of federalism

    in Nigeria was officially adopted through the 8yttleton 0onstitution of !"74 as it

    was the first genuine federal constitution of the country. The constitution was

    introduced due to the crises generated by the 6acpherson constitution, especially

    the motion of self-government, and the 9ano riots of !"75. These events convinced

    the colonial administration that considerable regional autonomy must be granted to

    the regional governments and that only federalism could hold the Nigerian peoples

    together, &'labi, ($$#).

    Nigerian federalism became consolidated at independence, and since then, it has

    been operating in both political and fiscal contets, although not in full

    consonance with the basic principles of federal practice. *istorically, Nigeria%s

    federal system has oscillated between the ecessive regionalism that marked the

    First 2epublic &!"#$ : !"##) and the ecessive centraliation of the military, and

    relatively, the post-military era. Nigerian federalism overtime has also undergone

    structural changes by which the federation moved from its initial three-region

    structure at independence to a four-region structure by !"#4, and to its current

    thirty-si states structure including seven hundred and seventy - four local

    governments. These changes have been necessitated by the need for a balancedfederation that would give all nationalities self-actualiation and fulfillment.

    *owever, these changes have increased imbalances in the Nigerian federation as

    eemplified in continued centraliation and concentration of power at the centrewith its attendant conse+uences. 2eally, state and local government creation

    eercises have helped to spread development across the country to some etent it is

    e+ually true that in spite of the structural changes, the Northern region remains

    dominant over others so much that it is the decider on matters of joint deliberation,

    &6uhammed, ($$;).

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    The dominant and domineering posture of the Northern region over other sections

    of the country is traceable to the advent of the federal system in Nigeria. ofwen, ($$4). ?ue to this uneven structure, even when

    new states are created, the North continues to occupy over 7$@ of states in the

    country. Thus, the Northern geopolitical one enjoys certain advantages in termsof resource allocation and federal appointments, particularly in cases where state

    representation is adopted as criteria. This arrangement is a clear violation of one of

    the core principles of federalism, that of relative e+uality of component units in a

    federation. The arrangement is also a fulfillment of 6ill%s 8aw of Federal

    Instability which states that no federation can be stable when one part of it

    constitutes a permanent majority in joint deliberations, &/yedele, !"""). Nigerian

    federalism has thus not been able to ade+uately promote national integration and

    development as the country continues to face various protestations and agitations by

    groups against the current federal structure.

    0oncerning fiscal federalism, access to political power at the centre is

    perhaps the most crucial factor in resource distribution and revenue allocation. In

    such situation, the Agroup% that controls political power at the centre ultimately

    controls revenue allocation and thus has the opportunity to epropriate a larger

    share to its own advantage to the detriment of the wealth producers. This scenario

    is eemplified by the consistent and systematic relegation of derivation as the

    principle of revenue allocation since !"7!, &/yedele, !""").

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    In all, serious contradictions in Nigeria%s federal system such as the colonial factor,

    military rule, structural imbalance, over-centraliation of power in the central

    government have overtime perpetuated various thorny issues and challengeswithin the Nigerian federation. Be shall now turn to the contending issues in the

    Nigerian federation.

    Issues in the National Question in Nigerian Federalism

    1ince the attainment of independence in !"#$, a number of national issues have

    generated heated debates and crises, sometimes threatening the entire fabric of the

    Nigerian 1tate. These includeC

    &i) 1tate 0reation and the 6inority Duestion,

    &ii) 6ilitary Intervention in >overnance,&iii) /il and 6inority 'gitations,

    &iv)

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    to correct the structural and administrative imbalance of the country and minimie

    future political friction. Bithin the framework of smaller units, it seemed

    impossible for any state to consider itself ade+uately self-sufficient and almost

    entirely independent. 's >owon put itC

    The main obstacle to the future stability of this country is thepresent structural imbalance in the Nigerian Federalism.

