Sarah E. Pope's sampler (see cover) is inscribed:

Duty Fear and Love we owe to God above

Favour is deceitful andBeauty is vain but a wo

man that [earetb theLO RD shall be praised

Give her the fruit ofher hands and le r herown works praise her inthe Gate

Give first to GOO the {lowerof rhy Youth Take for thyGuide the Holy wordof Truth Adorn thy soul withGrace prize wisdom moreThan all the Pearls uponthe Indian shore

Labour for Peace chuse to contend with none Let reasonwith sweet calmness keeprhe Throng Treading fiercewrath and lawlessness falldown the Grace ofmeekness is a womanscrown

Published by The g hod e Island HrstorrcalSoclely, 110 Benevolent Street ,Prov idence, Rhode leland, 01~, andpnmed by a granl hum the SU le 01RhodeIsland and Prov idence Pl.anUUonl',Edward D. Dst'rcre. Governor, SU§.;in L.Farmer , Sec reury oj State

Issued Ownerly at Prov idence, RhodeIsland, February , May, AUINM, andNovember. Second d.ass J'05uJ: e ~Id alProvidence, Rhode bland

Karl Encson, pressdemAlden M Andenon, VICt p rt 'J dtnf

Mrs. Edwm G. FISc her, VICt pres/den!Nancy Fisher Cbudacort, secretaryRschard Sullivan, treasurerArnold Friedman, tlHIUanf secretarvAlben T Klyber~ di rector

HU()W~ OF THE SOC Il TY

Carl BndenbaughSydney V. lamesAmomene F. DowmngRrchard K. Sho wm.a.n

PUlIlICATlONS COMMtTTllLeonard I Levin, chairmenHenry L. P. Beckwuh, lrloci A. Co henNo rma n Flennll:Robert Allen G ree nePamela KennedyAla n SimpsonWilha m McKenz ie Woudwaru

STA Ff

Jonathan Srsk, rdaorJoyce Botelho, graphics editorLeonard I. Levin , eop,vedi/orEmil y Galla rdo, <lesiXI/l'rW. Paul Ya tes, edl/nrial 'H.\Hlunl

The Rhod e lvland Hrs torrcal Soc retvass ume s no respon srbrhtv lor t he opimonsoi co ntnbutors.

C 191lf> by The Rhode bland HeroncalSccre tv

kHOD E IStANI) H/HtlkY 11" 1'0' oo H·...f>191

Rhode Island HistoryVolume 45, Number 4 November 1986

Contents

The Early Years of I I I

the Rhode Island Birth Control LeagueC H R IS T IN E E . N ICO L L A N D

ROBERT G. WEl SB ORD

Th e Bonds of Friendship: 127Sarah Osborn of Newport andthe Reverend Joseph Fishof North Stonington, 1743-[779BARB A RA E. L A CE Y

Index to Volume a 5 137

RHODE ISLAND HISTORY IS published In February, May, Augu st . and November bythe Rhode I ~bnd HI~ l\ln u.1 Soc iety. Second-class po~uJ:e pa rd by Prov ide nce , Rhod eIsland . Socreev members receive each issu e as ;II membersh ip benefit . !ru;u lUuoru.l sub­scnpnons 10 RHODE ISLAND HISTORY and the Socle t)·'s quarte rly ne walerre r ar e$1S.OO annually. InJI Vldu1! COp lC'S of current and bac k ISSUes are available fro m theSoc iety tor $....00 Man uK n pls and other correspondence should be sent to lon athanSiskoeditor, at the SocIety.

lntenot of the RIBCL's NorthMam Street clinic. Courtesy ofPlanned Parenthood 0/ RhodeIsland.

I

R.I.BIRTH CONTRoLLUOYo ONC.

[V[JY NDnO: -....:::- ..b:II ... ....-. __ ,,_

...--- =::::.--~~ ........II1II-

The Early Years of the Rhode Island

Birth Control League

Christine E. Nicoll and Robert G. Wcisbord

The often-to ld sto ry of the birth control movem ent in America is oneof the great legal wars between demon s and heroes. Time and agam,Margaret Sanger. th e movement 's founder, has been forced to do battlewith the ghost of Anthony Comstock and the legacy he left in law. Inn~73 , Congress had passed a law that prohibited the mailing of " lewdand obscene" ma terial s. Comstoc k, the law's sponsor, tacked on a last ­

minute rider which mad e the mailing of birt h contro l information il­legal, punish able by stiff jail terms. Comstock, sec reta ry of th e NewYork Society for th e Suppress ion of Vice, was appointed special agent ofthe post office, and carried on a personal war against members of themedica l profession who attempted to ad vise women on birth control.When Co mstock su spec ted a physician of providing such advice, heoften reso rted to entrapment. A desperate letter from 3 woman see kinginforma tion would be sent to the doctor's office. If the doctor respondedin writing with advice on birth control, Comstock would prosecute.I

Thousa nds of pages are devoted to Sanger and what she termed "m yright for birth control," and even those who have taken a jaundicedview of her contri butio ns have dwelt heavily on her role in th e move­ment. She becomes a ltern ately mart yr and devi l within the heroicmodel, but th e sto ry ends happ ily with Comstock defeated and the na­tional birth control movem ent murnphant .' New York, Massachusetts,and Connec ticut are th e battlegrounds-microcosms of a nationalmovement. Most studies assume that the success of th e entire move­ment depended un the outcome of batt les Sanger and others wagedwithin th ese " representative" states . The result has been a view of th enational movement that focuses on the federal Comstock law, thestates tha t legislated their own versions of th at law, and the united andpowerful Catholic oppos ition to legal change. Yet only twenty-fourstates had an ything resem bling Comstock laws and only a handful ac­tually banned th e disseminat ion of birth control information , More­over, although th e last of the Coms toc k laws were not overturned untilthe late 1960 S, most were ineffective, as birth con trol advocates dis cov­ered as long ago as th e early 19 205 . '

When th e courts ruled on th ese cases, they look ed to th e practices ofstates lik e Rhode Island ." Unlike birth control opponents in th e " repre­senta tive" states, th ose in Rhode Island never had 3 Com stock-type lawto support th eir position. Yet historians seeking to und erst and the dy-

Chnsrme E, Nicoll IS ~ forme r graduatestu de nt n Brown Umve rsu v. She 15 ne wIn pri vate Indust ry In Canada

Robe" G w ersbord ISa Professor ofHlslory ~I the Um~rs lly of Rhode IslandHIS lat ese boo k 15 Black Amenc.an Pusrecnve [Greenwood Pressl.

I Madelaine Gu y. MarKarer Sanger(New York, 1979 1, 44 .

2 In addmon UJ Gray, several bonk s nnMargaret Sanger have appeared since th eearly 1960s See vrrgnua Corgnev Ma r,garei Sanget : Rebel Wllh a Cause [CardenCny, 19691; Emi ly T. Do uglas , ," fa rgarttSdnger INew York , 1.,nO)i anJ VIvienWerner, M drgaref Sdnge r Wom 'ln Re~l

[Ne.... York . 1970l- ln add mon, David Ken ­ned y's Birth Con frol In AmtncQ The CQ·teer of ,\fargaret ,~'Jnger (New Haven ,19701IS by nu means a st udy of th e na­nonal mov ement. bUI \I ISone ot thefe.... 10 questi on the e:llent of Sanger'sin fluence.

1- Sanger claimed thai aft er 192 ; thethird srage of the moveme nt had bee nreac hed In wh ich they sto ppe d aglfallngaR3inM laws and ope ned clinics and sou ghtpublic su pport . Des pite Com stoc k law s In

several ul t hese seaees, the climes re­ma me d ope n. See M«garet Sanger , "BirthCo ntrol," SOCial Work Ycar Book (19191,reprmeed In RobC'n Bremner , Childrenand Youth In America. 1866-r9J2 Ium ·bridge, 1911 1. I I

.$ Gnswuld v, Co nnecucui. Jill U.S4 79 (196 ;1.

111

Birth con trol ad vocateMargaret Sanger leaving aNew York Ca y courtroomduring her trial in 19/6iollowmg a raid on aBrooklyn. NY. clinic. Sangerwas con victed and served a JO

day iail sent ence. Photographcourtesy of the Sophia Sm i thCollection. Sm ith College.Northampton. Mass.

RH O DE ISLAND BIRTII C O N T R O L LEAGUE

namics of thi s social reform have overlooked these sta tes in favor ofthose th at possessed laws forb iddi ng th e d isse mi na t ion of birth co nt ro l

informa tion . Rhode Isla nd 's birth conHa l moveme nt is es pecially int er ­esting because it succeeded against the wishes of the Catholic churchin a state that was the home to a highe r perce ntage of Catholics th an

any other in the nation . In 19' I, the Rhode Island Binh Con trol League

(RlBCLI, formed to educate the public about co nt raception, opened andopera ted the first birth control cli n ic in Ncw England . The public's reo

sponse far exceeded th e league 's expectations; clinic hours had to heex tended to accommodate the steady stream of patients. By 1937 , the

RIBCl also maintained chrucs in Newport and the village of Shannock

in Wash ington County. The story of the RIBCl's early years provides an

important example of the movement 's success III a s tate without a

Comstock-type law on the books . It achieved this success with only

minimal public controversy and without a charisma t ic leader like

Margaret Sanger.

R UODE IS LAND B IRTH CONT ROL L EAGUE

Margaret Sanger was a visiting nur se in New York Ci ty in th e early1900s whe re she saw firsthand the resu lts of wides pread igno rance ofbirth control. The on ly sure method unde rstood by the women whomSanger tr eated was abortion at the hands of quacks. Sanger herself wasthe mother of three children, and , as he r biographe rs point out, shehad suffered in childbearing. Furthermore, as a singularly ambi tiouswoman, Sanger felt constr ained by and at times resen ted her own reosponsibrlines as mother.' As the wife of Will iam Sanger, an anarchistand member of the Socialist party, she became active in radical causes;anarchist Emma Goldman and the notorious "Wobbly" Big Bill Hay­wood were among her mends. The influence of her new radical associ ·ates, and her own experiences as a nurse, led Sanger to develop herideas about the right s of women and the need for readily available infor­mation on birth COntrol. She first learned of Anthony Comstock andth e law to which he lent his name in 1911 , when she attempted to pub­Iish arn cles concemmg venereal disease. The post office notified he rthat such articles were 10 vio lation of the law and would be suppressed .

The story of the early years of the birth control movement and of theAme rican Birth Control League (ABCll, which Sanger founded in 1921 ,

cent ers around th e batt les waged against Comstoc k's legislati ve legacy.Sanger 's medical experience, combined with her knowledge of th e usesof publici ty [learned from her earlier radical association ] assu red hernot only of center stage but also kept the issue of birt h control beforethe public. Her greatest contribution to the move ment lay in her ahi li tyto usc the press til dnvc home the message th at her prosecu tion underthe Comstock laws was reall y the persecution of a hel pless and high­mi nded woman . Man y women flocked to th e cause throughout the19 205, and, Wi th the ABCL ass istance, the y carried on simila r battlesagains t th e federa l and sta te laws.

Proponents of the Comstoc k law also understood the uses of pub­licit y. T hey portrayed th e birt h control movement as a threat to mar­riage, fam ily, and publi c morality. Despite Sanger 's estrangement fromher hu sband and his radical associates, her early causes and friendswere offered as proof th at the move ment was subversive to the nationalinte res t. Her second marriage , to J. Noa h Slee . a wealt hy philanthro pist,brough t Sanger into a rich and respectable circle of people whom shecult ivated for su pport. Undo ubtedly, she converted man}' to th e ca use,but her associa tion wit h the movement she he lped to sta rt was always ami xed blessing. Many physic ians and mem bers of the m iddle class,who might have agreed in princ iple wi th birt h control advocates, werewary of running afou l of Comstock- type reformers and possibly evenmore wary of assocratmg with " radicals." But the climate of opi nio n,publi c and medical, was changing.

In 19 10, a federal court dealt the Comstock proponents a serious set ­back when it ruled that birth con trol information and devices could besent through th e mails for the "prevent ion of disease.:" Though thecourt 'S deCISIOn did not Interfere wi th state anucontracepnve laws. it

S Lawrence Leder and Milton Mein er,MQIKQr~1 Sanger: PJOnf'f'r 01 Birth Contro lINew York, 19691.17-18, Gray, MargaretSanKer. l} - )6.

6. Kenn edy, Bmh Cont rol in Amenca.111 .

"4

7. lbid., 176 - 79·8. See the RIBCL 1931 Scrapbook,

Planned Parenthood of Rhode Island Ar­chives, Providence, R.I.

R HODE ISLAND BIRTH CONTROL LEAGUE

did have serious implications . While leaving the anticontrace ptive pro­

visions of the federallaw on the books, the court's decision nonethelessdeprived ma ny of those provisions of the ir teeth. As a result , disse mi ­nation of birth control information increased and ma ny in the medicalprofession began to take an interest. Because of her earlie r associa tions,Sange r had an un savory repu tation, which, David Kennedy claims, de ­te rred doctors and ot her professiona ls from joining the ABel. ' Accord­ing to David Kennedy, th e medical profession had an aversion to the"quackery" of birt h control and increasi ngly tried to exert control overthe dangerous devices on the market . Many doctors associated Sangerwi th quacke ry, and her removal from the ABCl in 1918 facili ta ted th e

part icipati on of physicians in the move ment. By 193 I , the organ izationhad expunged the radical tain t associated wi th her name, an d it ac­

tive ly sough t th e support of doctors.Whil e Sanger took her figh t against Comsrockery to Washi ngto n and

in reality lost effective power over the movement, local groups werecomi ng to sec the irrelevance of legal controversies and quie tly were

opening clinics . Bythe end of the I910S, no sta tes had alte red their laws.There were no attempts to alter the federal legis lat ion , and throughoutth e 1930S suc h efforts failed. At the same time, th e nu mbe r of birthcontrol cli nics climbed stead ily. In 1930, there were fifty-five clinics intwelve states , by 19]1 , the nu mber had jumped to eighty-two in eigh­tee n states. Thereafter, new cli nics opened at a fast pace , despite thedefea ts of local and nationa l bi rth control legislation and several years

of imp asse over sta te Comstock laws.It was against this back grou nd that New England 's firs t birt h cont rol

cl inic was establis hed on Main Stree t in Provide nce in July of 19 3 1.

