Transparency in language Kees Hengeveld Sterre Leufkens.
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Transcript of Transparency in language Kees Hengeveld Sterre Leufkens.
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Transparency in language
Kees HengeveldSterre Leufkens
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Introduction
• Scarcity of transparent languages versus learnability of transparent languages
• Is there any systematicity in the degrees if transparency that languages display?
• Which types of features are more likely to be transparent?
• Can languages be ranked systematically in terms of their degree of transparency and, hence, learnability?
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Contents
1. Transparency2. Transparency and FDG3. Transparent and non-transparent features4. The sample5. The data6. Results7. Conclusions
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1. Transparency
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Transparency
Turkishel-ler-im-dehand-PL-1.SG.POSS-LOC
‘in my hands’
Mastered before the age of two
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Transparency
Dutchde balDEF.COMM ball(COMM)
het paardDEF.NEUT horse(NEUT)
Not completely mastered at the age of seven
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Transparency: overgeneralization
Dutchik koop-te < ik kochtI buy-PST.SG I buy.PST.SG
“I buyed” ‘I bought’
Turkishovergeneralization impossible
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Transparency ≠ simplicity
TurkishKoş-uş-tur-ul-a-ma-dı-y-sa-lar.run-RECIPR-CAUS-PASS-ABIL-NEG-PST.VIS-y-COND-PL
‘If they haven’t been made available for our service.’
Dutchverbal system with tense, number, person
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2. Transparency and FDG
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Interactions between levels
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Interpersonal Level
Representational Level
Morphosyntactic Level
Phonological Level
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Relations between Levels
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Interpersonal Level
Representational Level
Morphosyntactic Level
Phonological Level
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Relations between Levels
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Interpersonal Level
Representational Level
Morphosyntactic Level
Phonological Level
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Relations between Levels
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Interpersonal Level
Representational Level
Morphosyntactic Level
Phonological Level
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Relations within Levels
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Interpersonal Level
Representational Level
Morphosyntactic Level: Form X → Form Y
Phonological Level
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Relations within Levels
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Interpersonal Level
Representational Level
Morphosyntactic Level
Phonological Level: Form X → Form Y
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Relations between and within Levels
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Interpersonal Level
Representational Level
Morphosyntactic Level: Form X → Form Y
Phonological Level: Form X → Form Y
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3. (Non-)transparent features
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Interpersonal - Representational
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Interpersonal Level
Representational Level
Morphosyntactic Level
Phonological Level
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Apposition
One Interpersonal unit maps onto more than one representational unit
Peter, my brother, is ill.
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Interpersonal/Representational - Morphosyntactic
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Interpersonal Level
Representational Level
Morphosyntactic Level
Phonological Level
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Grammatical relations
Pragmatic/semantic alignment system
AcehneseLȏn teungöh=lȏn=jak.1 M=1.A=go‘I am going.’
Gopnyan galak=geuh that.3.POL happy=3.POL.U very‘He is very happy.’
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Discontinuity
Pragmatic/semantic units map onto a single morphosyntactic unit
EnglishThe guy who is going to fix my lock has arrived.The guy has arrived who is going to fix my lock.
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Stem alternation
Wambonen- ande- na-eat(basic stem) eat(PAST/FUT/IMP.PL stem) eat(IMP.SG stem)
Spanishcab-er quepo *cabofit-INF I.fit I.fit
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Interpersonal/Representational/Morphosyntactic - Phonological
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Interpersonal Level
Representational Level
Morphosyntactic Level
Phonological Level
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Phonological and morphosyntactic phrasing do not run parallel
Acehnese[Ureueng='nyan] [ka=geu=jak='woe] [ba'roe]person=DEM INCH=3=go=return
yesterday‘That person returned yesterday.’
Dutch[Ik] [wou] [dat [hij]
[kwam]].['kʋɑu] ['dɑti]
['kʋɑm]I want.PST COMP he
come.PST‘I wish he would come.’
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Phonological weight influences morphosyntactic placement
SpanishLo=ví.3.SG.ACC=see.PRF.PST.IND.3.SG‘I saw him.’
Vía tu
vecino.see.PRF.PST.IND.3.SG OBJ 2.SG.POSS neighbour‘I saw you neighbour.’