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    *owever, pressure from minorities did not cease with the defeat of iafra. The

    case for a further sub-division of the country was actively canvassed by ethnic

    groups fearing or eperiencing discrimination or domination and hoping for greater

    rewards from a measure of self-government. 's an illustration, the orubas of /yo

    and Ibadan who had formed the bulwark of the political opposition in the Bestern

    region up to !"## feared discrimination after the return to civil rule scheduled for

    the late !"=$s. 1imilarly, the people of 6inna and 'buja in the North Bestern state

    complained of unfavourable discrimination in appointments to government posts

    and the provision of public services in favour of the 1okoto

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    the possibility of a mass revolt by the people against oppressive and scandalous

    leadership, and each time the masses became restless and ready to effect a change in

    leadership due to the inability of the ruling class to respond ade+uately and

    effectively to popular demands, the military would intervene, & In$anga, :))B8.The

    military leadership, having toppled the previous government, uses state power to

    restore normalcy, maintain an uneasy calm, law and order and return the country to

    the status +uo ante. The usual abortion of the imminent mass revolts via military

    coups make the military organiation an obstacle to revolutionary progress,

    though coupists often promise an overhaul of the system in their maiden broadcast

    to the nation after seiing power.

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    producing communities often resorted to litigation, which usually ended in

    unfavourable verdicts. 8etters were also written to the various post-independence

    administrations on the Niger ?elta problem. ?ue to the failure of these efforts, the

    agitators moved further by making representation to government at all levels to

    make their letters effective. *owever, in most cases, apart from the usual warm

    reception and empty promises no tangible achievement was recorded. ?uring the

    period also, demonstrations were staged in the Niger ?elta and other places during

    which pamphlets and banners were displayed to further draw attention to theincreasing crisis in the region. 8etters were delivered in the affected state capitals,

    'buja and 8agos in order to gain government attention, & Nosu, :)&)8.

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    the 6ovement for

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    across the country, as most parents can no longer ade+uately control their children,

    kith and kin. This situation provides ample opportunity for ethno-religious

    conflicts because the jobless youths and hungry children become ready tools of

    selfish leaders in fomenting trouble and causing conflicts across the country. The

    promise of a meager amount of money with little enjoyment makes the youths ever

    willing to undertake such a venture. They are overwhelmed by the available

    goodies and booties without serious consideration for the conse+uences of their

    actions. Furthermore, prolonged military rule manifested in the forceful suppressionof the ethnic aspirations of many minority groups, while the monopoliation of

    power by the majority groups stimulated violent conflicts afterwards. In addition,

    the shift of 3residential 3ower to the 1outh led to some agitations, which were given

    religious coloration, and these agitations also elicited reactions from some elements

    in the 1outh who continuously clamoured for a favourable system of revenue

    distribution and resource control.

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    unity, and also to command national loyalty thereby ensuring that

    there shall be no predominance of persons from a few states or

    from a few ethnic or other sectional groups in that government

    or in any of its agencies, &Nna, @ Ibiba,:)&&8" 3ut simply, Federal 0haracter is a euphemism for ethnic balancing. It is an

    instrumentality for ensuring unity in diversity by balancing official appointments

    between groups and within the officer corps of the armed forces. There is need to

    emphasie that the controversial idea of Federal 0haracter, which has become an

    integral part of Nigeria%s federal system, is not peculiar to Nigeria. For eample, the

    Gnited 1tates of 'merica too applies it in the form of L'ffirmative 'ctionM and

    India too as LDuota 1ystemM in several areas, & 2aba, :))8 . *owever, what hashappened in practice in Nigeria since !"=" is that the conflicting interpretation and

    faulty implementation of the Federal 0haracter principle elicited results that were

    almost completely opposed to the aims of promoting national unity and loyalty.

    0learly, these problems contributed immensely to the contradictions anddisharmonies that have since marred inter : governmental and inter : group

    relations in the country.

    Corru$tion

    0orruption is a global phenomenon but it is more prevalent and destructive in the

    Third Borld countries. That corruption in Nigeria has become an endemic problem

    threatening the country%s socio : economic and political development is common

    knowledge. Bhile acknowledging the threat of corruption to the Nigerian 1tate,

    *on. >hali Gmar Na% 'bba, former 1peaker of Nigeria%s *ouse of 2epresentatives

    declared in ($$5 thatM

    Bhile we cannot rule out the incidence of corruption and bribery in

    almost every facet of our society, it is particularly resident in theinfrastructure areas in ministries or monopolistic parastals

    saddled with the task of making infrastructure available to the

    public : water, telecommunication, electricity &N

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    In that same year, a 0entral ank of Nigeria ?irector stated that Lthe

    avalanche of frauds and unprofessional K unethical practices in the industry in recent

    years is eroding public confidence in the systemM, & 2on, :))=8" In($$4, Transparency International &TI), the world : acclaimed anti : corruption

    watchdog, ranked Nigeria as the third most corrupt country in the world, after *aitiand angladesh. It also stated that billions of dollars are lost to bribery in public

    purchasing, particularly in the oil sector of the economy. Furthermore, the Gnited