The RIBCL, comp ris ing a group of prom inent ci tizens, had been orga­nized in May and subsequent ly was inco rpora ted unde r the laws of thestate . As se t forth in its bylaw s, the league's objectives were to educa teth e public about the medical, social, econom ic, eugen ic, and ethicalimportance of birth control; to provide services for birth control pre­scriptions and tr eatmen t; and to coopera te wit h the ABCL. Contracep ­ti ve advice would be given only to married women who were referredby a hospital , private physician , recognized soc ial agency, or anothercl inic." Wh ether the ABCl too k the ini tia tive in the formation of alocal group or was contacted first by local sup porters is unclea r.

The RIBCL members, like those of si milar leagues in ot her states,were overwhel mingly upper mi ddle-cla ss professionals. Doctors an dacademicians formed the backbon e of the grou p, although busi ness­men and soc ia l service workers in Providen ce were well represented.Unlike th eir predecessors in the early years of birth control agitation,RJBCl members did not risk th eir repu ta tions by joining the move­ment; th ey were not labeled radicals. Amo ng the leaders of the RIBCL

were several Protestant minist ers and physicians. Six doctors ran theclinic with th e aid of a soc ia l worker and a tra ined nurse. The "honor­ary com mittee of supporters," members of the league, incl uded th e

R HOD E ISL AN D B IRT H CONT ROL LEA GUE

president, a dean, and several professors from Brown Univers ity, thirty­one doc tors, the owner of the Providence loumal, a rabbi , and threeProtes tant minis te rs. The league also att racted businessmen who sawcontrace ptives as a way to contro l the supply of labor and keep downtaxes and welfare costs during the Depression.tlf social position alon ewould have guaranteed succe ss, the reforms sought by birth cont rol ad­vocate s would have been accomplished by 1930.

Both the national birth control movement and it s Rhode Island sub­sidiary were impelled by a curious combina tio n of mot ives-mainlyhumanitarian, but somet imes el it ist. Reproduct ive freedom Ii.e th eright of a woman to have the nu mbe r of children she wanted when andif she wanted them I was the principal goal of Sange r and her allies. Fordecades knowkedge of efficient co ntr aception was the mo nopoly ofthose who could afford private medical care. Poor people were notallowed to share the secret. It was agains t this gross mequir y tha tSanger, a proto-fcrmrust, and man y of her Rhode Island counterpartswaged th eir crusa de.

At the same time, eugenic, cla ss, and nativist considerations un ­doubtedly informed th e thinking of some birth control advocates inProvidence and elsew here. Birth rat es among white Anglo-Saxon Prot ­estants were lower than among th e "hordes" of im poveri shed recentimmigrants from southe rn and eas te rn Europe. If th e fecund "un­washed" alien popu latio n embraced birt h contro l, a m ultiplicit y ofproblems that afflicted urban slu ms co uld be mitiga ted and th e tradi­tional character of America preserved. Birth control was part of th e pro­cess of Ame ricanization."

For many years conservative Prot estants had been in the forefro nt ofopposi tion to birth con uol in th e Unite d Sta tes. Several Prot est ant de­nominat ion s, along with the Catholic church and some Orthodox Jews,looked askan ce at contracept ion. By 1931, however, much of thi s sec­tarian hos tilit y was in decl ine. A conference of th e Methodist church,a special commission of th e Presbyteri an General Assembly, and th eAme rican Uni taria n Assoc iat ion all sanctioned birth contro l, as dida Committee on Marriage and th e Home of th e Federal Counci l ofChurches in Christ in America, which represent ed more than twentymillion Prot est ant s. The Central Conference of American Rabbis alsoendorsed birth control, but the movement's grea tes t interna tional tr i­umph came when the Bishops of the Church of England decided to su p­port cont racept ion."

By 1931, th e most formidable foe of birt h contro l internationally, na­tionally, and certainly within Rhode Island was the Roman Catholicchurch. Barely six months before the birth control clinic was found edin Providence, Pope Pius XI published the church 's stro ngest denuncia­tion of contrace ption since th e sixteenth century, his encyc lical onmarriage, Casu conn ubi. Issu ed partly in response to th e new liberal ­rzcd sta tement on birth contro l made by th e Anglican church, th e papaldocume nt also was intended to " tu rn sheep from poisoned pastures,"

II I

9·5«, for eaample, ProVldenu EvemngBulleun. r7 Oct . 19JJ- For:ll descrtpuonof the typll;.d ABel member, see Ken­nedy, Bmh Comsol In Amencu. 100.

10_ The Y:IInk« elue's tears th:lll theywould beout bred by imrmgrams can be:II:IICfii back 10 [he pre-Civil War era Th eywere noe easrly dispelled. See Lmda Gor·don , Woman's Hildy. Wom an 's RighI: ASoda] History ul Birth Control in Amer·Ica [Ne w York. r9771, 1J8, 177 -78

II . John T. Noonan, [r., Conrracepllon(New York, 19f,71, ,.86- 87_

..

1I6

11. XC: Seven C real EncyclIcals [GlenRock , N.j. , 19J91, S~ -S6

1\ - Providence Jou rnal. ~ March 19J1.

Bi.shop wi lliam Hickey., 869-1933. RIHS Collec tion

(RHi XJ 17041.

RHODE ISLAND BIRTH C O N T R O L LEA GUE

that is, to protect th e Catholic faithful from the danger of depraved mo­rality. Sexual intercourse was des tined by nature primarily for th e be­getting of children , the pontiff argued. Those who deliberately frus­trated that purpose sinned again st nature. They com mitted a shamefuland intrinsicall y vicious deed. The encyclica l served as the basis of th ediocesan response to th e opening of th e Providence clinic."

When the RIBCL was formed in 1931, ABel members held a confer­ence m Providence which received wid e coverage in the local pre ss. Thekeynote speaker, Dr. C. C. Littl e, took the opportunity to discuss theCatholic church and birt h contro l, arguing that the Pope's latest en­cyclical was so absurd as to be th e catalyst th at woul d draw AmericanCatho lics and Protestant s together. Sexuall y isolated priest s, he con­tended, were in no posit ion to give counsel on such matters. His mes­sage was clea r: Rhode Islanders had th e cho ice of list ening to mi s­informed priest s or the "expen sv-c-the doctors who formed th emembership of th e RIBCL.U

RH O O f ISL A N D BIRTH C O N T RO L LE.A G UE.

The Diocese of Providence was not cowed by social elites promot ingwhat was, to the church, one of the greatest social evils .I ' Bishop JamesHickey, head of the diocese, understood the problems the church faced,and he did not min ce words. Because of dissension within Protestantranks, onl y the Catholic church could wage effective war against birthcontrol.

Non -Cathol ic opposition to contraception merits respect and en­dorsement. But that it cannot, in the long run, prevail against thebirth contro l prevent ion movement is a fact that no one appreci­ates more thoroughly than the advocat es of contraception. Hencethe inevitable attack upon the Catho lic Church, one phase ofwhich was witnessed in Providence th is week."

Bishop Hickey pointed out that the members of the ABCl were det er­mined to use the church as a foil, as Margaret Sanger had done foryears. He declared that the church was prepared to resist all "attacksupon Chri stian marriage to the limit of her power and influence.':" Thequestion remains as to why, in a state in which the majority of citizenswere Catholics and in which there had been a declaration of resistanceby the church hierarchy, so little overt opposition was voiced when thebirth control clini c opened.

Rhode Island had no anttcontracepu ve law.This fact may actually ex­plain the clinic 's success, but it by no means explains the lack of con­troversy or the reactions of the Catho lic church and representatives ofgovernment . Moreover, the Providence diocese was directly responsibleto the Archdiocese of Boston, which vigorously opposed birth controlin Massachusetts. Similar resistance in Rhode Island would seem tohave been inevitable. However, a wide range of forces precluded clear­cut battles between strong adversaries , such as those that took place inother states . In fact, each force acted to temper what was, potentially, avolatile situation.

Several months before the Providence clinic opened , the ProvidenceVisitor-the diocesan newspaper-carried an article by the ReverendJohn Ryan, a liberal priest and a well -known radio personality. Referringto a court decision that favored birth cont rol, Ryan wrote that "nothingencourages the pract ice of birth contro l and the spread of its propa­ganda so mu ch as these legal decisions ." p In sta tes like Massachusetts,which had both anncontracepnve laws and a high proportion of politi­cally active Catholics, the church stubbornly opposed legal change. Inthe absence of such laws in Rhode Island , the church was in no positionto test the legality of either birth control or clinics. An attempted law­suit would have generated great publicity, and might very well haveended in a decision favorable to birth cont rol advocates, bringing theforce and sanction of law to the cause of the church 'S adversaries . In­stead, the church sought to stress the immorality and the possible il­legalit y of birth cont rol, without resorting to risky litigation .

14· ProVld,m~ VlSlIOl. 10 Nov. 19B­15. Edn orul, Provtd~ll~ ViSJlor. 6

Mar ch 19 31.16. Ibid.17· Ibrd., 30 Ian 19 31.

1I 7

-

,,8

Cartoon from the ProvidenceVisitor, 17 Nov. 19B.

RHODE ISLAND BIRTH CONTROL LEAGUE

The Providence Visitor characterized the founding of the RIBCL asthe beginning of a campaign against Christian marriage. Msgr. Peter E.Blessing told a Catholic audience that the movement would breakdown the Christian ideals of marriage and should therefore be called"birth prevention," not birth control. Still another Catholic spokesmandescribed contraception as a greater menace to the family than thatposed by the Depression. To explain why, given the church's strongnegative reaction, there were no attempts at anticontraceptive legis­lation in Rhode Island, one must look to both the profound prob­lems within the Catholic church and to the unusual political situation

within the state.By 1930, Italian immigrants formed the third largest ethnic group in

Rhode Island. Since the first maior influx of Italians into the state inthe 1890S, the Irish-American Catholic hierarchy had found itself in a

R nODE. ISLAND BI RTH CONTROL LE.AGU E.

difficult position. The overwhelming majo rity of these immigrants,peasa nts from southern Ita ly, maintained a decidedly anticlerica l ou t­loo k because the Ita lian church tradi tionally had sided with the land ­

owne rs. T hese irunugrants identified wi th their own folk religionra the r than with the church. In thei r new cou nt ry th e hostilit y wasmu tual . The Irish-Amer icans were co nvi nced that the Ita lia ns werepagans, and the hierarchy was not particularly sensurvc to cultural dif­ferences. The Italian community did not look to the church as the cen­

ter of social and spiritual guidance, and it resisted Catholic organiza­tion and hie rarchical rule. They attacked and openly cnriciaed BishopHick ey during the 1920S and rc jos. and felt persec uted by his hierar­chy. In more than one instance, they succeeded in ousting priest s hehad appointed. It was almost impossible for th e ch urch to case ethnictensions , for which it was in some measure responsible, or to retain th eloyalties uf Italian tmtmgrants.,.

French Canadians comprised Rhode Island 's second largest ethrucgroup. During the 1920S, there had been a crisis in the Franco commu­nity, which feared that the Josh hierarchy was planning to Amcncamzethem . A small group of French Canadians, calling themselves the Sen­

tinelles , militant ly fought all des igns by th e hie rarchy to control theworkings of th e French co mmuni ty. The sel f-styled Sent ine lles viewe dthis as part of a lon g-stan din g hierarch ical poli cy "to eliminate all ves­tiges of 'national' pan shes trom Ame rica n Catholicism." j~ T he ma lar­

it y of French Canadians chose to support the church des pite their eth ­nic and cu ltural concerns, but during the 1930S the French cornmumrywas torn and snll suffered from bitterness and suspicion over the Sen­nnelle cnsrs." Bishop Hickey delivered press releases and arncles inFrench to their ne wspapers, but the hierarchy itself was still not tree ofits ow n prejudices. Adhe rence to cu ltura l patterns by th e French Ca­

nadian s crea ted probl em s simi lar to those pose d by the Italians. The yset thcm selve off; in fact, they Virtually isola ted th emselves from th e

hiera rchy."Although the Pope 's encyclical on ma rriage and the fam ily had made

explicit the church 's responsibih ncs concern ing birth cont rol . thesefractu res within the diocese made It difficult for the church to takeeffective action. While there is no reason to believe that ma ny members

of the Ca tho hc ethnic rrunortnes approved of or practiced birth cont rol,the Italian s and Frenc h were suspicious of hierarc hical des igns andwould have nothing to do wi th churc h-led organiza tions. Through ser­mo ns and pu blica tions, the hierarchy attempted to preven t th e accep­

ta nce of bi rt h control am ong its ow n ranks. Beyond th at , it could notpresent a uni ted front against the c hn ic.

Rhode Island 's pecu lia r poli tical si tuat ion duri ng the early 19 tos alsohampe red the translat ion of Catholic opposi t ion into poli tical act ion.Despite the sizeable immigration of ethn ic groups, Yankee hegemonyhad been assured because of Rhode Island's unusua l laws and district ­

ing plan s. Unt il 1 9 ' ~ ' the Democra tic party had never been able to gainmajoriti es in either th e Senate or th e House of Repr esentatives, and be-

119

III. 11u!> aCOOUnilS based on Peter WBUl\o1gho, " Italian Immigran ts and theCa rhohc Church rn Providence , 11190­l il lO," RIH 34 (May 197 51: 4 7- S7.