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Within the Morphosyntactic Level
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Interpersonal Level
Representational Level
Morphosyntactic Level: Form X → Form Y
Phonological Level
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Expletive elements
Tagalog
Marami-ng pera.lot-LNK money‘There is a lot of money.’“A lot of money”
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Grammatical gender
Spanish casa ‘house’ is arbitrarily assigned to the class of feminine nounsárbol ‘tree’ is arbitrarily assigned to the class of masculine nouns
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AgreementSpanish la-ø casa-ø viej-a-øDEF.F-SG house(F)-SG old-F-SG‘the old house’
el árbol-ø viej-o-øDEF.M.SG tree(M)-SG old-M-SG‘the old tree’
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Within the phonological level
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Interpersonal Level
Representational Level
Morphosyntactic Level
Phonological Level: Form X → Form Y
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Phonological adaptations
Quechua nasal assimilation:tayta-n=paq ‘father-3.POSS=PURP’ ‘for his father’ -> taytampaq
Spanish diphtongization: dormir ‘sleep’ duerme ‘sleeps’
Dutch degemination:pakkans ‘chance to be caught’ -> pakans
Turkish vowel harmony:gel-miș ‘come-RES’ gör-müș ‘see-RES’
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4. The sample
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Language family Sample Language(s)Afro-Asiatic ShekoAltaic TurkishAustralian Bininj Gun-WokAustro-Asiatic KhariaAustronesian SamoanChukotko-Kamchatkan ChukchiCreole Sri Lanka MalayDravidian TamilEskimo-Aleut West GreenlandicIndo-European DutchJaponic JapaneseKartvelian GeorgianKhoisan SandaweNiger-Congo FongbeNorth Caucasian KhwarshiOtomanguean Sochiapam Chinantec
Quechuan Huanuco Quechua
Sino-Tibetan BantawaTrans-New Guinea TeiwaYukaghir Kolyma Yukaghir
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5. The data
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Language
Property
Bantawa.Chukchi, Sandawe, Sheko
Bininj Gun-Wok
Dutch
Fongbe, Japanese, Samoan, Teiwa
Khwarshi, Sochiapan Chinantec
Georgian, West Greenlandic
Quechua, YukaghirTamil, Turkish
Kharia
Sri Lanka Malay
Apposition + + + + + + + + +
Discontinuous constituents - + + - + + + - -
Grammatical agreement (clausal) - - + - + - - - -
Grammatical agreement (phrasal) - - + - + + - - -
Grammatical gender - - + - - - - - -
Grammatical relations + + + + + + + + -
Stem alternation + + + - + + + + -
Nominal expletives - - + - - - - - -
Phonological adaptations + + + + + + + + +
Phon. weight influences order - - + - + + + + +
The data (unsorted)
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6. Results
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Language
Property
Dutch
Khwarshi, Sochiapan Chinantec
Georgian, West Greenlandic
Quechua, Yukaghir, Tamil, Turkish
Kharia
Bantawa, Chukchi, Sandawe, Sheko
Bininj Gun-Wok
Fongbe, Japanese, Samoan, Teiwa
Sri Lanka Malay
Nominal expletives + - - - - - - - -
Grammatical gender + - - - - - - - -
Grammatical agreement (clausal) + + - - - - - - -
Grammatical agreement (phrasal) + + + - - - - - -
Discontinuous constituents + + + + - - + - -
Phon. weight influences order + + + + + - - - +
Stem alternation + + + + + + + - -
Grammatical relations + + + + + + + + -
Apposition + + + + + + + + +
Phonological adaptations + + + + + + + + +
The data (sorted)
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The transparency hierarchyApposition/Phonological adaptations
⊂Grammatical relations
⊂Morphologically based stem alternation
⊂Phonological weight influences morphosyntactic placement
⊂Discontinuous constituents
⊂Grammatical agreement (phrasal)
⊂Grammatical agreement (clausal)
⊂Grammatical gender/Nominal expletives
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Language
Property
Dutch
Khwarshi, Sochiapan Chinantec
Georgian, West Greenlandic
Quechua, Yukaghir, Tamil, Turkish
Kharia
Bantawa, Chukchi, Sandawe, Sheko
Bininj Gun-Wok
Fongbe, Japanese, Samoan, Teiwa
Sri Lanka Malay
Nominal expletives + - - - - - - - -
Grammatical gender + - - - - - - - -
Grammatical agreement (clausal) + + - - - - - - -
Grammatical agreement (phrasal) + + + - - - - - -
Discontinuous constituents + + + + - - + - -
Phon. weight influences order + + + + + - - - +
Stem alternation + + + + + + + - -
Grammatical relations + + + + + + + + -
Apposition + + + + + + + + +
Phonological adaptations + + + + + + + + +
The data (sorted)
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Counterexample: Bininj Gun-Wok discontinuity
Ngakngak bogen ga-rrabu-gurrmegrey-crowned.babbler two 3-egg-lay.NPST‘Grey-crowned babblers lay two eggs.’
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Counterexample: Sri Lanka Malay displacement
Se=ppe oorang thuuva pada anà-biilang1.SG=POSS man old PL PST-say
kithang pada Malaysia=dering1.PL PL Malaysia=ABL
anà-dhaathang katha.PST-come QUOT
‘My elders said that we had come from Malaysia.’
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Tranparent and non-transparent features
Transparency hierarchy Interface or Level
Apposition IL – RL
Phonological adaptations PL
Grammatical relations IL/RL – ML
Morphologically based stem alternation IL/RL – ML
Phon. weight influences order IL/RL/ML – PL
Discontinuous constituents IL/RL – ML
Grammatical agreement (phrasal) ML
Grammatical agreement (clausal) ML
Grammatical gender ML
Nominal expletives ML
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Highly non-transparent features
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Interpersonal Level
Representational Level
Morphosyntactic Level: Form X → Form Y
Phonological Level
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Weakly non-transparent features
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Interpersonal Level
Representational Level
Morphosyntactic Level
Phonological Level: Form X → Form Y
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Transparent and non-transparent languages
Transparency hierarchy LanguagesApposition Phonological adaptations Sri Lanka MalayGrammatical relations Samoan, Teiwa, Fongbe, JapaneseStem alternation Bantawa, Bininj Gun-Wok,
Chukchi, Sandawe, ShekoPhon. weight influences order KhariaDiscontinuous constituents Quechua, Yukaghir, Tamil, TurkishGrammatical agreement (phrasal) Georgian, West GreenlandicGrammatical agreement (clausal) Khwarshi, Sochiapan ChinantecGrammatical gender
Nominal expletives Dutch
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7. Conclusions
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Conclusions
• The notion of transparency is a useful parameter in systematically characterizing languages as to the overall design of their grammars.
• The transparency hierarchy captures the differences between languages as to their degrees of transparency.
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Conclusions
• Purely morphosyntactically motivated non-transparent features are the ones that languages are most resistent to.
• Given that transparent structures are easier to learn, the transparency hierarchy also predicts that there are differences in the degrees of learnability of languages.
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this presentation is accessible atwww.keeshengeveld.nl