    Nations ?evelopment 3rogramme &GN?3) declared that Nigeria has maintained a

    seventy percent rise in poverty in spite of an income of over two hundred billion

    dollars in oil revenues since !"=$, and her per capital income has hardly improved

    ever since, &nuoha, :))8 .0orruption in Nigeria is, primarily, a political problem. The incidence of corruption

    in a nation is as a result of the lack of political will on the part of the political

    leadership and the inability of the state to maintain law and order. Thus, business

    corruption is a fall : out of the failure to tackle political corruption, which castsdoubts upon the moral uprightness of the state as a whole and on the political will of

    the leadership to manage the affairs of the nation. It follows simple logic that where

    there is absence of political corruption is where the state operates under a high

    ethical order and upholds, protects and enforce the rule of law on itself and on its

    citiens. Gnder the rule of law and justice, the state machinery works for the good

    of all and there will be no stealing of public funds, inflation of contracts, forgeries,

    and mismanagement of money in banks, industries and government bureaucracy.

    In a nutshell, as it has played out in Nigeria, political corruption and business

    corruption are two sides of the same coin. In this regard, it is important to note that

    the seedy financial scandals eposed in the Fourth 2epublic involved several

    financial institutions. For eample, former Inspector >eneral of 3olice &I>3) Tafa

    alogun%s financial frauds involved the laundering of billions of Naira under

    different names in different banks. 1imilar method was also employed by

    government officials involved in LIkoyigateM, a reference to the shameful fraud

    involving the sale of government properties in Ikoyi, 8agos, and other financial

    scandals that rocked the Fourth 2epublic across the 8ocal, 1tate and Federal

    >overnment units, including the 3residency itself, & r?i, :))B8.

    eneral

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    and fraud in many states. 'ccording to the Gnited 1tates-based International

    2epublican Institute &I2I), the !"th 'pril presidential and gubernatorial elections

    suffered in some parts of Nigeria as a result of numerous uncorrected administrative

    and procedural errors combined with many observed instances of obvious

    premeditated electoral manipulationsM.(; The 0ommonwealth /bserver >roup alsoobserved thatC

    In parts of ?ituu, @

    >nemugem, 5:))8.

    These statements are indeed bullet holes in the corruption : riddled political history

    of Nigeria. The scenario is even more pathetic when one considers the debilitating

    impact of fraudulent elections and the resultant governments on national

    development and nation building. 0orruption begets corruption. ' corrupt and

    unethical politician who emerges from a corrupt election cannot govern well.

    %eadershi$ Crisis

    The various challenges of nation : building, some of which have been detailed upon

    earlier on in this paper, have been compounded by the leadership crisis. Though, theleadership challenge, like the 1word of ?amocles, hangs above all nations, the issue

    has however assumed a crisis dimension of monumental conse+uences particularly

    in 8ess ?eveloped 0ountries &8?0s). Nigeria is a nation born in hope and optimism

    but has lived in aniety for most of its fifty year : history due to the country%s

    failure to produce a nationally acceptable leadership that transcends ethnic, regional

    and religious boundaries, and that can unite its diverse peoples for mobiliation

    towards national development. In the light of this, it is valid to support the

    argument that the basic problem with the Nigerian federation is the failure of

    leadership. 'll other factors of disunity, instability and under :development have

    been nurtured and given momentum by leadership failure. 0riticisms againstNigerian leaders across 8ocal, 1tate and Federal government levels are many and

    justified. These include corruption, unpatriotism, selfishness, despotism, tribalism,

    and religious bigotry.

    Nigeria%s political history since independence has shown clearly through her various

    conflicts, coups and counter : coups, as well as a civil war, that the Nigerian ruling

    elite &both civilian and military) are divided along many lines, particularly along

    tribal, ethnic, religious and regional lines. This has led to inter : elite rivalries,

    mutual suspicion and status conflicts among the ruling elite. Thus, government and

    &=

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    politics in Nigeria has been characteried by deadly competitions and conflicts of

    hostile subcultures arising various danger signals that occasionally threatened the

    continued eistence of the country. Gnder successive Nigerian leaderships,

    almost every issue has been politicied and interpreted to serve as a weapon of

    political domination or intimidation. 's a conse+uence, various issues like elections,census, state creation, religion, political appointments, revenue sharing and lately,

    resource control have ignited serious socio : political crises. This tragic situation

    has compelled some observers to conclude that for Nigeria to resolve her leadership

    debacle she needs heroes in the form of men with etra : ordinary talents, &?ukor,

    &($$#). ut this raises further problemsC who are these heroes Bhere, how and

    when shall they be found This, in my opinion, is the cru of the Nigerian dilemma.