I y. Richard S. Surre ll, "Spurts andPranco-Amencans m woon socket , 1870 ­19 }0 ," RIH p Ih ll I9711: Ill.

10 Ibsd., t11 -1 J. It wa!> certamly no ac­clden t tha t Rhode Island 's leading lu hannewspaper ....as named to S~nl1n~/lQ. It ISquue possrble that the French and lrahanImmigrants iden trfied with each othermore dun the church establishment ,

11 lbid., 114 According 10 Sorrell,Pranco -Amencan SPUIlS leagues wereformed as a means of keepm g the com rnu­nn v's children from the company ut lnshCathohc s and Protes tants.

''0

11 . Erwin L. Levine, Throdore FrancIsGreen' The Rhode Island Years. 1906­19J6(Providence, 196 31, 110-11 .

13. Leo E. Carroll, " Irish and Itali ans inProvidence, Rhode Island, 1880-1 960,"RIH 18 (Summer 1969 1: 71- 74 -

14 Levine, Green . The Rhode IslandYears. Ill .

I S_Man he w I. Smi th , "The Real Mc­Coy In the Bloodl ess Revolution of 19J5,"RIH 33 (Aug. 197, 1' 76.

16 . Levine, Green "The Rhode IslandYears, 76.

RHODE I SL AND BIR TH C O N T R O L LEA G UE

tween 1860 and 1930 it had been able to capture the governorship onlytwice. A state property qualification had successfully prevented largenumbers of Catholic immigrants from voting in municipal electionsuntil 1918. Although an amendment to the sta te constitution endedthis property requirement, state wide gerrymandering effectively disen ­franchised large blocs of potential Democratic voters, transforming po­tential Democratic strongholds into Republican districts .

Because of a unique districtlng plan, the Republican machine main ­tained a rotten -borough Senate through 19 3) . Although Providencehad heavy Democratic representation in the House, the machine in

19 30 was able to add several new seats for Providence Republican s,thereby dissipating the clout of th e Democrats on the state and munici­pal level s." Providence voters continued to return large numbers ofDemocrats to the Hou se, but their voice on state and local issues wasdiminished. Furthermore, 19 30 marked th e first year that th e Irishwere proportionately repre sented In the Providence Cit y Council.

Other ethnic groups cont inued to the underrepresented ."Only a concerted effort to register new voters and unite the Demo­

crat ic party could possibly change th e outcome of ele cti ons. AlthoughDemocrats under Theodore F. Green did launch a voter registrationcampaign, they, like the church, were badl y splintered." Four groupsvied for control of th e party, and only the two smalles t had any size­able number of immigrants . In Pawtucket , one group was led by Irish ­Americans and included some Franco-American s. In the BlackstoneValley, another group had a similar makeup, but was less united .Theodore F. Green and Joseph F. Gainer led one of the more powerfulYankee -based groups, while Peter G. Gerry led the other . Each groupsought to gain at the expense of the others, precluding any unifiedstrike again st the Republican machine until the mid-r cjos."

The Democratic party alone was in a position to create ethnic co­alitions capable of mounting an attack on bitth control, yet even itssplinter groups composed of immigrants were controlled by Irish­Americans, which were , like the Catholic church, una Ie to retain ital­ian loyalties. In several distri cts throughout the 19 30S, disaffected ital­ian voters swung elections for Republican s."

A massive political attack again st birth control was inconceivable.

The Democratic party it self wa s a Yankee stronghold throughout the1930S, and it never mad e birth control an ele ction issu e. Catholic poli ­ticians showed no interest in the politi cal potential of th e issue. Hadthere been a united Democratic party with propottional Catholic repre ­

sentation, it is possible that opposition to bitth cont rol could have mo­bilized voters. Until 1935, continued Republican majorities withinboth houses prevented th e possibility, however slim, of anticontracep­uve legislation.

Sworn as it was to fight birth cont rol to the " lim it of her power and

influence," the Diocese of Providence was forced into a policy of non­resistance which clearly reflected the minimal sway it held over itsmembers and government. An y attempt to interfere with either the

RH ODE I SLAND BIRTH CO N TRO L LEA G UE

RIBCL or its clinic would have resulted in free publicity for an orgaru­zation the church viewed as a socia l evil. Not surprisingly, from 19 JI to19B, the Visiwr pub lished only a handful of art icles about the RIBCLor its Providence clinic, focusing instead on selec tive coverage of thegeneral birth control issue." The open ing of clinic s around the count ry,increasi ng advocacy of cont raceptives by the medical profession , andother movement successes went unnot iced. V,sitor readers learn ed in ­stead of the closing of clinics worldwide and legal battles lost by themovement, at a time when birth control advocates actua lly were win ­ning more battles than they were losing.

Given the church's defen sive position, its response was limited tokeeping the general issue alive and making it s stance clear to thosewho would listen. A few articles by William R. McGuirk, an attendingsurgeon at St. Joseph 's Hospital and a member of it s executive commit­tee, contended that physical and mental ill s were traceable to contra­ception. These represented the diocese's onl y response to the increasingnumber of Rhode Island doctors joining the RIBCL. In McGu irk 's judg­ment, the int imate and public discussion of contraception was to beavoided , but since its advoca tes had seen fit to publicize it, he felt com­pelled to speak out . In those cases where childbearing was dangerous,he said , a physician shou ld recommend self-contro l, but he had noright to give specific cont raception advice."

The RIBCL also became a matter of concern to public officials inProvidence. In August 19J I , the ci ty 's Board of Aldermen approved aresoluti on condemning the operation of the clinic and urging Provi­dence residents to boycott it . The resolution said that the birth controlclinics might harm the health of the people of Providence. AldermanAnt onio C. Ventrone , a Catholic doctor and the driving force in supportof the resolution, told his colleagues: " If a physician were to attempt anabortion he would be found guilty of murder in the first degree . This isone step earlier. It is a business proposition from beginning to end ." Hewent on to argue that all cont raceptives were harmful to the patient andthat the promotion of family planning was sacrilegious, a "hideous,shameful crime.'" 9He wanted to see the clinic closed and its operatorsiailed.

Among the aldermen present at that meeting, eight favored prosecut­ing those who ran the clinic whil e three opposed. Th e resolution wasreport ed in the publi c newspapers and the Providence visitor, but gen­erated no public response. At the next month 's meeting, several EastSide aldermen, absent previously, successfully managed to have theresolut ion tabl ed. Rush Sturges, alderman for the fashionable FirstWard and representative of most RlBCL members, was qu ite blunt in hisassess ment. He pointed out that

no opportunity was afforded the distinguished citizens who havesponsored th is movement of explaining the purpose and method ofoperation of said clinics .. . it seems to me that the members ofthis honorable body must have taken action without adequate

I"

17. Providence Visitor. 6 March. 171 uly1931 .

18, PtoVldtnu VUllor. 10 N{]Y. (a il,tonal ], 17 Nov. 19)).

19 PtoVldtnU Journal. 4 Sepe. 19 31.

11 2

JO. Ibid .} 1 , Providence Bond of Alderme n, Mm ·

UIU , 1 Sept 191 1, Providence e lly Ar­chives, Provide nce, R.I

11. lbrd., } M.arch 19\1

Headlme from the Providence

Visitor, 17 Nov. 19JJ .

RH ODE I SLAND BI R TII CO NT RO L LE A G Ul:.

knowledge of th e fact s or of th e peopl e connec ted with th e clinicund er discussion ... It is inconceivable that cit izens of th e experi­ence and standing in th e co mmunity who ha ve sponsored thismovement have don e so without first being entire ly clear of th eirlawful right to do so. As a matter of fact , they have been and arcnow being advised by a reputable finn of local counsel. ~1

Several Providence new spa pers provided from-page cove rage for th is

meet ing. but the VIsitor. whi ch had reponed th e decision to prosecutethose involved in the cli nic, igno red th e action to table the rcsolunon.

EAST -SIDE SOCIAUTESPUSH BIRTH CONTROL

PROPAGANDA IN R. 10-197 Percent of 01'-

L;ye in One A.....Survey Showa -

ITWO CHANCES ·THISIWEEK IN DIRECTORATE,' Huobendo of Moo. l.tend­o lied in Menufacturiat

and Money Circle.

The attorney general 's office had been contacted th e previous weekhy City Solicitor John C. Mah oney. Attorney General Benjamin M.McLyman was unable to find an y law th at banned birth control orclinics, and he wanted no pan of th e controversy. He suggested that thestate legislature was th e place to chal lenge th e clinic 's legalit y." Notsurprisingly, there was no move in this direction .

The resolution before the Hoard of Alde rmen remained tabl ed and un ­discussed until 19 '2 , when it form all y was dropped .'l In the absence offorceful and adverse medi cal or public opinion, the board did not cha l­lenge those person s of influen ce who supported th e clinic, and no op­position groups att empted to mak e this an e lectio n issue .

Although the clinic 's opening sec mcdto be legall y, politicall y, and so­cially safe, RIBCL mem bers were acutely aware of the Catho lic ch urch 'scontinued opposition . In sta tes like New York, force of law supported

the church's posit ion . But unh ke Margaret San ger 's early batt les, theRJBCL was not faced wi th the task of arousi ng public opmion again strepressive laws. Furthermore, 10 th e twenty years since t he first clashesbetween Sange r and Comstock, public opinion across the nation had

- 1

RHODE I SLAND BIRTH C O N T R O L LEA G UE.

shifted. The bruta l effects of thc Depression, most particularly onthose burd ened with too many children, increa sed public interest inand sym pathy for birt h control and family planning. Whi le Sanger andher compatriots had challenged both the Comstock laws and the Ca­tholic church in earlier fight s, the RIBCL practiced nonaggression .This is not at all surprising. The clinic was opened primarily to trea tpoor women, and the RIBCL obviously wanted to appeal to Ca tholics .Rather than risking the controversy that undoubtedly would accom­pany public advertisin g" the RrBCL hoped to build a referral servicefrom its own social and professional ranks.'

The league rarely issued press releases, and when it did the announce­ments acknowledged neither th e content iousness surro unding thecli nic nor the poss ible existence of opposition. The newspapers ac­cep ted and pn nted th e informati on, but otherw ise left th e issu e of birthcontrol untouched. Ge nerally, press releases announced the extens ionof clinic hours or the sizeable addition of new members . It then listedth e names and academic crcdenuals of the organization 's patrons andhonorary supporters." The unspoken message was clear : this was il

powerful and growing organization composed of Providence 's mostprominent cit izens. Unlike th e church, RlBCL presented a un itedfront. The league never indulged in open attacks on th e Catholicchurch. as had visit ing members of th e ABCL. With political and so­cral power behmd It, th e RlBCL avoided entanglement in needless.contro versy.

Between I f.,J3 1 and 1933, Providence new spapers reported no negativepubli c response to th e clin ic. Certa inly the involvement of Stephen O.Metcalf , president of th e Prcvuience ioumal. as a leading RlBCL mem ­ber, explains the willingness of th e state's largest new spaper to publishthe leagu e's press releases. The ioumal provided tree space for press re­leases, but Met calf did not make an issue of the cl inic unnecessarily."Similarly, th e Providence Even ing Bulletin . the Journal's companionpaper, con sistently carried announcements concerning the RlBCL, butattempted no independent report age. While th e newspapers of the timeca nnot tell th e whole sto ry, th e lack of a public response may he someindication of the extent to which th e middle clas ses accepted th e clinic.No written records or accounts have been discovered of th e number ofpeop le, Catholic or otherwise, who boycotted and disapproved of theclinic and th e RIBCL.

In 1933 th e Providen ce Vi...itot confronted the RIBCL wh en thenew spaper learned that certain social service agenci es were referringclient s to th e clini c. It; In the latter part of the year, the Visit or con ­ducted a firsthand inves tigation into the work ings of the Main Stree tclinic, sending an "experienced newspaperwoman, not a Catholic" to

pose as a prospective client. Th e art icle pain ted a "sordid picture": con­tr aceptive devices were displayed, demonstrated. and made available forpurcha se; a papier mache model provided a graphic demonstration ;women were advised about family planning without their husbands'

123

B· ProVJdtnu lournal. 7 1uly 191134. For an excellent exa mple of th ese

announcements see Provuience toumal. 7luly t9) 1 See also amcles In th e RJBCl19 31 Scrapbook. Planned Parenthood 0/Rhod e Island Archiv es ,

) \. for a leiter from a member of th etoumat staff queanumng th e purpose ofRIBCL pres s releases see David Patt en toMrs. George jacob s. 1 lan . 193 \ in RIBClScrapbook. Plann ed Parenthood of RhodeIsland Archives. Des pite Patten 's com­plarm Ihat releases h om the ABCl na ­uonal headqua rters were mor e propapnd.athan new s. lhe toemal connnued 10 pn mthem.

36. Dav id Kenned y mumates that duromil: th e 19305 the " ru tiOIUI" chu rch pol­ICy focu sed on blocking the mcorporanoeof bmh co ntrol se rvices into pu blic healthprograms. Set' hIS. Bltlh Control m Amerlea. 14 9 - <;0.

17. Providence V,SIloT. 17 Nov . 19}) .J8. lbld .. 17 Nov. I'B l , eduonal.J9 · lb ld.. 8 Dec. IIIB .40. As la te U 1917 the st ude nt ne ws­

papers at Brown UO\vcl'$lty and Provi­dence CoU('!:(', a Domrmcen lnetuut ton.tr ad<'d sharply worded anleles on con­n scepuon S« the Brown D ally Huald.16 Oct.• 4 Nov 19 17, and Providence College Cowl. J Nov 19\1.

R HODE I SL AND BIRTH C O N T R O L LE. A GUE

knowledge or conse nt and asked persona l questions about physical ,moral, and domesti c affairs. Th e investigator experienced " involunt ary

revulsion ." Leaving th e cl inic , she noti ced in th e waiting room thesame five or six women who had been there wh en she first arrived :"T hey sti ll wore the fright en ed loo k. I opened the door of th e clime andstepped out and took a breath of clean, fresh air. I was glad It was over ." "

The visitor also lashed out at social workers who assist ed in spre ad­ing " life-suppression propaganda ." It further alleged that all but 3 per­cent of the league 's officers and di rectors lived on the fashiona ble East

Side wh ile RIBCL che nrs came from poorer neighborhoods. imp ly­ing that th e wealthier , Anglo-Saxon Protestan ts were victi mizing the

poorer, Ca tho lic, immigrants. It was true, of course, that th e ma jorit yof the cl in ic's clients were poor ; m iddle-class women had the option ofobta ining cont raceptive informat ion and devi ces from their own physi ­cians . An edito rial in the Visi tor in November 1933 clarified the dio­cese's stance to ward the clinic:

To remain silent in th e face of thi s di rect menace to morality m ight

be cons trued by the promoters and the publi c at large as ind iffer ­ence, or even conse nt . That such indi fference or consent has noplace in th e Catholic att itude toward public morality has beenmade clear beyond question by th e Holy Father in his encyc lica l

letter on marriage."

This wording is revealing. The church was no longer silent, but prom­ised no pub lic action. Moreover, the attac ks on the clinic were printed

on ly in the Visi tor. The church ac knowledged its duty to respond , butit cou ld do little more .

Amo ng Catholics, th e Visitor's cam paign to arouse th e publi c metwit h conside rable, if tempora ry, success. Those who opposed birth con­trol demonstrated their zea l at a meet ing held in December 191:\ atProvidence 's Biltmore Hot el. Despite freezing weather, more than fivehundred peop le attended th e gathering, under th e auspices of the Di­ocesan Council of Catholic Women. When Pope Pius Xl 's encycl ical wasread, they rose to th eir feet to show approval . In what the Visitor called"one of the most signflcant assemblies ever held in Rhode Island." th e

crowd reaffirmed its pledge to safeguard the morals of youth and to pre·serve th e sanctity of the hom e.,..

Despite th e large turnout, on ly the Visi tor reported th e meeting. TheYankee-dominated daili es apparently did not cons ider Catholic meet ­

ings, no matter what size or topic, to he of gene ral interes t. No poli t icalaction was planned and none resulted. Wh ile call ing for "aroused pub­lic opinion: ' the church remained powerless to translat e its opposi tioninto law. Despite a few plaintive art icles in th e Visitor, th e cl in ic re­mained open . Birth control cont inued to he a matter of intense conce rn

for Catholic Rhod e Island ers, hut th e ti me for forceful opposi tion hadpassed. In fact , such an oppor tunity had never arisen."

RHODE ISLA ND BIRTH CON T ROL LEAGUE

The story of the RIBCL in Rhode Island offers an inte resting exampleof the Catholic church 's response to the birth control movement In onediocese. Perhaps because their interest has been mo tiva ted in large partby recent battles between advoca tes of legalized abo rtion and the Ca ­tholic church, historians have, unwiuingly, failed to pay proper atten ­tion to the variety of actions and responses within the church and to itslocal. internal workings. It is also possible that recent analyses of thebirth control movement have proiec ted current con troversies into thepast, assuming that the forces of action must have been much stronger .Certainly the constant focus on Margaret Sanger , a volatile leader, hasreinforced the view that birth control became available because of he ­roic leaders who were not afraid of confrontation and controversy. Theintroduction and acceptance of birth control in Rhode Island, however,presents a different story. The absence of law, fac tional splinteringwithin the church and Democratic party, and the skill of nonheroicmembers of RIBCL who were unwilling to invite strife, sen..ed to neu ­tralize pohtical opposition and to assure success in Rhude Island forwhat was, even in 1911, a controversial reform. The Rhode Island story

also illuminates the neglec ted middle passage of the birth controlmovement, in which clinics ope ned quietly and remained in ope rationdecades prior to the judicial battle that fina lly provided the deathblowfor Comstock laws. Unti l m uch more is known abo ut birth control ad­vocacy at the state level , gene ralizations about this movement mayvery well perpetuate distortions concerning modern reforms. St udies ofother states withou t Comstock laws and contain ing only a small pro­portion of Catholics, for example, may reveal th at ofte n the battle forbirth control was won without a war being fou ght.

•

•

Detail from un 1864 lithograph

by f. P. Newell entitled "NewportR.I. in 17jD." .~howiTJ~ the FirstChurch of Newport. of whichSarah Osborn was a member.RHi XJ (RHi Xl 22871.

-

The Bonds of Friendship: Sarah Osborn

of Newport and the Reverend Joseph

Fish of North Stonington, 174 3- 1779

Barbara E. Lacey

Women in cigh tccruh-c entu rv New England outnumbered men in

ch urch membership, and. to make their in flue nce felt In the reli gious

com m u nity, Joined forces with chosen ministers. While this alliancehas been descri bed for th e post -Revolut ionary period , It had ItS c mgmin some localiti es at the time of the G reat Awakening.' Women with a

spiritua l ca lh ng were largel y unable to serve the ch u rch in the min is­

try, but their work 3 S organizers and as writers came to be SOC ia lly ap­

proved.' While ch u rch work sou n was sanct ioned by minist ers as a

proper part of women 's sphe re, it was a cont rovers ial issu e early in the

eigh teen th cen tury. Only m ini st ers were accustomed to lead ing thecongregation in h ymns and prayer s, and rel igious societi es organized by

women for these purposes broke new ground for fema le leadersh ip . In

Newport , for example, while women were " rather inconspi cuous" in

public li fe, they had "greater access than was common to spheres nnr­

ma lly rese rved 10 men," accordi ng to historian Sydn ey v. lam es. AI·

tho ugh women had " no say in the Anglican or Cong regat ionalist

ch urches" of the ci ty, accord ing to lames, they voted in th e Bapt ist

chur ches and ha d thei r ow n office rs amon g the Quake rs, giv ing them

"a stronger voice in rel igious affai rs than women h ad in most other

places. '

Looki ng at corres pondence and diaries for this per iod gives evidence

indicating substantia l influence on the pa rt of women in religious af­

fairs , including Congregat ionalis m. Indeed by 1769, a society of women

at the First C h u rch of New port was responsible for the call ext ended to

the Rever end Sam uel Hopkins, and for providing to him a "co ns tant

source of moral, intell ectual, and ev en financial suppo rt" throughout

his period of m ini stry.' The roo ts of this alliance between women and

mimsters, and the process of changing gender roles , can he an alyze d in

some deta il by examin ing the le t ters ex changed between Sarah O sborn.

founder of the women's soc ie ty in Newport, and her friend, the Rev­

erend Joseph Fish, minist er o f the Congregationa l Church In North

Stonington, Connect icut."Sarah Ha ggar , ho rn in London III 17 q , came to the color ues as a

ch ild . Her famil y lived in Boston and then m oved to Newpo rt , where

Sarah res ided for the rest of her life. Married at the age of eigh teen to

~INr.J E. . La""y I ~ A~~I'Unt rrole~......r<lind Ch<ll ir of the Department of HI~lllf )'

<lind Pn1lllC;lI1 Science <II I Sarm loeeph Col ­I../:e, W"' l lbrtlorJ. Connecticut

I See Ann [)Ulll:1<11~, Thl' Femnucatum"f Aml'flCOnCu/ rUf l' iNc '" Yor k. 19n 1.8<IIrN r<ll Wel ler . " The Pcrmruzauon 01A mencan Rd l/:IUIl . 11'100- 11<1>0," m ....br)'

Hart ma n and Lors W Banner . cds., C/IO'sCOn~'lOu~nt' \.' Raned IN ew York. r9741;<lind Richard D. .s h lcl~. "T he f-ermmzatmn" I Amencsn Cunj1,le/:.ll lon<ll h~m , 11l0­

11'11> ." AmnKtJn QJ/orlnJ)' " lSp ll n /:1",1'1 11' 4 1> - 1>1 .

1, Limits «n th e role nl women In Con­/:r c/:allon.1h ~m were a legac y 01 the Ann eHutchinson ca-e, accordmg IU MaryMdpk~ Dunn, "S ain ts and S l~l crs Con­grC):allon al .md Quaker Women In theEarlv Culomal Punod," A m rrican U nar ­trr /v \0 lWm te f I \ll !!): \I'll -IiOI, and LyleKoehler. "T he Ca,,· "I the AmericanJe.-:d>cls : Ann e Hu tchmson and FemaleAglt.lt l"n durmg the Years 01 AnnnormanTlIrmOl I, If"h-I h40 : ' Willi am and Mary()ua rr..,ly I I (Ian l\ll, I. I \ - 71l.

I Sydney V lames, ColOnial Rhod.. I,s,lund ' A l /j,rurv!Nc w York. 197 <; 1. 1411

4· Joseph A Confom, Samuel If opkm ,and th .. NI' ..... tnvnntv M OH m l'n! CuIvuusrn. Thl' C()n)i{ft'~alJonal Mlm~ rfY.

and Reiorm In NI'w E:n~/anJ Bet .......en thl'Crl'at Awakemng, jG rand Rapids, M I\:h ..t ...ll l J, 101 -11

~ Th e rernams ot rhcr r co rres pondenceIrnm I 7411U 177... include ahom .r dozen!cuers by fis h <IInJ over scve mv by Os­born Dsbom's leucl s ar c In the SarahO~b"rn Let ters collecnon. AmcncauAnuquanan Sccrery, wor cesrer . ~la ss AllqlluUllolI" by pcrrmssson oi the AmencsnAnllqu <IIllan Soc lt·ty Ioseph f l ~h 's leuer s,excep t where: noted, <li re III the SIIlIIIl,tnh ml ly Parers, Stcrhng Memorial Llbruy.Y<II!c UnJ\'er" ty, Ne w Haven, Conn AllqlltlUUlllIS <lite by J'l:nnl~IOll ot t he V;lI leUmvcrs lIy Llbu n

i

128

6. Osborn's skill as a needlewo rk in­structor prov ided her wnh esse nt ial In­

come: see Beuv Ring, Let Vl r/ue Be 11

Guide 10 Thee : Needle work In the Educa ·uon of Rhode Island Women. I?)0- 18)0{Providence, 191'1 .11. 41>- 41'1·

7 . Samuel Hopki ns, Memm{\ of the ufeof Mrs. Sarah Osborn [w orces ter. Mass.,17991, II; .

Advertisement for SarahOsborn 's boarding school. Fromthe Newport Mercury 19 Dec.17 58.

THE llOND S OF FRIEND SHIP

Samuel Wheaton, she soon had a child, but was widowed in 1733 whenher husband died at sea. She kept school to support herself and her in­fant. Eight years later, she married Henry Osborn, a widower with

three sons. Although her husband had a business, he was in debt andtheir money was soon gone. Sarah Osborn resumed teaching school tosupport her family, and continued to do so for thirty years, until hereyesight and ph ysical s t rength failed."

SA R A H 0 S B 0 R N , Schoolrnifrrefs in Newport,propofes to keep a -

Boarding School.ANY PerCon defirous of fending ·Childre~, may

be accommodated, and have them inllruCted in Reading, Writ­ing, Plain 'Work, Em broidering, Tent Stitch, Samplers, &c. on rca.fbnahle Terms,

At the time of the Great Awakening, her home was a gathering placefor neighbors to discuss and share their religious experiences. A groupof women met weekly and chose Osborn as head of their society. Themembers conversed, collected money for th e dissemination of the gos­

pel , and regulated their organization by written ru les. Although atten­dance waxed and waned over time, Sarah Osborn headed the society forfifty years.

During the 1760s, when the First Church in Newport was experienc­ing difficulties with its minister, a new wave of revivalism came to thecity, and many turned to Sarah Osborn for advice. The women's societyagain flou rished, and other religious societies that formed and metin her home included free blacks and slaves, young men and women,groups of children, and heads of households. Moreover, from r77 0 untilthe British occupation of Newport, the church society held monthly

meetings at her residence. Her biographer, Samuel Hopkins, notes,"Th us her house was indeed, and in an eminent sense, A House ofprayer.:"

One minister Sarah Osborn consulted about her religious activitieswas the Reverend Joseph Fish. Born in Duxbury, Massachusetts, andeducated at Harvard, Fish was called to the church in North Stoningtonin 17p. His ministry included the period of the Great Awakening, andhis congregation was greatly affected by the preaching of JonathanEdwards, George Whitefield, and Gilbert Tennent. Du ring th e summer

of 1741 alone, 104 individuals were added to his church. After the ap­pearance in North Stonington of James Dav enport, the powerful andwildly enthusiastic preacher, Fish had second thoughts about the re­viva l, and made his views known in sermons and in print. As a result, a

THE BOND S OF FRIEND SHI!'

number of members left his church, until hi s congregation dwindled toa thi rd of it s former size . While he receiv ed calls to serve ot he r con­gregat ions in Newport, New London, and New Haven, Fish remain edwith hi s original parish until 1781, when he ret ired at th e age ofseve nty-six.'