    "he conce$t of sustaina&le develo$ment and the Niger #elta economy

    The political economy of sustainable development provides the fulcrum for an

    enduring material progress of the people concerned. This brand of developmenttheory adopts a holistic approach that is mindful of the future implications of

    economic solutions formulated in the present. 'rokoyu &($$4C!=) traces the origin

    of the concept of sustainability to development debates of the !";$s, which arose

    out of the environmental revolution of the !";$s. There was increased awareness

    when the Gnited NationsA>eneral 'ssembly resolution created a Borld

    0ommission on

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    of global warming, is one of the most sensitive environmental problems associated

    with oil mining. Nigeria alone flares about (4 billion cubic meters of associated

    natural gas every year and the November ($$= report of the ?epartment of /il

    3etroleum 2esources claim that more than =$@ of oil fields in Nigeria are culprits.

    'lthough the Nigerian >overnment acknowledges the environmental haards posedby constant gas flaring, her non-committal approach becomes a source of concern.

    It is disheartening to note that various elusive dates have been set to end gas flaring

    in Nigeria. Inyanga &($$=C!=#) observes the Federal 6inistry of overnment done In highlightingthe cardinal objectives of N

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    close to the people and the people close to their government will differ according to

    the history, the demographic distribution, the traditional culture &or cultures), and

    the prevailing international and economic environment in which it has to operate.

    There is no doubt that the sordid state of socio-economic development in the Niger

    ?elta had attracted >overnment attention. /n the eve of independence, the Niger

    ?elta ?evelopment oard, thanks to the Billinks 0ommission, was created by the

    colonial government to chart the course of development. The creation of the /il6ineral 3roducing 'rea 0ommission and the Niger ?elta ?evelopment

    0ommission was to address the peculiar development challenges faced by the Niger

    ?elta. In the face of internal and international pressure, the then arA'dua led

    government has recently created a Technical 0ommittee headed by arrister 8edum

    6itee, an /goni born *uman 2ights 'ctivists and had e+ually created a 6inistry of

    the Niger ?elta. In creating the 6inistry on Thursday 1eptember !!, 3resident

    6usa arA'dua announced that the new ministry will serve as the primary vehicle

    for the delivery of his administrationAs agenda for the rapid socio- economicdevelopment of the oil rich but long neglected region with special focus on

    infrastructural development and youth empowerment &The Nation, 1eptember

    ($$;). Bith the demise of late 3resident arA'dua,his successor in the person of ?r.>oodluck onathan has demonstrated an enviable spirit of continuity in policy

    formulation and implementation as encapsulated in 1even- 3oint 'genda with the

    development of the Niger ?elta region as one of its arrowheads >overnment

    reaction was provoked by the state of insecurity that had reached an

    embarrassing height in recent times. There were rampant cases of kidnapping and

    armed assault against prominent citiens and 6ulti-national 0orporation officials.

    The aftermath of these brigandries was the eodus of some 6N0s key players.

    0ompanies like ulius-erger 0onstruction 0ompany had to relocate to 'buja and

    Gyo respectively for security reasons.

    's a result of the incessant attacks by militants, the nation lost not less than #5!,$$$barrels per day with 1hell &13?0) all accounting for 4$7,$$$ bpd, 'gip =7,$$$ and

    others !(,$$$. 'll these figures run into billions of Naira leading to a palpable

    decline in oil revenues. Bhile the giant stride of the >overnment in setting up a

    Technical 0ommittee and a 6inistry of the Niger ?elta acknowledged, it is hoped

    that these institutions will not be afflicted by the scourge of the Nigerian factorA thathas been

    the bane of our development initiatives. oth /63'?

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    settlement even though in most cases, it is never acknowledged. The militants,

    erroneously, claim that they want a better share of the national cake. This still boilsdown to what olade and 'delemo &!";#C4!) describe as the negative offshoots of

    internal colonialism in the national development process. /ne of the militant

    groups goes by the name 6ovement for the

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    the instrumentality of official corruption.