Joseph Fish and his wife were anxious to provide their on ly surviv­ing children. Mary and Rebecca, wi th the best possi ble education. Hetaught th em at home whe n th ey were young, but later sent them to

Newport for instruc tion unde r Sarah Osborn." Fish and Osborn initiallyexchanged letters periodically conce rni ng the progress of his daugh ­ters. but the correspo ndents grew closer and th ey exchanged lett ers ona varie ty of topi cs for over thirty years. Yet th ey never engaged in face­to-face inte rchange. Osborn was frequently invi ted to visi t the Fishfamily in Sto mngton, but always found an excuse not to go. Fish cameto Newport several times, but always was tOO occ upied to visi t Osborn.They seemed to prefer th e formal ity of th eir letters, which began withth e amenit ies and the n engaged in topics of deep emot ional and intel ­lectual conce rn . Perhaps their frankness abou t these matt ers was pus­sible only when they were safely separated by a distance of many mil es.

One topic Sarah Os born discussed with th e Rev. Fish was her relation ­ship with th e mini sters of var ious Newport churches. In th e ci ty wereBaptist s, Quakers, Congregatio nalists , and Episcopalians, as well asJews and Moravians. Osbo rn was a member of th e First Congregationa lChurch, not th e larger, wealthier, and less troubled Second Church,which was und er th e direct ion of the Reverend Ezra Stil es. Osborn'sfamil y had originally attended th e Second Church , hut she herself pre­ferred the preaching of th e Reverend Nathaniel Clap, and joined withthe First Church in 1717 after the death of her hu sband . After Clap'sdeath, William Vinal was installed as minister of the First Church in1746, with an ordination sermon by Fish, but Vinal was dismissed aftertwenty years of service because of failing health, excessive drinking,and dwindling support among the membership. Osborn 's female pray­ing society, whi ch was the core of th e First Church at this time, acti velybacked th e th eologicall y conservative candidate Sam uel Hopkins, andsucceeded in bringing him to th e First Church in J 770, despite th e op­position of Stil es and th e influential Second Church. "

Despite this evidence of politicking, most of th e congregations inNewport were on good terms with one anothe r. and mini sters some­times exchanged pulpits. Sarah Osborn heard a Baptist minist er preachin her church on several occasions, and described him to Fish as an m ­spiring speaker. She was content, however, [Q remain a Congreganon­ah st , and enjoyed her relati onsh ip with Vinal, telling Fish "I am happ yin dear mr vina l far beyond wh at 1ever expectd." However, Osborn alsowrote, she preferred words of encouragement from Fish whenever pos­sible, dccla nng to him : "I pationa tcly Longd for a Letter or to see youbut 1beseech you dear Sir Let no t my mention ing this prevent you fromwrit ing for time to come Since I can freely converse with my own min-

il , Wilh am B, Sprague , Armots of th~Amtrican Pulpit . 9 vols . (18 ) 6; rep. N e ....York, 19" 91. I H 9- M

9 Mary fl~h . the eldest daughter, devel ­oped a dee p auecnon for her reacher, andcorresponded ....n h Osborn t broughourher hte. For a study of Mary FI~h basedon bmlly papers see loy Day Bud andRichard Buel, lr. The Way of Duty AWom<1n and Her Farmly In Revolutsonar vAm eri ca IN e".' York , 198,,1.

10 Tlus drscuss ron of church hlSIOlY ISdra ....n from Charles E. Hammen , lr., " ASketch of the Hrsrorv of the Congrega­uunal Churches of Newport, R.I" IWp.-­""tlth'n manascnpt ar Newport HlslOncalSocu:ty. 11'1911.

130

I L Osborn to Fish, 4 f eb. 1747.11. Osborn to Fish, 4 Ma rch 17 so/ SI .

SU5.;l Anthony and Sarah Osborn may havebeen deferen tial in their uuual approachto mi nis te rs , but both were pan of thewomen's society that succeeded in bnng­mg Samuel Hopkins to the first Church.Like Osborn, Anthony was the subject ofa biography by Hupkms, The u te andCharacter of Miss Susanna Anthony(Wor ceste r, Mass., 1796 l. In this work asin the Osborn memoirs, Hopkms quotedat considerable length from the women'sdranes, letters, and verse to provide read­CI S Wi th "C h ristian models worthy ofimitation, "

Il. Osborn to Fish, 29 May 17\3 .14 . Osburn IU Fish , 10 Dec . 17\) .I S OsborntoFish,1 Nov . 17i S-

T HE BO NDS Of FR I ENDSH I !'

ister." II Sarah Osborn enjoyed the socie ty of several Newport ministersover her lifet ime, but valued her relationship with Joseph Fish as a prin­cipal source of comfo rt and advice .

During the early stages of thei r correspondence , when Osborn was inher mid-thirties and marri ed, she tri ed to define her relationsh ip to

Joseph Fish . She discussed it with her close friend Susa Antho ny, anddecided she had been too forward in her manner of address. "For rcalyto me my Lines (now) appea r Saucy, and imperious," she observed. Sheand Susa decided it was "a grea t privil idge, that you indulge. us withsuch freedom: . .. [Susa] wondred indeed th at you should be so plcasdwith low poor servants. " 12

In an early letter, Osbo rn assumed the tone of an infe rio r address inga superio r: "bless the poor weak endeavors of a feeble worthless worm. "She blushed "at the review of the freedo ms I have us'd wi th one somuch m y superiour in all respec ts, " and wondered "yt you could dis­cern an ything in my Poor writings worthy [ot] your acceptance." Sherequest ed Fish to "pray for me dear Sir for I am a poor needy worm asever askt a rememb rance wi th you ." Neve rthe less, she aspired to reacha high er sta tus . By seeking informa tion and guidance from th e min­iste r, she expected her m ind to be st reng thened. She observed, " I can­not be willing always to remain a dwarf in religion tr uth."! ' As th eyears passed, th e tone of Osborn's letters grew stronger and moreself-confident, and she came to correspond with Fish without self­disparagement .

Os born wrote frequ ently and at length to Fish concerni ng her spiri·rua l experiences . For examp le, one such expe rience occu rred at thetime of an eart hqu ake, and she rela ted the event to Fish with reverence :"At th at Mo ment Neve r to be forgotten by me God by His Spiri t gaveme out of or in His word this cordial- the Mountai ns sha ll depart andth e Hills be removed hut my Kindness sha ll not depa rt from thee etcfollow'd by th is be not dismay'd I am thy God and again it is I he notafraid ." 10 Osborn expec ted Fish to read her accoun ts of spiritual experi­ences, dream s, and interpretations of Scripture, and to judge whet herthey came from God or were delusions. She also expected him to criti ­cize att itudes expressed in her writ ing: " I entreat you dear Sir by all thebond s of friendship never to be afraid to reprove me, but Point out to mefreel y, my Errors and mis takes believe me tis impossible for you to en­dear your self more to me than in th is way." L< Whilc Osborn seems to

have sought encou rageme nt, as well as correction, from Fish, she in­creasi ngly turned to him simp ly as an audience , someone to whom shecould direct her lengthy spiri tua l wri tings.

Whil e Fish welcomed Osborn's letters, and repeatedly asked her to

write, he was also a little hu mbled by his respon sibili ty: " I find my selfboth refresh ed & reproved by your lett er.-Refreshed with those ardentpatheuck breathmgs of your sym pathizing soul after spiritual bless­ings... . I also find myself reproved, in th at I fall aw fully short of thecharacte r, frame and temper which your letter charitab ly [att ributes to

THE BONDS Of FRIENDSHIP

me. ] " ' ~ Nevertheless, Fish enco uraged Osborn in her express ions offaith. On one occasion, afte r havin g read " the narrat ive of Gods Deal ­ings with you," he obse rved, " It serves to Co nfirm Me in th e Belief ofth e Riches of his Grace and the Way of Life spend in the Gospe l .. . Iread It over with close Attention & great Delight, not observing anything III It that Needed Co rrecn on.''" Like Osborn, Fish drew suste­nance from their relationship, because he felt stre ngthened in his call­ing . Also, he probably enjoyed th e attention given to him by Osborn ,and gene rally approved of her spiritual accounts. On occa sion he wouldnot only be a sounding board for her creat ive ideas, but wou ld see k heropinion on subiects of his own choosing.

Osborn conti nually turned to Fish for information related to the reh ­gicus Issues of the day. One subject she wanted to know about, afte rtalkmg with Seventh Day Baptists, was their obse rvance of th e Sabbathon Saturday. She thought it her "duty in all respect s to be full persu adedin my own mind, that I do practice agreeable to the divine will ; and a lsoto be able to render a version to those that ask [for my opinio n]."" Fishtold O...born that the Baptists had dev iated from the tru e church bydenying baptism to infants. Still. she continued to remain on frie ndlyterms With them, telling Fish that "We Have sometimes been favr'dwith mr Maxens assistance minister of the sevemhdav Bapt ist church agracious good man who feeds us with wholsom e food sincie r Mil k andStrong Meat roo.":

Mrs. Osborn and Rev. Fish were more in accord conce rni ng Sepa­rates. T hese individuals operated under a "false spiri t," inspir ed by th edevil, Fish believed, because they encouraged exhorta tion, zeal, andbodily expression. Osborn agreed with him co ncerni ng lay exhorti ng:" I cannot think that every real Christian is qua lified, or has a right topreach ye Gospel." And she agreed t hat the sta nding ministry had been"brough t in to such contempt" that a "Flood of error" would be the "fa­tal Consequence ." To help Fish in his effort to regain the allegianceof Separates , Osborn wrote a letter on his behalf to a Separa te inStonington. She praised Fish 's preach ing, which was not a "Skin deep,Polnc, Fashionable Preaching," but rather a form of discourse whichemphasized original sin , hu man depravity, and iusnficanon by faithalone." Yet she did not agree totall y wit h Fish, because she did not findth e formation of "diffe ring sentiments" to be a threat .

In an extensive com menta ry on Fish 's book, The Church of Chris t afirm and durable House. Osborn made use of reason and logic to defendvariations of religious views: (II all rules and drrecnons given by theLord concerning his church are complete. III All men, even the wisest ,arc smtul and imperfect. 131 When men come to apply the rules of th echurch, they differ in th eir opinion as to form s and modes of service .They find it difficult to worship togeth er, and hence th ere are variousChristian denom ina tio ns wherever the gospel comes. (41 Thereforethere is no churc h which can claim to be perfec t. lsiT here is a need formutual forbearance; everyone must thin k and iudge for hi mself, and

I"16 . f ish to Osborn . 10 Dec. 1 7 ~ 1­11 . f ish [0 Osborn, Il Ju ne I 7~ r .

I ll , Osborn to f ish. 17 Sept. 1 7 ~ O ,

19 Osborn 10 fi sh, 19 Feb . 1760 .10 _Osborn to Mrs Oliver Prennc e, 11

July I? H .

21. Osborn to Fish , n.d.11761n Thepublicati on date of The Church of ChriHa firm and durable House [Ne w Lond on ,17671, to which rhrs let ter cle arly refers,mdrcates th at the tenta ti ve 176 3 date isIncorrect .

22, lam es, Colonial R.I.. r t;3, 2] 1.23. For examples of th ese laws see

Irvmg B. Richman, Rhode island: AStudy In Seoarausm [Boston, 1 90 ~ 1, [ 2 ~ .

24 _FIsh to Osborn, 4 Sept . t16). SalahOsborn letters collection. Two black se r­vants, mcludmg one who lea rned therud ime nts of readmg and wr rnng fromOsborn, later received trauung at the Col ­lege of New Iersey In orde r to serve asnussronanes to Africa . For inf ormationabo ut Bnstol Yarnma and John Ouarmne,see Ham me n . "Congrega tio nal Chu rchesof Ne wport, R.I.," [lS, 208- 16,

2) Osborn to Fish, 17 June 171>6

THE B OND S O F FRIEND SHIP

grant the same libert y to his neighbor." With this lin e of reasoning,Osborn indicated a tolerance for diverse views, in contrast to Rev. Fishwho believed that the standing churches alone were the descendants ofthe original church. Osborn presented her opinions in a rational argu­ment, and defended a position which was in opposition to that of aneducated minister. Fish solicited her opinion, and was interested in hercom mentary, which no doubt helped her self-confidence to grow.

On 26 December 1760, Osborn informed Fish that a society of abouttwenty women was once again meeting weekly at her house, afte r alapse of several years. She asked his blessing for this endeavor: "Praysir pray for us yt gods glory may be Promoted by us and we may bestrengthened in every duty and bond of Love to god and each other."The gathering of this group of women came to play an important part inSarah Osborn's life. She en joyed the warm com panionship of like ­minded women, she had th e opportunity to describe her spiritual expe­rience s to interest ed list eners, and she was regarded by all as the headof the group. Osborn was successful in this role, because she was care­ful not to arou se invidious comment from the watchful or iealousmembers of the community. She smoot hed the way for discus sion ofany issue, see king th e full support of the group in its resolution.

Besides th e women's group, another religious society, composed ofblacks, began meeting at her house . Slaves formed a distinct element inNewport life; in I70B and again in 1783, at least ten percent of New­port 's popu lation consisted of "black servants. '121 Laws restricting th emovement and free association of blacks were passed in an effort tokeep peace and order in the town." Blacks, who were given free time onSunday, welcomed th e opportunity to meet at Sarah Osborn's house forprayer s; it was a chance to socialize as well as an occasion for spiritualrenewal. Owners of slaves were glad to see them attend th e religiousmeetings, whi ch gathered th em at a well-known location, and keptth em out of trouble . Osborn sent to Rev. Fish an account of the reli­gious experience narrated by one of the men, without altering thebroken language. Fish responded favorably to the account, stating thatth e self-examination of unworthiness had the "Gospel Stamp," and ledhim to think the man 's experiences were genuine." Fish's interest in thecase indi cates his support of Osborn in her work with th e society ofblacks.

By 1766, the number and size of private socie ties meeting at th e Os ­borns ' house had increased; one or more met every even ing of the weekexcept Saturday. There was a society of young men; a society of Baptistbrethren ; th e black society; groups of children; and a number of Baptistwom en "with whom we have a sweet harmony Having determined onboth sides not to touch on points of controversy." Concern ing their ac­tivities, she observed : "All this while the re is Nothing More attemptedthen reading, singing, prayer perforrn'd by my Hu sband or an y chri st ianfriend . and a plain familiour conversing about the things that belongto their everlasting peace.">

THE B O NU S OF F R I E N U S HII'

Osborn applied her gilts as a leader to all th ese associations, but sheapparently felt the need to defend her role in th em . She wrote to Fishth at she had wanted to tell him of th ese many kinds of meet ings for along ti me, but feared It would be "ostent atious," so she held bac k; now,however, she decided she did not want to rob God of his glory.

Rev. Fish had long approved of the society of women . He wrote in1761: " I was much pleasd &. edifyd with your acct of the Female Reli­gious Society; and am even transport ed with Gods Goodness to our De­arly Beloved Susa .. .. I saw nothing Savouring of Vain Os tentation inanything you Said ot Her or the Society," >

Concerrung the growing society of blac ks, "which above all the restHas been exe rcising to my Mind," Osborn told Fish in 1767 tha t shehad tried to "commit it into Supe rior Hands," but no one wou ld hel p.Her pastor and the brethren of the chu rch had not answered her requestfor ass istance, and she had given up tr ying to find someone else . Osbornseems to have been conscious of the potentially revolutionary nature ofthe blac k society, and tried to defend her act ions : " I only read to themta lk to th em and sing a Psalm or Hymn with th em.... they call itschool." She observed th at "Ministers and Magistrates send th eir ser­vants and approve.':"

As tor the society of young men whi ch met once a week in her hom e,she not es, " I have noth ing to do with th em ." l" Apparently her hu sbandor a male friend led the prayers and hymns in th is societ y, since a maleleader would be appropriate for a mal e yaup, and Sarah Osborn had nodes ire to offend convention. She minimized the importance of th e roleshe played in some of the se group s, which was consistent with hermodest y and sense of appropriate female behavior.

Besides defending th e existence of the societi es, Osborn felt impelledto explain her role in th em . She wanted to answer Fish 's que stion aboutwhether she had th e "s tr ength, ability, and Time consistent with otherDuties to fill a Larger Sphere. " She observed, concerning strength, thatshe alway s felt "s tronger when my com panies break up then when th eycame in"; as to abilit y, she tru sted in Christ 's strength; and as to time,she was "ca lled by th e Providence of God as well as by His word to be aredeemer of time." She described her day of prayer and wilt ing, meal sand school, and observed, " I think m y family does not suffer thro MyNeglect tho doubtl ess if I Had a full purse and Nothing to do but Lookafter th em some th ings Might be don e with more exactness thannow."> The meenngs were "sweet refreshing evenings my rcsu ng reap ­ing times and as God Has Ga the red 1dare not scatter in an y wise." 10

Throughout her lett ers, Osborn grappled with defin ing her role as aleader of rel igious socicnes. When the wom en 's group first formed andask ed her tu be Its head, she was conce rned with how it woul d appearto othe rs. Fish 's support helped her overcome her hesitati on . " I wasconvinc'd of my folley in being tOO anxious about th e opinion or Judge­ment or anger of others.'''' When th e religiou s groups grew in numberand size und er he r tut elage, she defended herself from th e accusatio n

I :B

16. Prsh eo Osbom, 11 Sep t. 1761 .

17 . f ish to Osborn . 18 fe b. 1767 _lS. Ibid,19 Osborn to Fish, 7 Ma rch 176 7_

\0 . Osborn 10 f iSh, 18 f eb. 1767.

\ 1 Osborn 10 f ish. 10 M.3 Y 17(, 1

13 4

p. Osborn to Fish, 17 lun e 1766.H Ibid.34- Osborn 10 fish, 9 Aug. 17M,J) . Osborn IU Fish, 1. lul y 1769.36. Osborn to Fish, 1.8 Dec . 1779.

THE B ONO S O f F R IENDS HI P

that she was setting herself up as "some great one." She as ked herself,"Who am I and what am I indeed and why do any come Near me." Sheanswered her own questi ons by observing, "I can resolve it no wherebut in to adorable sove ngnty thlat sulch a wea k ungrat eful wret chshould be alowd to splela k one word acceptable [0 any." She prayed forhumility so as to " resolu tely proceed to do wha t soever m y hands findto do wi th all m y Migh t with in m y Proper Spherc. " 32 Hoping to avoid

being too cons picuous, yet ben efitin g from th e attent ion and respectshe received as a leader, Osborn resolved any internal conflict, and an­swered any object ions, by observing th at she sim ply was following th ewill of God in all she did.

Osborn had no desire to cha llenge overtly the tra ditional orde r ofmen 's and women 's roles: " I do solem nly decla re I delight Ministe rsshould stand in thei r Places and Private christia ns of bot h sexes inth ei rs in the beautiful order God has Plas'd them and abhor intrutionsinto Minister ial office." She asked Fish to te ll her if he perceived thatshe had ventured " too far heyo nd my Line." But she devout ly believedthat "God will C lorific him Self and Make Every Path or duty strait andplain before m y face." 1.1

Osbo rn did not wish to us urp the mi nisteria l office. She feared shewou ld "be cha rg'd as the ring Leader of rents or separations which fromHer very Soul she abhors," and hoped to avoid the accusatio n by havingregular ministers address her groups. But she was unable to get muchhelp from the standing clergy. Man y minis ters seemed to have had sec­ond thoughts about helping Osborn . Perhaps they resented the spec­tacul ar success of her religious groups . She described losing sleep andhealth, and hav ing fears concerning her mental stability, because ofanx iety on thi s account."

Osborn gained confide nce in her work, and in 1769 she could defendher act ivities to Fish as being part of her prope r sphere . Her self-confi­dence had strengt hened because no serio us controversy or scandal haddeveloped. " For more th an sixtee n years Has God preserved me fromopen scandalo us sins etc. and now I can say thro grace tis More tha ntwi ce sixtee n yea rs I Have Had experience of His power trut h andfaithfulness in preserving me. " ,~ " As a woman and Christian, Osbornfelt assu red tha t she had not moved beyond her sphere.

In her last letter to Fish, written in 1779 dur ing the siege of Newport ,she indicated she was upheld by her faith during the ordeal. T he ci tywas occupied and th reatened to be burned, hut it was spared from de­struc t ion and her friends return ed. And "now a new scene opens, forth e first fortnigh t or th ree weeks upon the return of Christian friendsto visit me my Elevati on of spirits and alternate sinki ng ... were al­most to much for my feeble frame.... th e great redeemer ... willin his own time grant repent ance and maintain His own Right InAmerica.":"

In the cou rse of a lifet ime of experience and reflect ion, Sarah Osborn ,with the approval of Ioseph Fish, had expanded the role of a woman in a

THE. BONO S OF FRl.ENOSHII'

colo nia l com munity, Marri ed, wit h pupil s and boarde rs in her home,

she found time to lead rel igiou s activities in privat e soc ieties, and tocult ivate close friendship with a m inister. These activiti es becamemore common to women after indusmalizanon. but it has been seenthat, at least in the case of Sarah Osborn, women responded sim ilarlyin the period after the Great Awakening. It is also noteworthy thatOsborn discussed, well before industrializat ion , the conce pt of hersphe re, While she found no conflict bet ween he r religio us activities andfamily respons ibilit ies, it is apparent that women 's work in th e church,par ticularly if it involved the teac hing of ma les, was a relati vely radi calidea that needed a defense. Osborn 's ultimate argument, that she wasfollowing the path shown to her by God, seems to have been acceptedby her spiritual advisor, losepb Fish .

The Osbom-Pish relationship has been ana lyzed by Mary Beth

Norton, who emphasizes the defensive attitude ass umed by Osbornwhen wri ting to Fish about her socie ties, In her extended discussion of

one Osborn letter, Norton argues th at Fish "a ppea rs" to have criticizedOsborn and advised her to discon tinue her activi ties, in part because heseems to have though t they were "unfeminine."!' However, if the Fish

letters in the Silhman Collection at Yale are consulted, there is eVI ­dence that Fish supported Osborn in her chosen role, and loo ked to herfor help concerni ng his own problems. In a second analysis of Osborn'sletters, Norton sta tes that whil e Osborn did no t found a new sec t lik eJemima Wilkinson or Mot her Ann Lee, she did blaze a trail fornineteenth-century Ame rican women to follow in working for femalereligious and chari tab le organizations . Osborn, in this view, pushedwoman's role " to its outer limit," and was "as independent as ci rcum­stances will admit ." ....

While Norton's second interpretat ion is basically sound, it can be ar­

gued further tha t Osborn was seeking not only independence and au·tonomy, she was looking for a posi tion of authority and influe nce, yetone that would win social approval for her. Osborn was not a "tra­ditional " woman, meek and submissive; she admitted she talked at

135

" A Southwest vtew otNewport "

engraVing by Samuel King, 1795.

RIHS Collection (RHi X3 213).

n· Muy Beth Nor ton , " 'M y Rl'stm,ltReapm ,lt Times" Sarah Osborn's Defenseof He r 'U nfermmnc' ACIlVltlCS, 171\7,"Sigm aIwmrer 19 7 6 1. ~ 1~- 1 1;J.

JIl. MafY Beth Norton, Ll bl'r! y 'sDaugh ters. The Revolll fJOnary Expa/enuof A rn l'fiC<ln Worn l' n , 17.10- /800 [Bos ton,

19 I1oj I2 9 - H ·

136

)9 · Osborn !O fish, 1 Nll v 174'> 1 ami I SMarth I H S_

40 . Fish I() Osborn, 11 Stop!. 17/'1 14 1. Osborn to FLsh, 1 N ov _1161 ; n.d .41 . Fish to Oshorn, )0 lune 17 <; S4 ) Os born 10 Preh l l iuly 1161 , Fish 10

Osborn, I I> . Nov 176 7

THE BOND S O F FRIENIl SHIP

length, and had a tem per, and her express ions of mod esty may best beunderstood as offered for the sake of conve ntio n." Essent iall y, Osbornwanted to emov a sense of power, altho ugh not unabash edl y so, and shesought th e approval of ot he r author it ies, namely mini st ers, in order to

exercise her control. Fish gave her the endo rseme nt she wanted whenhe wrote : "Never let a Friendly Cau tion agt [agains t] acting from awrong Princip le, prevent your trying to do wha t you kn ow is right ." '"

It is also important to reali ze th at th e nurturing relati onsh ip betwee nSarah Osborn and Joseph Fish was not one-sided. Fish wrote to Osbornabout his problems, particularly wi th thc Separa tes , and Osborn offeredwords of condolence: " You shall see the work of the Lord Prosper inyou r Hand s yt you sha ll see good according to th e days whe rein youHave see n EviL" Further more, Fish sent Osborn a copy of his publi ­

ca tion and as ked her opinion of It , to which she responded at somelengt h . Although disagreeing with him conce rni ng di fferent religiouspersuas ions, she observed : " I Have fulilfi lld your requ est s in gi ving youfreely my sennmelnts] on you r hook and do assure you th e whole of it isto my sa tisf acnrm." -'

Fish felt encouraged by Osborn 's letters. He informed he r that one of

her letters " ministered deligh t &. profi t to me & mine." He planned tosho w it to some neigh bors wh o had separated from his church, in aneffort to convince th em of th eir errors and sec ure th eir return . "S ure Iam willing yt ye Honour of th eir Recover y sho uld be asc ribed to veHand of a woman.''"

On an emo tional level, the bond s of friend ship between them weredeeply satisfying. Osborn would spea k of a relat ionship whi ch wouldcont inue in heaven : "O h May I be Prcpar'd to Meet you and enjoy youin God wh ere we shall Never Part again .' On his side, Rev. Fish woulddescribe their relationship as on e which enabled him to do the work ofGod : "The only Favour I ask is an Intrest in your Addresse s to ye throneof Grace, That I may be Suncufvd for Gods Service, & obtain Mercy to

be Faithfull unto Deat h.":"A new relationship between minist ers and women at the time of th e

Great Awakening is apparent In th e correspondence of Sarah Osbornand Joseph Fish . In a community that had lost man y members to th eSeparates, one min ist er turned to a woman for advice an d consolation,and appreciat ed her active suppor t on his behalf . In return, Sarah Os­born benefited from advice and encouragement of her spiritual ac­counts and her wor k wit h rel igious soc iet ies in her city. Th e GreatAwak ening ma y have created in some communi ties an early form ofdisestablishment, requiring the mini ster to sec k friend ship and volun ­ta ry support from members of th e predominantly fema le congregation,and offering th e woman an oppo rtunity to develop reli gious associa ­ti ons and to achieve recogn it ion wi thout leaving her sphe re. Thewoman 's proper sphere itself, recorded in the Osborn-Fish correspon­dence , had been expanded as ea rly as the mid-eighteenth century to in­clude self- relia nce in matter s of theology and active leadership in reoligious affairs. Sarah Osborn was able to hnd support among the clergyfor activit ies that a century earlier had brought Ann e Hutchinson con­demnation an d exile .