    Issues and Questions in '()* +residential ElectionsNigeria%s 6arch (;, ($!7 presidential election was, perhaps, one of the most bitterly

    fought in the annals of the country%s electoral history. The election occurred after a

    controversial si-week postponement following insistence by security agencies that it

    should be pushed forward for them to accelerate the battle against the insurgency in the

    North

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    ?emocratic 3arty &3?3) after siteen years of virtual one-party rule at the federal level.

    The 3?3 got so arrogant as to announce that its rule would last at least sity years. The

    lesson here for the '30 is that its longevity would depend on its capacity to promote

    good and democratic governance for Nigeria.

    It is the firm belief that the main heroes of these elections are the Nigerian people whoshowed commitment and discipline by coming out to vote and staying on in their polling

    units sometimes into the second day as the process dragged. 3resident >oodluck onathan

    also ehibited grace and statesmanship by calling his opponent and conceding, a gesture

    signaling restraint to his followers and indicating the majority wish of Nigerians as

    greater than individual desire or ambition. y so doing, 3resident onathan leaves 'so

    2ock on a high note and would enter Nigerian history as the first president to accept

    defeat.

    It is also important to note that the Independent National

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    Conclusion and !ecommendations

    The preceding discussion shows that the operation of Nigerian Federalism since

    !"#$ has not yielded meaningful socio : economic and political development.

    Instead, half : hearted practice of federalism has resulted in over : centraliation of

    fiscal and political power, creation of un: viable and federally dependent 1tate and8ocal >overnments, military intervention in governance increased corruption,

    ethnicity, and intense minority agitations over oil revenue. This paper acknowledges

    that the aforementioned problems of nation : building all have their roots in the

    !"!4 amalgamation of Nigeria and colonial rule as a whole. *owever, while it is

    fruitless to resist the argument that the imperialistic motive behind the

    amalgamation made it more of a liability than an asset, it is also farfetched to hold

    colonial rule solely responsible for the near : failure of the Nigerian project. To lay

    all the difficulties of nation : building in contemporary Nigeria on ritish

    imperialism is to suggest that inter : group relations among pre- colonial and post-

    colonial Nigerian peoples have been completely cordial and harmonious. The pointwe are making is that the ritish coloniers left Nigeria fifty years ago, enough time

    for the Nigerian state to institute a concrete national agenda and strategy to remedy

    the defective federation she inherited from the ritish towards achieving genuine

    national integration and development. Therefore, the study contends that thefailure by the various post : independence Nigerian leaderships to evolve an

    e+uitable mechanism for the distribution of political power and economic

    resources is at the root of the Nigerian problem. Be maintain that there is an

    immutable neus between the desire of Nigerian peoples for e+uitable access to

    power and resources on one hand, and the plethora of obstacles to nation : building,

    on the other. Thus, the prospects of genuine nationhood and development in Nigeria

    lies in a swift adoption of true federalism, not the type that super : imposes unitary

    tendencies and contradictions on the practice of federalism. The problems of nation

    : building in Nigeria would start to receive proper attention only under a truly

    federal system of government and the great potentials of the country would be best

    realied within the framework of true federalism. 1ome segments of the Nigerian

    federation are genuinely afraid of a return to true federalism as they view it as a

    prelude to the break : up of the country. ut on the contrary, we believe that a true

    federal structure will consolidate Nigerian unity. It will give each nationality a

    breathing space and sense of belonging, allow for healthy competition and anopportunity to develop according to the ability and resources of each federating

    unit. ' lopsided and unjust federal arrangement does no one no good, ultimately,

    as the bitter eperience of

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    poses a great danger. 2ight from colonial times, the people of the area have felt

    marginalied and alienated arising from years of neglect and abandonment. To

    further compound the problem, various development efforts by >overnment

    merely paid lip-service to the situation leaving much to be desired. The recent wave

    of hostage economy has taken sordid tolls on lives and property with graveimplication for sustainable development. It is hoped that the recent creation of a

    Federal 6inistry of Niger ?elta will tackle the hydra-headed monster of

    underdevelopment from a holistic perspective by creating jobs for teeming number

    of unemployed youth and providing public utilities for the hapless masses.

    1ince the National 'ssembly and the 3residency have continually displayed lack of

    political will to effect fundamental structural and institutional reforms in the

    federation, calling a 1overeign National 0onference will be a good starting point. In

    this regard, the study proposes a si-region federal structure anchored upon the

    subsisting geo-political ones of the country. This should be complemented byclear-cut constitutional arrangements that would guarantee ade+uate fiscal and

    political powers for the regional and local governments to allow them operate as

    viable units of administration, rather than mere appendages of the central

    government.

    :

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