-

Volume 45 Index

Ada ms , M.aude, 101Agncuhure. uThe Soulh KmgMow n

Planters: Counny Ge ntry In

Colonial Rhode b land.N lIO-o,Ij ;

rllus., 1«), !I~90

Aldnch. Nelson, 4"', 55, 'liS, 104Alle n, Clurln, 99AlhedTulLlr Pnruer . jnc., 64

AImy, Wilh am , -1-5, s . 11 -12Almy and Brown . 4-5, 11.71AmtnCdnArchl ttCl and BUJldmg News ,

15,18-19Amencan BIrth Control uo.a ll:ue. 1lJ-14,

116-17, 123Amcnan Revolution- Imp4C1on Rhod e

bland. 43--44. "The RoseCollecnon " lwan hlpl, 1074l

Andros, Edmund, -',5Angell, He nry, UUAng.hun church In cclomal Rhode Isl,ind,

..... lISAm hony, O...mel, IIAnthonyJoseph, 8,10-12Antho ny, Rich ard, IIAm ho ny, SU'>a, 1.'10Anthony. Wilh am . lI, 10-12Anu.Sermusm, "lrvmg Fam and t he Fau

Huuslng Movem enl lll Rhode Island,19511-- 1'>1 70," 22-.15; pho tos , 22, 27,JO, as

Apex THI~ an d Rubber Co mpany. 24

Aqurdneck Island, colom a] plant ers,1l2-Kl

Awnwn NIK/l/s , 99Archnec rure, "A Cc ntenrual VICW ot the

[ohn Brown House," 14- 21) illus andarchuecru r.al draw ings, msrde front , II I,14- 1n, 1)(- 20

Arkwrigh t, RIchar d, " The Mak ln jt01aHero Samuel Slate r and theArkwfl!!:hl Fumes," 2- 13; photos ,fron t II I ; 5-6, 9-10

Asnonomy, "Stardust Memnnes: FrankEvan s Seagrave ami Halley'sComet -191O," 74-n

Atherton Syn dicate , IB

Babcoc k, Hezekr ah, llllBabcock fam ily, lUI

Ban kmg and commercia l devd"pment, 41\Bapll,t church In colomal Rhod e Islmd,

44, 55

Bnte l, loh n, return wllh royal chaner,enltTavmg. 40

Beard, Edward, 69-70B, f Kellh Iheatres, '>l6, 100

Belafonre, Harry, 29Belasco , David. 100, 102Bene fit Stree t, his tone prese rvanon,

iIlm., 66-67

Benson, George. 15Bemhardr, Sara h, 102; phUIO, I(UBeth-El Tem ple, Providence, 24 , 26Bmh con eol, ~The larly Yrars of the

Rhode Island Birth Control League,"111 -2(,

Blessmg, Peter E_ , 11 8Bostwick, Elwood, 105

Braude , wrlham, 24, 26Brayton, Charles R., 41\, 5,S, 9S, 97, 104Brooks. Joe, 99Brown &.Iv~, 62Brown, FranCiS, (,9Brown, Frank Chouteau, GltOr Grolg1onHou~s o f Amtnco, 21

Bro....n . John Carter, IOJBrown , John NIcholas, "A Cenrenmal

VIe....of the loh n Brown Hou~, 14--21 ;tlln s and archit ect ura l d raw mjts ; InSIJth ont # 1, 14-1 6, 18- 20

Brown, Mos~, 62, " The Makm l\, 01a Hem 'Samuel Slate r an d the Ark....n #!lFram es,~ 2-1-\ ; phums, iWn! ;, I, 5-6,9-10

Brown , Sm it h, 5Brown , Sylvanus, "The Makm l\, oj a HCf(1'

Samuel Slate r and th... Ark wn# nFram es," i1lu~ , . iron! # I, 4

Brown Un iversny, 51!, M, 11 5

BUCCI, Anthony, (,9Burnside, Ambrose E., 47

Carrin gton. Edward, (,2Ca rte r, Mrs Leslie, 102Case, Immanuel . 89Ca sey, Samuel, HI:ICatholic Int erracial Council, 2(,Ce nt ral Conferenc e of American Rabluc,

lIS

Chatee, fohn , 21:1, (,7, 70Char les II, King 01 England, charte r of

1663, 4..l , 55, 57 ; illus. , 40Ch ina tr ade, 4..l, 55, 66

A Ctnnese Honeym oon. 100Choate , Robert B., 34Ch urch of England : Set Angh can ChurchCianci, vmcenr " Budd y," (,9_70

Cmzens Umted tor a fall Huu slfilt Law mRhode Islan d, 25-29, 3J

Cmzens Uruted Rene wa l Enterp rrses, 29,34

Ci vil War, Im~Ct in Rhode Island, 42 , 47Clap , Na thaniel , 129Cl ar ke , lohn, 5HCochnn, Th omas C , 72Coddington, Wilham, 57Co lt , Sam ud Pome roy, 104

Tht Colum n"m CtntmeJ. 10Comm ... rce and trade colonial coastal

shi pping and China trad...with w esrIndies, 43-44, 47---4)( , 5S, 66; Oceanic

co mmerce, 5~1

Com mmee on Marriage and the Ho meot th e Federal Council of C hurc hesIn Chnst m Amenca, 115

Comstoc k. Anthony, Ill. 113-14. ua. 125Contom. Joseph, " Irvmg Pam an d the Farr

HOUSing Movement tn Rhode Isla nd ,1958-1970," 22-J5; pho tos, 22. 27,.30,35

Congreganonahsm, m colonial RhodeIsland,44

Conrad, I.lIm~ L., Ir_, book reviewed by,71- 73; " Th e Makin !!: of a Hero : SamuelSlaTn and The Arkwnght frames,N

2-U; phutm., front ti l, 5-6, 9-10Conso lidated Texnle Companv, (,4

Cooke, Benoni, 15Cocke, Nicholas. lOSCopley, lohn Singleton, 8~Corllss stu m engme. II/uS 4(,Courtle rgh, Wilh.llm , 100Crane, Elaine Forman, "Rctlecuons on

Ne wpon m t he 1760s", ,l 6-J I!, Ne ....portMt'fcury, or Ihr Wrrl< Jy A dvnu.sl'1.

reproducnons. ,16, 311

Cranston, Samuel, 51:1-59

Dari.un, Fr3ncIs, (,9The Darlmg o f Ihe C.ods, 100Daven port , lames. 1211[kane, Edwin Eldon, 15, 17-1 9Dernoc ranc parr y, 011-70Dext er, lohn S" 2, +-7, 9, 12[llOce san Cou ncil uf Car hohc Women, 124Drl'retc, Edward, 70Dilley, Hen ry E" lOSDonov an , Charles, 6'>lDoorley, loseph, 69Du n , Th om as W, I I/US.• 62Dun War, 45, 55, (,2-fd

Dowmng, Amrunerte, n7; Eatl v Humes flfRhude is/and, 21

Dramanc ,'tl lfw r, 102

Drew. luhn, 101Du dley, Joseph , 59

Earle, Phny, 12f,uly Hom es of Rhode t sland, 21Educanon, ';D, 52, 55Edw .lI rds, lon atha n, 128Em len , Robert P., "A Centenrual View of

the John Brown Hou se,N 14-21 ; illus,and olI rch llecrural drawm~ 14-16, IR-20

Empll'" The;;ltre, 100, 105Ene rgy cnSIS, 51Entenollm ment, " The Shubert,> ;;Indthe

SyndIcate : The Independent The;;l"'"

1

1 ) 8

Come~ IU Provadence." 95--106, I1/U5 .

lron l # 3, 94, % , 911, 101, 103...4Erlanger, Ah raham, 95, 97-100, 102-J, lOS

Fam. 1rvmlt I" " lrv m Jil Fam and the huHousing Movement In Rhode Island.1958- 1970,"22-35; phutos. 22, 27,30,35

f.amlly pJ.annm~ " The Early Yens 01 the:Rhod .. Island BIrth Connol League ,"111 -26

fcodr:ral Department of Housmg and UrbanDeveloprnenr.Bl

federal HousLnJil Adm mstu !lon . .lIl'esuval of Histon e H OU!>C5, 67Fuh, joseph, "The: Bonds of Fn endshlp :

5.a rah Osborn 01 Newpcn and rh..Reverend loseph Fish ot NorthSWmnJillOn, 174.\-l n 9," 127-37

Fish , Mary, 129Fish , Rebecca . 129Fisk.., Ham son Grey, 102

FIske , Mm nn: I\bddem , 102Fletcher, Charlo. 911Frrendly, Fred W,13f roh man. Ch <1 rb, 95, 101- 2. 105Fulton, R,,~rt , 4

Gamer, lose pb F., noGammell, R H Ive5, Samuel Slarer and

'h,Arkwnl(hl Fram...., p.u nlLng reprod uced,iron! ;; I

Ga mmell, Ehzabcr h lves, 15, 17- 21

Gardmer iaml ly. 114. 1l.1i. 91Ganhmof. Han na h, Xi!C <lrd ine f. [<lhn . X9GHdinef. Nic holas. X9C ardmer, Sam uel. 92C;l rdmef. ~ylve' let. Il.I'l

Cardmer, Will iam. 11.4-.'1", iii!Cavpee . bum mg ot. 41GeoWJe,Ran, Arthur, 2..Ceoraan l'em,,1 HelllX Phologlaphs

and Mea'U led VlaWJnX' of cotometWOl/.: . The. 21

C ... rry. J'lotel G .. 120G ille tle. Wilham . 101G lanz. Ron al..! . li9G lorlUus R...volu tlon. "5. <'I'l

Gooda.d. M..!>C's B I . 10.1GooJard and Tu""n ...;nd, .11'1Goldman, Em ma . 11.1Gonlln. 5.imuel. <,7Gould and An,ReIl . afChIlO:CIS, 15GovtrnOl's Son. The. 100G real Awakenmg. ~The Bonds oj

Fn ...nd,hlp 5.irah o..bom oj Nc ....p"nand Ihc Reverend IOM"ph FI,h 01NonhSlUnmgl<m.174.1-1779. ~ 127-137

Grelll GeorKJan H OUleS of AmtrlC41. 21

INDEX

G rea l Swamp Fi~l . 44G reen, Th eodore Franc is, 49-~. 120G reene. Rufus, 15G ns....o ld. AI...xand er V., 7

HaggaI. 5.i"h (M He nry Osbomt: SuOsborn, Sarah

Hami lton , Alexand... r. 4Harm lton . Dr Altxander. 11.5. 1l.9Ha vlm, lohn, 99Hayman , Alfred, 95 . 911Hazard bmlly, 86. 91Hazard, George. IHHazard, Ietfr...y, 85Hazard, Icnarhon, ~5Hazard, Robert , 8J---#4.1l.~7Hazard, Rowland. 62Hazard, Thomas. 84Hedges, 'am~ B.• 5Hel m ... , lames. 87, 89Herndon, Rut h walh s. " The Rose

Collecuon," 107--8HrckeyIam...s IBlshop!. 117. 119Histon e Amencan Burldmg Surv... y. 21Hrsron c preservanon. 66--611.Hopkms, Samuel , 127-29Hou sm g: developmenl of.~, "2 - .'\.1, .... ,

65 ; "l rv mg Fam and Ihl: Fall HousmgMovemenl rn Rhode Isla nd . 1951'l­1970." 22-.15; photos, 22, 27, .10, , ~ S

Huesti s. David A., "Stardust MemoncsFrank Evan s Seagrav... and Halley'sComer c- 1910." 74-77

Hunter Hou se . his tone prese rvat ion. fJ7Hue chmson , Ann. 55. 57

tmrmgrauon. restricti ve law s. 4il-49,52,55

Imperi al Th eatre, 100 . 102, 105Ind ependent Theatrical ASMll: i;llluns. 1{)4Indians. lan d cesston, 55Ind ustrra l developmen t, 44--47, fJ l-ft4

lark and the Bl'llmtalk. W

lames, Sydney v., 127fames n. Km~ uf Enl\.l and , "l'l

lewelry manulacture, 51,Sol. 55, Mlews an d ludalSm . m coloma l Rhode

Island. -14 , 55lohn, wn. Fran ces fknlam m. 21

Kennedy, DaVid. 114Kmg. MaRIn LUl her. II , 2/\Kln~ Phlllp's War. S9, &1KIng. samuel, ~A Saulh....est View ul

N... ....po ll ' 17951... nl;ra vmg. ,//u \. 1.15Klaw. Marc, 9.'">. 97 . 100. 102-3. 105Kniglu. Benlamm.~Knl/Vt l, C. Preso;;o tt . MKm gh l, Roben, fJJ

Kni/Vtl, Webster, MKu Klux Klan . 48, 55

Libur: Gfl:al Texnle Strike 119341, ,11us.,49; Immigrat ion resmcnons. 4il; roI...

In Rhode Island hISto ry. 41- *2. 46-55.Samu el 51afu and the 01/gm.~ of Ihl'

AmtrlCan Tt:Ku/l' lndustrv. rev l..........d.71-73. umon growth. 48--49, 55

ucey. Barbara E" " The Bonds of Friend ­sh ip: S-arahOsborn of Nl:wpon and theReverend 10000ph FIsh of NonhStonington, I7-U-I779, ~ 127-..17

uah KI...shna. 102Lee. MOlhe. Ann. 135Lemons. I. 5tanll:Y. ~ Rhooe bland's Ten

Turrung 1'01111'" A Second Applals.al . ~5fJ-70, illus.. 56,~,~7

Led..... r, Richard. 69-70tevme, Erwen L., '}SL,berry. Brmsh cutlet, 107

Lincoln pany. 96, 104Llppm . Chnsropher, 102-..1

LIPPIII Hill. houvmg, 26•.10-.11Lnrle, c.c., IIIiLupe z. .1l'l . 92

McRurney, Chnsucn. "The 50mh KIOi/;S'mwo Plam ers: Coumry Gentry In

Co lom al Rhod e Island." 80-93, 111u~ "

HO. 1lR---90

M<: CaffrI:Y, Eugen e, 6,}McGarry, l awrl:ncl:. fJi'l-----b9

McGulT k, WIlham R.. I21Mct.ou ghhn. Wil lia m C" " Ten Tu rning

Pmnts III Rhode Island Hrseorv" 40-55,l1Ju,~, -10, 4"-47, 49

Mct.vman. Beniamm M" 122Ma,Sparran, [ames, H7- '}(), porerart , I'll,}

Mcvmnev, Russel I , photo, ,1..Madame HUf{erfiy. 100Mah on ey. fohn c., 122Man cuu. Salvato re. 69M<Jnon rhe Rox , The . lOS}.1cmufarrure,' · and Nlml'n·/oulIlal. lO

Marcham. Henry, " 5 W vie .... ..I the ......al

of Henry Ma"ham In South KI0F:,town .R.I." I1lu,<.. lin

.\1a llne hshen~. 5 1, 53Marlu....e. Juha , 101.' 'arll n,. lohn. 2fJ.\1aytlower Theal re, 105.\ fl:mOlf of 5am u.-l 51all'1. 4. 7-13Met ca lf, Slephen 0.. 123MI<:ah COlJ'Or~t1on, 29, 34Milltlam , MOlTls. 30MISSISSIppI B.1I1 Fund . 25-26.\IIon " w. Rubc.-n . '}7-9!l

•

N"ruJi:"n"t'tI Indians, ololNathanson, M"lI:, 100

Nanrm..1Co nterence 01C hn su ;lns andItws, 24

Nauonal Wdl..re RIJi:.!n s OrJi:;lnt:::auon,2ol, Jj

Ne-w Democratic Coalmon, 6lolNewell, IP., " New por t, RJ In lBO,"

hthoftf;lph, I/lU" eo. 126Ne-wJ"ln hrstonc peeserv..non.

67 ;~ Puck~ utloon, l11u. 47; " Reflec­

nons on Newponm the )760s," .v-.J8;socl;ll reson. ol7; VI~W olin 1730, tllu s,

no, 126, VIe-"" of In 179<;, ,11u.' . 125

Newport HI~t"nulS"Cle-IY, 88Nt' ....-pan !tIncurv. 55, liS, 92 , 107

NrwplJf! ,\lucun'. Dr fhe Wulch' Advn·u sn teproductmnv nf, .'16, 311

Newport Restorauon Foumbllun, 67

N",w York Society lor the- SUprf"-""on 01

VIC"', IIINlchol""I.rn;l lhon,lol6

Nicoll, Chnsune E. and RobC'n G , We-IS­

bord, "The urly Ye.arso j the Rhode­

lvland Brrth C omro l Lc-"Ji:ue , " Il l - 1M

Niles bmlly,lol6N II.,s. Nathaniel , lIol , 117

N iles , Slb~.lol6

Nlfdhn,l\tt ·N ,lI:on, Samuel F. , 95

Nixon. Richard M ., 51, nil

Not!' Ph lhp, lJi:llVe rnur), n9 -70

NOTIon, Mary Rl"th" 1.1.SNotte, lchn , 211

Opc tatson Cl apboa rd, 67

Osborn, ~knry, 1211

Osborn, Sa rah, " T he Bonds o! Prscndshrp

Sa rah Osbo rn "I Newr"rt and (h l'Reve rend los cp h FISh ul North

SWmnJi:WIl, 17ol.l-17N," 127-.17

Pastore , Iohn () , 70

Pec k and [),oUt t, merc hants. IIPeople's Convennon Illlol il. 62Perry lamLly, lin

Perry, James, 11.5

Perry, Mar ..u",n I., 21, ol!i, 95 , 104

Peu"l/ua m!OCUII Pu rch",,', ll.\Ph llade lphl" Rapust As~oc l;lt lOn. 511Pilavm , Alhert , 20l

Pius XI. Pope, IIS- 16, 119, 124

PI" nnro Communlues Inco rpor ;ltw ,.l(h1.1

fulloc k, Sterhen B ;Inti Oon R Wilm e t h,

"'l1le ShubC'ns ;lnd lhe SyndICate: The

IndcrenJent Th""'t re- Cumf;'!; to PrOVI­dence. ~ 9>-106, ,/lu. from # .1, 94, 96,

911. 101, 1()J..4

J'unn"c mIll , (".\

Pore,~r;lh E., samrlet, IlIus , /ront ,

msuie cover Iteul, #ol

INDEX

Porte r, Ioh n, 84

Pot te r, Eli sha R., Ir , Ill'>

Ponee family, R6

Pe rte r, fohn, 115, 87 -8,11; fam ily portr;lll .

ilJus .. 90Potter, Wil liam , 89

The PoI,:er of Money, or In the Clurchesof thr 1hms, 105

Prest: rvanon Socieev of NewponCounty, (,7

Pnme [black manl, ,Uu' , lronl # IProlubmon, Rhode lsland relusln Ji: 10

rallfy, .c. :>5Providence: tlnol.nCI;l) and sh.prlnf:

center. ol4, "Providence lro m AcrOM the

Covr," Alvan Fishe r deuli , ,Ilu•., ol 5

PrOVidence Evenmg Bulkfm. 12.~

Providence Gaultf', "5Prcwldencr Journal. 11,27,74,9<;, 101, 104,

115, 12J

Providence loumal Bulletm, J4

Providence Opera Hoose , 9fo...lOO, 102,

104-:>, illus ., 'Jol, 104

Prov ide-nce Opera House A1>soclauon, 'J.'I

Provi dence- Preservauon Soc.ety, 67-611.Providence Redevelopment ~ency, ,lOProvidence Sundav laumal. 102, lOSProvidence Vislfor, Ill-Ill, 121~24

Prude, lon"t han, 72

Q uake rs : m colonial Rhode Isl and , 44 , 55 ;

So u th KmJi:MOWn r];lOl er s, Il l , 119, 9 1-92Q ueen Anne's W;u, 5'J

Reaga n, Ronald , 52

Rdorm 'udal sm, Socia l Acnon Com rnu­tee, 26

Reilly, C ha rles, (,<}

RehglOO: "T he Bond s 0/ Fflt'nJshlp

Sa rah Osborn 01N ewport and rhe Rever.end loseph Fish 01 North Stonmgton,

174J-I 779 ," 127 .....\7 ; Jlvers1fy in

colorual Rhude Isl an d, 4ol, ol K---SO, SII,62-6.3, 70

Rhooe Is land : hlslm ic " r",serva tlon, f:>6­

68; K tt le ment anJ relatlons wuh

Indians, ol3-W, 55 ; Stale huuSf', Vie w,ilIus.. M

Rhode Isbntl Rlrl h ContrulleaJi:ue, 112,114-16 , 121- 25; rho to , 110

Rhode Island H ,slOnc Prese fV;llwnCOm ml1>SIOn, (,7

Rhode Is lanJ HousmJi: " nd MUrl,ltoJJi:eFinance Corpur;luon, (,5

RiccI. John , 69

Rich;llld HU ll S Ithe" u e fl rm t, 99

Robm so n family, 86Robmson. M anhew, 87

Robmson, Rowl;llld, 84, 87-.!\1I, 'Ill,SUIru St:, dIu. , RII

Robmson, Will';lm , II4-4l7, 91

'39

Roelke-f, w rlham G ., 95

Ruman Catbchcs: ann-Carhohcrsm,4R-4 9; an d Rhode Island Burh Controll eague,1l1 - 16

R~veh, Funkh n Delano, SO,65Rme, Brrnsh warshap, "The Rase

Coljecnon," 107----8

Rupprecht. F,K , 6J

Ryan, foh n, 117

Sl Cermam, Pernand I-, photo, 27

5;lnJi:er, M;lrJi:;lftl , 111-12, 117, 122-23, 115,phOIO, 112

S.m~e,. wrlbam, 113

Schneede r, Claudine, 70

St:;lftf;lVr, Fran k Evans, "Srardusr

Mem ories : Funk Evans Seagrave andHall ey 's Comrl-1910,~ 7ol-77 ; photo, 70l

Seaftfavr, Ceorge Augu st us , 74

Se"guve. ,\ b ry C reene (Evans), 7J

Shl l'PlOg co loOl;l1coasra] shlppmJi:andtr ade wnh WC'SI Indies. ....W4. ol 7----4 K,

55; oceamc commerce, 59-61

Shubert Amu<;t:ment Companv, 105ShubC'n bro. he rs , % , 102, 104-5

Shubert , 1.1., 100; phmo, 101

Shuberr , Lee , lOOi phot o , 10lShubert , Sam S., 100-101

Shuberr Th earre, Providence , 97 , 100, 102,100~S

Sliu, Ph ylh s, 107

Slater, Hor at io Nelson, II, I I, 72

s la"er Samuel 62 i " The MakmJi: 0/ a

Her o: Sam ue l Slate r and the ArkwrightFram es," 2~IJ, photos from # I, 5-6,

e-m,Samuel Sla In and the Otrgms of the

American Thxtlle Indu,~try, rev iewed,71_H

~ I at er, Wil lia m S" 102

Slater's 10111, ol4, 55Slavery, .u. 55, Newpn n , 132-J3; 171>4

Provldence Cazeue adve rnsemern, 4,l ,

So ut h Kin gstown pl ante rs, lIol, 11 6, 1I 'J- 9,lSlee, N o.ah, 11.1

Smlben, lohn, 1Il>--S9

SmI th, Allr ed E., ol ll

Smlth , lohn Reuben. " r awt ucke l Bndge

" ntl hils. " engrav mJi: reprod uceJ, 9SOCia l Acrlo n Commlllee 01 Reform

lud ". sm, 26

Soc ial Au .on CommlClee 01 th e Union 01

Amrnc.;ln Hcbrew CongreJi:;lIlOns . 24

Soc iety of Fn ends : See Quakrrs

Solomon. Anthony, 70

Southern, E, H " 101

South Kmgstown, "The South Km p lOwn

PI"mers Counlry Gnn ry In Colonl;llRhode (s lan J , " l'IO--93; ilJus ., 80, 118-90

"p1l%, " he, 100SrraJi\Ue, W, lh;lm , 95

•

~Ia , r, Edwa rd D ., '/9

Sia l Th..arre , '/9

Stearns, h ank Eva ns , pho to, 74

Snles, Ezra. 129Stur~..s , Ru!>h, 121Suhurbamullon In P:'Mw,U Rhode lslanJ,

5O-SI . ssSullrage, <,tale con..nruuon changing, 4S

Sundav Iournal. 102, 105

T nn..nt, GLlh.-" . 12/\

T nles R R l'.. R, Km PJ t Cc mpans.fl.l---64 , declme "I. 6.l-M, Fruit of theLoom , l"llth, dlu~. 6.1, G rtal Tex I1I ...~lnk ... (19.'\41. I l1u ~ , 49 , HThe :"bklnJ:01

" H... ro . Samuel Slaler and thtArkwn~ht Frame"' , ~ 2-l.l, rh"t .......,

Ironr # 1. S-f, . 9-10, rnanutaceure , 44 ,4b-4 /1, 55 , Ponnac m ills, ,Uus., 56 ,

Sam uel Slater and Iht' n",em~ ol lht'Amtrlcan TtlftJlt lndu.\lrv. reviewed,71 _7.l

Theatr ..s . " Th e Sh uh.-ns and the Svndr­ca re : The Independent Theat re Comes

10 rrnvl den cc, ~ 90;...lOti, 111u ~" from # 3 ,

94 ,96,91\,10I,11ll-4

Theatrical Syndlca lO: . Provid ence rheaeers90;...lOti

Titman, Rnh.-n 0 ., (,9

Toug aloo Co llO:J:e, Brown Uruve rsuv, 24Tcu nvm In Rhode Island, <'1

1O"'n and Coumrv, 21Tru man , Harry, t;0

Tucker, Barbara M" Samuel Slater andthe OrJ~l1I.\ of rhe Arnencan Telt/l!eIndlJ_~ IfY, H reviewed, 71-73

Uniun uf Am cncan Hebrew Co nJ:n: J:3-l1<lOS, Soci a l Acuon Cn m mm ..e, 224

Uruversnv Herghts, h OUSln1: 29-..1lU rhan League o j Rhode Island. 24U rhan r..newal, s,~

Ventron e, Amoruo C; 121

VInal, WIlham, 129

wal lace. Anthonv F e , 72Wallace. lame!>, 10741

Walsh , In...... ph. 70

Wam [>.lm~J: Imh an.., 'U

Ward·H" r km!> com w \·er s)', KlnJ:....tow n. l'I'}

w ar ren , Kat hanne U rquhart . (,7

Wa..hmll:lOn, Go:tlIl1:e . (,1Wal son family, l'I4 . I'll'l

war son, Idi ro:y. 1'l9wersbord , Robert G .'itt' Nicoll,

C h n ...uno: E.w endebchacte r, fe!Lx It , 9'>. 97- 100,

102-t; , photo, 91'l

'w\''h ..aton. Samuel, 127-21\

INDEX

Wh IIO:, Ceorgc S" 72; Meromr of SamuelSlate r: 4. 7-Ll

w hueneld, GO:{)fJ:O: , 12MWhllno:y. Eh , -'

Wi lo: y, G..or ge. Nwtlkmson, David. "Tho: MakmJ\at a

Hero: Samuel Slater and t he Ark w n lth l

Fram es . ~ Illu5" from II I

wilkinson. lemm a, LlSwdkmson, Oz rel, -'. IIWilli am s, ROJ:~r, 4,\ , S7-S11wrlm eih, Do n B , Su Pollock, Stephen B.

Wise , Steph..n, 25

Wom en : "Tho: Bonds oi fllo:nd~hlp : Sarah

Osborn of Newpor t and the ReverendJoserh Fish nl No rth Seonmg eon, 17-' l­In9," 127.....17; sul irall:t and e-qual f1PJ h ,41--42, S5

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